55. El Salvador considers the honour paid to Mr. Emilio Arenales, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala and President of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session, to be among the most gratifying events which have occurred throughout the history of its participation in the work of the United Nations, in which it has displayed an unswerving devotion to the principles and rules governing the international organization.
56. The international community has bestowed this supreme honour upon Mr. Arenales in recognition of his qualities, his outstanding efforts in a wide variety of international activities, and his devotion to the principles of the United Nations, particularly peace and security, development as the common responsibility of all mankind, and recognition of the rights to which every human being is entitled. That acknowledgement does honour to Guatemala, a country which plays a constructive role in the international community and in the process of integration in Central America, and to which my country is tied by bonds of common interest and sincere friendship.
57. We also wish to join other nations in expressing our. appreciation for the efforts of Mr. Corneliu Manescu, President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session. He led the Organization with the required objectivity and calm, he directed the work of the General Assembly with singular skill, and has fully earned the praise of all the delegations to the United Nations.
58. The aim of universality of the United Nations comes steadily nearer achievement as new Members are admitted. During its twenty-second and twenty-third sessions, the General Assembly admitted Southern Yemen, Mauritius and Swaziland. I am pleased to express El Salvador’s satisfaction at the admission of these States, for they come to contribute to a task which requires the co-operation of all peoples if the vast and complex programme outlined in the Charter is to be carried out under the pressure of economic problems unique in the history of mankind. We welcome Southern Yemen, Mauritius, Swaziland and their Governments and representatives to the United Nations and sincerely hope that they will maintain constructive relations with this Organization.
59. The year 1968 will go down in the history of the United Nations as one in which important peace proposals concerning the threat of atomic catastrophe reached fruition when steps were taken to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, but that same year local conventional wars continued and certain principles which had been the backbone of international coexistence for several decades were put to the test. The record of some problems solved, of others still unsolved and of the breach of the principles of coexistence is factual evidence of the immense difficulty of the task facing our Organization and of the urgent need for perseverance, cautious constructive innovation and creative spirit if the purposes enshrined in the Charter are to be achieved. The fact that in 1968 the United Nations has 125 Members working together, formally committed by a system of principles and rules, is a sign of wide agreement on the essential features of a certain type of international society and of the inexorable, necessary and justified process which is leading former colonies and protectorates to independence.
60. We are being optimistic, and not generous, when we state that the negative aspects of the record I have mentioned represent different ways of applying to specific cases principles which have been solemnly accepted and shared. However, to explain certain facts as in large measure the result of the inertia of old practices, is not to justify them. To throw the pious mantle of oblivion over certain events which have shaken this Organization is not the best way to serve it or to strengthen it.
61. The principles and rules of international coexistence must be examined whenever applied, whether rightly or wrongly, and all States without distinction have a right to do that, as participants in joint undertakings, principally the joint undertaking of the United Nations. The idea that nothing human is alien to man has become a basic principle of contemporary international society through the work of numerous world-wide organizations. That is why the United Nations is so important, as a forum for world public
opinion where the interests of all peoples converge, as an expression of friendliness in their relations fostered by the natural sympathy of man for man, and as a reflection of practical needs in the light of social and economic interrelationships and increasing cultural exchanges. All countries, big, medium and small, have something to gain from an institutionalized international society. When international principles and rules are flouted, the result is confusion in which the offenders find themselves caught in
a trap from which, in the long run, there is no escape, even with all the resources of realpolitik.
62. The United Nations was established primarily to organize and maintain peace and security, but peace and security considered in relation to the social, economic and political factors on which they are founded, in other words, as the result of international coexistence, not as an isolated phenomenon.
63. The United Nations has achieved a major triumph with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)], which has crowned earlier efforts to reduce the field in which atomic weapons remain uncontrolled, such as the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, the Treaty on the Exploration and Use of Outer Space [resolution 2222 (XXI)], the Moscow Treaty of 1963 on nuclear weapons tests and the Tlatelolco Treaty. However, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is not enough, for the great nuclear Powers still continue their atomic weapons race without restraint and keep the tragic threat of total destruction hanging over mankind. We believe the solemn promises which the nuclear Powers made during the discussions of the draft treaty in the First Committee of the United Nations and in the effectiveness of article VI, which lays down that “each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control”.
64. When the draft treaty was discussed in the First Committee, my Government officially presented its views and supported the draft by voting in favour of it for the reasons set forth at that time. Of course, if the Treaty is not followed by other agreements and if no agreement is reached on international control of the production of nuclear devices and the eventual and necessary reduction and even destruction of atomic stockpiles, the results we were led to expect will not materialize. Even so, the Treaty will be of some benefit, since the risk of a nuclear holocaust is greater if there are fifteen or twenty nuclear Powers than if there are just five as at present. But the existing threat due to there being already five nuclear Powers is more than enough to wipe out the human race from the earth in a single day.
65. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was preceded by the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. During the debate on this item at the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, some countries expressed doubts as to the scope of that instrument, but debate may have helped to clarify that inertion, so that the States outside the region which have de jure or de facto international responsibility for territories in the region may at some future time sign Additional Protocol I and those possessing nuclear weapons may sign Additional Protocol II, thereby supporting the firm and repeated decision of the Latin American countries to remain free from nuclear weapons.
66. We must remember that a number of centres of tension or open hostility have remained active during 1968 and that, while their influence may be localized for the moment, they constitute potential dangers to world peace. The United Nations has made its presence felt and has helped to try to solve the problems, but for a variety of reasons, the results have not been commensurate with its efforts. We hope that in 1969 the fires still raging in the Far East, the Middle East and Africa will be extinguished, on terms which will allow of stable settlements. The United Nations, of course, is not frightened by such conflicts: it was created to deal with them. However, there is cause for concern in the increasing tendency to live with such hotbeds of hostility or tension and in the tacit failure to attempt to settle them, in the hope that the international community will tolerate them as the body tolerates chronic illnesses. However, since the international community will survive indefinitely, diseases have the time which they do not have in man, because of his short lifetime, to become chronic and produce their harmful effects. The habit of accepting certain problems as inevitable could in the long run have very serious consequences, despite all the efforts made to keep them localized. The fact that those malignancies have not spread or proliferated must be acknowledged as a relative achievement of the international community. Nevertheless, they are still potentially dangerous, and efforts should be made to cure them without waiting until they become acute or grow chronic and weaken the society of States.
67. My Government continues to follow with anxiety the events in the Middle East, which has remained a hotbed of tension with recurrent sporadic outbreaks of violence. The negotiations undertaken by Ambassador Jarring — so delicate, but most discreetly and intelligently conducted, and fraught with so many difficulties — maintain a United Nations presence in the region. Furthermore, the Security Council is keeping watch over the situation and the Observers of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization play an important role on the ill-defined lines separating the belligerents. We feel that this problem must be solved, for the people involved in the conflict cannot live indefinitely under the present conditions. The situation in the region continues to be serious and some solution must be found since none of the parties wishes large-scale hostilities to break out. Sceptics will say that there cannot be a miracle; nevertheless, the catalytic effect of the persistent efforts of the United Nations, supported by circumstances preventing the indefinite persistence of insecurity in the region, is making itself felt. My Government supports the efforts of the United Nations to bring the parties directly involved closer together, and hopes that a breakdown of this. complicated problem into its various components — the questions of the Holy Places of Jerusalem, refugees and navigation — will pave the way for the restoration of peace. Because such tremendous stores of emotion are involved — greater, in fact, than the stockpiles of weapons — some time will be needed to assess the situation carefully and arrive at a stable solution in that important part of the world.
68. World public opinion has always been moved by the upheavals and suffering attendant upon all armed conflicts, whether domestic or international. In Africa we are now witnessing a civil war with characteristics that everyone, and particularly those involved, would have liked to eliminate. It would appear that the international community - cannot give an appropriate answer to the situation through institutional channels. Every State, of course, offers its own answer; however, taken together, these answers do not yield a broad common denominator which can be considered an expression of the view of the international community. There is agreement, however, that indifference cannot be tolerated when the civilian population is exposed to the horrors of war.
69. The activity of the Organization of African Unity deserves our praise, for it represents the effort and responsibility of the States which are closest to the situation, without prejudice to the spheres of interest common to all members of the international community. There can be no doubt that that Organization is in a position to take the most effective action.
70. The international community is in a quandary because of its humane interest in the consequences of the conflict, the lack of broadly-recognized and accepted channels to express that interest, and the need scrupulously to respect the principle of non-intervention. If to this dilemma we add the lack of any attempt to devise an organic method of co-ordinating the principles of international coexistence, we see that there will be no appropriate legal recourse when other situations similar to that civil war arise. It is known that international rules have evolved in the heat of urgent situations which have revealed the inadequacies of existing rules. For those reasons my Government feels that it would be worth while to study the principles and rules of humanity, how they operate and what their limitations are, within the system of international principles and regulations.
71. My Government takes an interest in all the problems facing the international community and still feels the concern it expressed in the general debate during the twenty-second session of the Assembly about the war in Viet-Nam. Of course we are gratified to see a new development: the fact that the conflicting countries have at last come to the conference table in Paris. Although the negotiations may be long and difficult, the existence of the conference table does open a door, although a very narrow one for the moment, for a way out of the conflict. The conflict. according to persons who have studied it thoroughly, among them representatives of the belligerents, cannot be ended by a military but only by a political solution, and the only way to reach a political solution is through negotiation. We hope that the conflagration in South-East Asia will have abated by the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly, for the good of the people involved and for the tranquillity of those who look on in fear that it may spread.
72. My Government is distressed by the fact that the principle of non-intervention was violated in recent months with the occupation of Czechoslovakia. We are concerned not only by the fact itself, but also by the theory behind it. It was claimed that the United Nations was not competent to deal with the matter because it was a domestic problem within the meaning of Article 2(7) of the Charter, which states that “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State". Domestic problems were interpreted not as those affecting States, but rather as those affecting blocs or groups of States with somewhat similar régimes or which belong to economic associations. United Nations membership refers to States, and therefore the domestic affairs referred to in the above-mentioned paragraph of the Charter are the domestic affairs of each State, and not of groups of States, no matter how close the ties between them may be. The doctrine of blocs, if officially recognized, would change the structural foundations of the United Nations, would alter most profoundly the principle of international coexistence, and would place medium- and small-sized States, deprived of legal defence, at the mercy of the great Powers’ interpretation of their spheres of influence. The principle of non-intervention is as important today as it was in 1928 when, at the Sixth International Conference of American States, the Foreign Minister of El Salvador, Mr. José Gustavo Guerrero, defended it at a time when Latin America was going through one of the most critical periods in its history with respect to relations within the continent. The defence of non-intervention is the defence of medium- and small-sized countries, and therefore in defending Czechoslovakia’s right to determine its own political destiny, we are defending the right and the interest of all medium- and small-sized States, without distinction of political régime or geographical location. The line of defence of the principle of non-intervention extends through all continents and all periods in history, and at times has extended through the American continent; but in August of this year that line of defence ran through Prague.
73. We maintain that the Security Council is competent to examine situations such as that which developed in Czechoslovakia. The action taken by the Council is in keeping with the provisions of the Charter and had the support of many Members of the United Nations. World public opinion has been aroused by the occupation of Czechoslovakia, and we hope that that reaction will have some effect on the course of events.
74. My Government notes the progress of the inexorable process that is putting an end to colonial rule, which a few decades ago held much of mankind in bondage. We maintain our traditional policy in support of decolonization and condemn foreign intervention and overt or covert protectorates, as well as discrimination of all kinds.
75. My Government supports the measures which the security Council has adopted with respect to Southern Rhodesia and hopes that it will demonstrate strong determination to ensure compliance with its resolutions and that the States Members of the United Nations will honour the formal commitment they have undertaken in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter. My Government also hopes that South-West Africa, or Namibia, will be able to attain the political status its people desire, that the decisions of the General Assembly concerning the expiry of the mandate which the defunct League of Nations granted to South Africa will be fulfilled, and that as a result the other United Nations resolutions and recommendations concerning Namibia will be implemented.
76. At its twenty-second session the. General Assembly opened a new chapter in international co-operation when it decided to establish an ad hoc Committee to Study the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction [resolution 2340 (XXII)], for the benefit of mankind. That Committee, composed of thirty-five States, including El Salvador, has submitted an important report [A/7230] to the General Assembly. It would appear fitting that the United Nations should include among its long-term activities a study of the development of the sea-bed, and eventually that it should take part in that development, for the benefit of all the peoples of the world. If we acknowledge that there is a large part of the sea-bed which is not subject to the sovereignty of States and which constitutes a reserve of natural resources, there is a real and imminent possibility that its development may be financed in large part by States themselves and that the existing system of international assistance may be modified. El Salvador places great emphasis on the international programme for the development of the ocean floor and is keenly interested in it because we feel that it can bring about a profound change in international assistance for development and alter present trends in the assistance system, in which the commendable efforts of international organizations and bilateral and multilateral assistance programmes have thus far been unable to effect the desired changes.
77. As I have said, El Salvador has the greatest interest in ensuring that the United Nations should organize the exploitation and development of the sea-bed. Still, without detriment to the support the programme deserves, we cannot of course hide our feeling that it gives rise to some concern. Indeed, if the ocean depths are exploited in the same way as the biological resources of surface and medium-depth waters are exploited the technologically-advanced countries would have the advantage and the developing countries would derive nothing from their right to equal access to the sea-bed, since they lack the technical and financial means to take advantage of that right. The United Nations could devise a system for the development of those resources which would ensure that they were used for the benefit of mankind. If an appropriate means is not examined for utilizing the sea-bed for the agreed purposes, the tangible and imminent possibility of restructuring
development programmes will become just one more factor which will widen the relative gap between the technologically-advanced and the developing countries; and the absorptive capacity of the great industrial cordon of the northern hemisphere will quickly remove it even further, in terms of development, from the rest of the countries of the world.
78. An equal record cannot be compiled with respect to development in all parts of the world during the past year; however, a good many countries were unable, for many reasons, to fulfil the programmes they had mapped out for themselves. Generally speaking, the results obtained in the struggle against illiteracy, malnutrition, unemployment and the subsistence economy are meagre, for they are far below the quantitative and qualitative levels required in this era of rapid change and increasing technological and scientific impact.
79. Although there are prospects for a better-regulated international community than the one we know today, we must not underestimate the possibility that the world may become divided over the years into two fixed categories of advanced and backward countries. Technological and scientific dependence is an imminent reality for a large part of the world, and the compelling attraction of the great industrial cordon of the northern hemisphere is reflected not only in the purely economic sphere but also in the attraction of the most talented and productive individuals to areas offering better material living conditions and opportunities for them to exercise their talents.
80. El Salvador has embarked energetically on a policy of economic association with its Central American neighbours which has yielded significant results; and we shall shortly extend our ties to the rest of Latin American countries as a means of establishing local development centres large enough to meet the requirements of modern life. Besides establishing these zones of economic association, co-operation will extend to areas supporting the economy in the form of educational, financial and political ties.
81. The United Nations is an association of States. At present, some States — at least those which, for reasons of size or population or because they are technologically backward, have not the means to take advantage of the opportunities of science and technology — are establishing co-operation centres to stimulate their development. We feel that the United Nations should make every effort to encourage and assist those centres. It would appear that in the world of the coming decades, in addition to States, socially and economically integrated regions also will co-exist, established to take advantage of an economy of scale and to have at their disposal the vast territorial areas and the large populations required by science and technology. My Government therefore favours increased international assistance to areas undergoing integration.
82. We have noted that the Second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at New Delhi in 1968, achieved only very partial results which, had they been attained fully, would have paved the way for definite progress towards multilaterally recognized and supported objectives. Development has taken on a new character in recent years because it has ceased to be a purely national problem and has become a definite objective of the international community. All peoples of the world are playing their part in the process, and all States are accepting their share of the responsibility. Interpreted generously, the statistics may show some achievements; but over and beyond those achievements the most important accomplishment of the past few years has been the acceptance of development as a problem for which all members of the international community bear a collective responsibility.
83. Many countries are experiencing serious economic problems this year because of the constant decline in the prices, or because of the overproduction, of their exports, and the constant increase in the prices of the exports of the industrialized countries. International financing has attempted to compensate for this growing imbalance; however, it is a temporary measure, useful and necessary at certain times, but by no means a permanent method of supporting development.
84. Relations within a community based on equality should be so organized that each country, or each region associated in common markets, free trade zones or economic unions, finances its development out of its own sources of production. We shall be told that this can be achieved only by countries which are already developed; that the capacity to finance development can even be considered one of the most significant indications of development — even more than per capita income, a figure which actually says nothing—and that the developing countries must therefore resign themselves to an increasing debt. That debt, however, has limits which seem to constitute an iron law, since it reaches a saturation point and, apart from its economic consequences, exerts a psychologically depressive effect on a people.
85. We believe that it is necessary to re-examine the debt policy and to insist on a review of international trade policy. In that connexion we have taken note of the work done by the Trade and Development Board and the two United Nations Conferences on Trade and Development.
86. When a relative decline in the export prices of the developing countries occurs, international financing improves the balance-of-payments situation but jeopardizes it in the long run. It stimulates the economy and maintains the level of employment, but cannot reverse the trend which, from the standpoint of development, separates the zones into which our contemporary international society is divided. International trade agreements are certainly necessary, and El Salvador accedes to them though aware of their weakness — for instance the International Coffee Agreement negotiated within the United Nations system. They act as a parachute to slow the decline of prices, or to keep them at a certain level by stocking. They do not, however, solve the wider problem of trade, because the goods and services of the industrialized countries constantly grow more expensive and the developing countries can purchase less with their exports and have to cover the deficit by borrowing. The international approach to development has thus far been inadequate, and the less-developed countries find themselves in a closed circle in which they scurry back and forth and end up where they started.
87. El Salvador is a party to the International Coffee Agreement. With the adoption of the Agreement it was granted an export quota much lower than its actual output and was requested to accept sacrifices far beyond its capacity, with the result that it is now forced to retain a coffee surplus beyond its economic capacity to absorb. That sacrifice is relatively greater than those requested of countries with more diversified economies and greater potential in terms of territory and population. El Salvador should have been asked to accept a sacrifice of 10 per cent; but a much greater sacrifice was imposed that does not correspond to its real productive capacity or to the relative importance of coffee in its economy.
88. Certain principles are gaining ground and, if properly applied, could bring a greater measure of justice to international relations. My Government is particularly pleased to take note of the document entitled “A general agreement on commodity arrangements", submitted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, in which it is proposed that when provisions for controlling the growth of production are adopted they “should take into account, as far as possible, differences in costs of production of the commodity in question in the countries concerned, and differences in the costs of transferring resources to other lines of production”. We consider it of the utmost importance that this principle should be incorporated in commodity policy, as that would take into account the real burden of each commodity in the economy of each country, instead of applying the same yardstick to all producer countries. It has been known since ancient times that wise justice lies not in arithmetical but in proportional equality, applied in the light of circumstances peculiar to the parties. Thus, we are not inventing anything or discovering a new world; we are simply anxious to ensure that we are treated justly at the international level in accordance with our particular territorial, demographic and economic position; we are asking that careful thought be given to practical and responsible international treatment. That has been and will continue to be our position at the coffee meetings, the trade conferences and all other United Nations forums.
89. El! Salvador wishes to reaffirm its intention to accept a sacrifice quota proportionate to that borne by other countries. We cannot fail to point out that our country is in a truly difficult position and that important currents of opinion are beginning to suggest that friendly countries — although unwittingly and in good faith — are guilty of implicit economic aggression against El Salvador.
90. In connexion with new ideas which are gaining ground with respect to development, it is very significant that the General Assembly, in its resolution 2215(XXI) of 19 December 1966, requested a report on the world social situation with particular reference to the first half of the United Nations Development Decade. The report indicates that development problems are being re-examined with a view to giving priority to social aspects; for the object is not merely to record high figures for production, gross national income or favourable balances of payments, but rather to ensure that those economic advantages really benefit the peoples concerned in the form of educational and welfare services and insurance against the vicissitudes of life, and that they receive real wages and benefits which constitute the material requirements for the enjoyment of culture. The economy is not an end in itself; rather it is at the service of mankind; thus the social aspects of economic development are coming to the front.
91. One might consider whether it would be appropriate to define the general question of development as such, and, rather than break it down into its various aspects, view it as a whole, considering its broad social, economic, scientific and technological ramifications within present and predictable guidelines and regulations governing the international community. It has become a cliché to observe that every national undertaking is backed by a supporting activity. In recent years national policies have become centred on development, as a result in some instances simply of methodical study and in others of actual programme implementation; a similar procedure could well be followed at the international level. No new institutions would have to be set up or existing ones replaced; rather, a global policy for development could be devised and eventually implemented through established channels. From that unified policy there would emerge formulae applicable to the various fields of international activity.
92. The year 1968 was designated by General Assembly resolution 1961(XVIII) as the International Year for Human Rights. The important work of the Teheran Conferences in that area is particularly noteworthy. The Teheran declaration, which is contained in the Final Act of the Conference, is a document of high quality which will guide international and national activity in the field of human rights. The General Assembly would do well to follow up the proposals of the Teheran Conference on human rights in case of armed conflict.
93. It would be the highlight of the International Year for Human Rights if the General Assembly agreed to appoint a High Commissioner for Human Rights, as was proposed at the previous session. El Salvador favours the appointment of such a Commissioner, but hopes that the necessary steps will be taken to give him a concrete task to perform; for the valuable methodical programme in which the United Nations has been engaged in the field since its establishment would be undermined rather than strengthened if the appointment proved merely to be an attractive promise. Consideration of the Commissioner’s functions and of the means he would be given to carry them out must go hand in hand with the establishment of that new post.
94. My Government views with concern any event which weakens agreements governing international or regional coexistence. It is well known that diplomatic asylum has become a traditional institution on the American continent. El Salvador has made the defence of diplomatic asylum — a humane institution which mitigates the consequences of political instability and has protected persons of all creeds and positions — a fundamental point of its foreign policy. For that reason we regret that certain friendly countries, which deserve our full respect, have renounced the relevant conventions.
95. The activities of the United Nations aimed at perfecting contractual international law and means for the peaceful settlement of disputes deserve our warmest support. The Conference on the Law of Treaties, held at Vienna, the work on the definition of aggression and consideration of the legal principles concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States, are important stages in the great task facing the United Nations. We should earnestly study the definition of aggression and overt or subtle forms of economic aggression. The time has come, with more than fifty years of experience behind us, to re-examine the means of ensuring the peaceful settlement of disputes, the original lines of which were drawn in respect of contractual law at the memorable peace conferences held at The Hague early this century.
96. El Salvador feels that after more than twenty years of existence our Organization should reassess its programmes and the means it has employed to carry them out, guided by the fundamental objective of giving effect to the Charter. It would be inopportune to consider a further revision of the Charter; however, it would be fitting to devise executive means of putting it into effect which might lead to results commensurate with internationally-accepted objectives. At the private level, the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations was an occasion for men from all continents to meet in seminars and colloquia to share their experiences and common intellectual concern and to ponder the role of the Organization in the immediate future. Such an evaluation could lead to a thorough analysis of present circumstances, which of course are no longer exactly what they were in the memorable days when the San Francisco Charter was signed. It is not because we are a small State but rather because of our devotion to our cultural values that we declare our support for the international régime of peace, equality and justice which has been winning wider acceptance, though not without frequent difficulties and set-backs, over many years. A general evaluation of an institution is the ideal way to determine, from experience and in the light of new circumstances, what should be supported and developed and what needs to be readjusted and expanded, provided that that evaluation is carried out in accordance with principles which the international community has recognized and is obliged to put into effect. It is not the principles which are in crisis, but rather the means to implement them.
97. Mr. President, in your inaugural address you emphasized the role which the hope for a better world plays in people’s lives. This Assembly has the duty to nurture their hope in the United Nations with concrete achievements.
98. Today, 4 October, is devoted to a great representative of mankind, Saint Francis of Assisi, whose prayer for peace has come down to us through the centuries. Speaking to God, his creator, he offered a prayer which began: “Lord, make me an instrument of your peace". I invite all representatives of all nations to join me in that same prayer: “Lord, make me an instrument of your peace".