119. Mr. President, I take special pleasure at the outset in conveying to you, on behalf of the Moroccan delegation and of myself, our hearty congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. We are convinced that under your guidance and thanks to your ability, wisdom and political understanding our labours at this session will be carried out in the best possible conditions and will achieve positive results for the international community. The Moroccan delegation is happy to offer you its full support and co-operation towards that end.
120. I should also like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your eminent predecessor, Mr. Manescu, for his exemplary guidance in the work of our last session, and for his untiring efforts and devotion to the cause of peace and understanding among peoples.
121. Against the background of the threatening situation which has prevailed in the Middle East and in other parts of the world, the various attempts made in recent months to arrive at a settlement of international conflicts through peaceful means had given cause to hope that the current session of the General Assembly would be held in a less threatening and more relaxed atmosphere. Unfortunately, the reverse is true: the world situation has continued to deteriorate and to justify the most serious concern, facing the United Nations with responsibilities even more pressing than in the past.
122. Because of Israel’s intransigent and negative attitude, the Middle East crisis will continue to be one of the most dominant and urgent issues before the current session. Israel still refuses to carry out the United Nations resolutions, and is relentlessly persisting in its aggressive policy against the neighbouring Arab countries, and especially against the territory of Jordan. The international community recalls with indignation the attacks carried out against the Suez oil refineries and the Karameh refugee camp with countless lives lost and heavy material damage. Despite the Security Council’s unanimous condemnation, in March 1968, of those criminal acts, Israel persisted in its acts of violence and provocation, destroying and burning cities and villages in Arab territory. In the face of those constant violations of the cease-fire and those repeated aggressive acts, the Security Council was again compelled on several occasions, to condemn Israel, in its resolutions 248(1968), 252(1968) and 256(1968).
123. Besides, carrying out large-scale attacks against the Arab countries, the Zionist forces are committing the most reprehensible acts of oppression against the people of the occupied territories. Imprisonment, exile, humiliation and torture have become every-day occurrences there. Suffice it to recall in that connexion the tragedy of the refugees captured in the attack on the camp at Karameh, who were subjected to cruel ordeals, and the unremitting and systematic expulsion of thousands of people from their homes and their lands. Similarly, Israel is engaging in the veritable despoilment of these territories’ resources and is drawing up long-range plans for their exploitation and the appropriation of great stretches of land for the establishment of new kibbutzim, forward outposts of Israeli colonization.
124. As for Jerusalem, despite the many United Nations resolutions condemning Israel for its actions, the Zionist authorities persistently maintaining that the process of integrating the city is irreversible and non-negotiable, are continuing to profane and destroy Muslim and Christian holy places, expelling hundreds of people, confiscating their private property and intensifying their oppression. Persisting here again in their obstinacy and their refusal to accept United Nations decisions, the Zionist authorities on 2 May, despite the Security Council’s opposition, organized a military parade in the Arab sector of Jerusalem, thus treading under foot every religious value and aggravating an already tense situation.
125. Israel’s constant violations of the cease-fire, its bombing of cities and Arab populations, the massive build-up of its military strength, its expulsion of thousands of refugees, the appeals being made by its leaders for new immigrants, all fully confirm its expansionist aims and demonstrate that its aggression of June 1967 was only one stage in a well-thought-out plan for the definitive annexation of the occupied Arab territories. Moreover, Israel is continuing to carry out its imperialist designs in complete disregard both of international public opinion and of the United Nations, towards which it shows, on the contrary, only defiance and contempt. What then does it hope to gain from this serious and explosive situation, the result both of its acts of aggression and of the impotence of the United Nations? The ultimate acquisition of vast territories as the reward of its aggression? Or the submission and capitulation of the Arab Governments and peoples? No, so far as we are concerned aggression, occupation, arrogance and contempt inevitably meet with rejection, resistance and struggle. We regard opposition to and defence against intervention and annexation as a natural and legitimate tight. There can be no double standards: that right is sacred and must belong to all alike, whether in the Middle East, in Europe or elsewhere. It is in the name of that right that we pay tribute, and give our support, to the self-defence of the Arab countries and to the resistance of our Palestinian brothers who refuse to accept occupation and extermination. If it should seem that that is the only path that can lead to a solution of the problem, we are sure that the Arab nations, certain of the justice of their rights, will overcome their difficulties and sufferings and ultimately triumph over the invaders. However, we must repeat again today before this distinguished Assembly that the Arab countries will never turn their backs on a peaceful solution to the problem, achieved in dignity and justice. In that connexion, everyone knows the positive and entirely responsible position that was taken by the United Arab Republic and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan with regard to the solution put forward by the Security Council on 22 November [see resolution 242(1967)], whereas Israel used all its ingenuity to reject categorically — as it continues to reject — every United Nations resolution, in particular hampering the mission entrusted to Mr. Jarring.
126. Given the impasse thus created by Israel, threatening peace and security in the Middle East and in the world, it is imperative that the United Nations, which is directly responsible for the origins of this tragedy, should take such adequate and effective measures as are necessary to compel Israel to cease its aggressive acts against the Arab countries and withdraw from all the territories it is occupying. If, on the contrary, the United Nations persists in its present wait and see attitude, we believe that its inaction and impotence will have the most serious consequences for the future of the Middle East, for such an attitude will make a peaceful solution to the crisis more difficult and at the same time will further encourage Israel to continue its occupation and to continue its acts of aggression and provocation against the Arab countries and the innocent peoples of Palestine.
127. However, we are happy to point out in this connexion the line taken by the International Conference on Human Rights, which condemned Israel for its violation of human rights and fundamental freedom in the territories it occupied following the hostilities of June 1967. We hope that the General Assembly will ratify that condemnation and will give effect to the recommendation of the Teheran Conference calling on Israel to desist from its inhuman acts, acts contrary to international morality and to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the 1949 Geneva Conventions. With the same satisfaction, we welcome the Security Council’s resolution of 27 September 1968 [259(1968)] recommending to the Secretary-General that he send a representative to investigate violations of human rights in the occupied territories.
128. Another problem no less disturbing than that of the Middle East is also having a critical effect on international relations. I refer, of course, to the colonial problem, which is threatening peace and security throughout the world. Africa is still the principal victim of that phenomenon. In South Africa, the racist Pretoria Government is continuing to practise with impunity its abhorrent policy of apartheid at the expense of the indigenous populations. It is sad to note that despite the measures adopted by the United Nations in that connexion several Powers are still lending economic and military support to the Government of South Africa, whereby encouraging it in its inhuman policy based on racism. With regard to Namibia, the Pretoria Government is also refusing to comply with the United Nations decision [resolution 2145(XXI)] terminating its Mandate over that Territory. It thus maintains its illegal authority over that country, upon which it still imposes its policy of oppression and racial segregation.
129. In Southern Rhodesia, Ian Smith’s illegal régime is continuing its impositions, going so far as to execute Zimbabwe patriots. It is more and more consolidating its usurped power, notwithstanding the promises that were made that it would be forced to give way by mere economic sanctions. If we consider the present situation in that Territory, we must admit that the measures so far taken have yielded no appreciable results. If we truly want to put an end to the Salisbury rebellion — and here, because of its responsibilities in this Territory, we address ourselves to the United Kingdom — we must take the energetic and effective measures that are essential in such a situation. The Security Council recently passed a resolution [253(1968)] recommending measures designed to strengthen the sanctions and setting up an ad hoc committee to supervise their application. We hope that the Powers which are especially responsible for the ineffectiveness of United Nations policy will now give the Council’s resolutions fuller support.
130. In Angola, so-called Portuguese Guinea and Mozambique, where liberation movements fighting valiantly, Portugal, still clinging to outdated myths and ideas, continues to resist their struggle by military means and maintains its negative attitude towards the decisions taken by our Assembly.
131. If all colonized territories are to achieve dignity and national sovereignty, the United Nations, in accordance with its duties under the Charter, must act with greater authority and decisiveness to see to it that the decisions taken on that subject are actually respected and carried out.
132. Despite the fact that colonialism lingers on stubbornly in several parts of the world, we have to admit that from time to time progress, slow though it may be, is achieved, bringing either the emancipation of new nations or the settlement of certain territorial problems. Thus we are happy today to welcome the accession of Swaziland to independence and national sovereignty, and to hail its admission to the United Nations. Its delegation, now here among us, will, we are certain, lend its full co-operation in upholding the principles of the Charter and striving for fruitful co-operation among peoples.
133. In this context, and turning to my own country, I should like to draw attention to the efforts made by His Majesty the King and the Spanish Government to work out a solution to the territorial dispute existing between the two countries. In the recommendations made by the various United Nations bodies which have dealt with that problem, the two countries have repeatedly been invited to enter into direct negotiations with a view to a solution
which will respect the freely expressed wishes of the populations concerned on the basis of self-determination. The Moroccan Government fervently hopes that the negotiations now in progress will result in an early agreement, providing in particular for the transfer of the Territory of Ifni to the Moroccan authorities before the conclusion of the General Assembly’s present session. We are convinced that the solution of that question will mark an important step forward towards the settlement of the other problems still pending between the two countries, and will further strengthen their traditional bonds of friendship and inaugurate an era of fruitful co-operation.
134. On the other side of the Mediterranean, Gibraltar is still a bone of contention between Spain and the United Kingdom. The Moroccan Government still believes that that Territory’s future should be decided by way of direct negotiation between the parties concerned, in conformity with the wishes expressed by our Assembly.
135. A tragedy is taking place at this very moment in the heart of Africa, tearing Nigeria apart. All peoples friendly to that great Republic feel deep sorrow over Nigeria’s crisis and the sufferings of its people. They grieve that that country, destined by its human potential and its natural wealth to play a great role in Africa, should be afflicted and paralysed by this painful crisis. In the exceptional circumstances Nigeria is experiencing, we fervently hope that the secessionist leaders, fully aware of the responsibilities they bear to the Nigerian people and to Africa, will heed the Organization of African Unity’s appeal to them to put an end to the hostilities and to co-operate with the Federal authorities in restoring peace and unity in Nigeria in an atmosphere of reconciliation. Morocco, which is keenly aware of the dangers besetting or threatening the territorial unity and integrity of some African States, cannot but endorse the efforts that are being made by the Federal Government of Nigeria to preserve the unity of the country.
136. Although it is not included in the General Assembly’s agenda, the question of Viet-Nam will continue to have serious repercussions on the atmosphere of our work and on international relations. The war in that country is still going on, despite the successive efforts undertaken on all sides to initiate a procedure that can lead to peace. His Majesty’s Government deeply regrets that tragic situation, the more so in that the talks begun in Paris between the parties concerned had given us reasonable ground to hope that the hostilities would be progressively reduced and that the conflict would soon be brought to an end. Despite the uncertainties and difficulties which still exist, His Majesty’s Government expresses the hope that the talks now under way in Paris will soon bring about a peaceful and honourable settlement of the conflict, allowing the Viet-Namese people to work out its own future without any foreign interference.
137. The current acute international crises in no way obscure the importance of the fundamental question of disarmament. For everyone knows that a genuine relaxation of tension and world peace and security, depend primarily on general and complete disarmament. The General Assembly, fully convinced of the importance of the problem for all mankind, treats disarmament, on a continuing basis, as one of the essential parts of its work. The Government of His Majesty King Hassan II, aware of the imperative need for disarmament and understanding the great part it can play in bringing about an atmosphere conducive to international co-operation, has supported and indeed proposed measures aimed at putting an end to the arms race, both regional and international. Without underestimating the obstacles still to be surmounted and the suspicions still to be overcome on the path to general and effective disarmament, His Majesty’s Government cannot but express today its satisfaction at the advance made by the adoption of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [see resolution 2373(XXII)]. Despite the legitimate anxieties still felt over problems relating to security guarantees for non-nuclear countries, we feel that the Treaty represents an appreciable gain for the international community. We hope that the phase thus completed will be one stage on the road to the true solution: general and complete disarmament with total prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, an end to all production of such weapons and the destruction. of existing stockpiles.
138. In any event, the Moroccan Government will continue to give particular attention to this question, for in addition to its effects on world peace and security, we cannot ignore the relationship that exists between the arms race — with the immense expenditures it entails — and the tragic under-development of the majority of mankind. In increasing efforts to achieve disarmament, therefore, our goal remains the same: that of seeking the conditions necessary for preserving peace and security in the world and bringing mankind to true economic and social development.
139. Turning now to the problem of development, we are obliged to note that the year that has just gone by, far from giving ground for satisfaction, has on the contrary been one of disappointment. The outcome of the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in itself justifies the bitterness and discouragement we all cannot help feeling at the outset of a new United Nations Development Decade. But although the first Decade was a failure, to the extent indeed that some outstanding international figures have described it as a "Decade of frustration", we for our part would not be willing to regard the fact of that failure as the sole conclusion to be drawn from it, or to give up all hope for future action. Similarly, we have no desire whatsoever to anathematize this or that country, for we refuse to evade in any way responsibilities which all the nations concerned must share. We on our side still feel that there is much to be hoped from a new effort which, profiting from the lesson of failure, will enable us to find a way towards a more active solidarity among all members of the international community. Such solidarity, we feel, will offer the best way of avoiding past mistakes and of approaching the problems of development in a manner more realistic and better suited to the means available internationally. If that is to be done, we believe, we must proceed on a contractual basis and conclude an agreement formulated differently from the general principles we adopted ten years ago. It was with that in mind that during the last session my delegation supported the work being done by the Committee for Development Planning, especially its move to put forward a charter for the second Development Decade. Above all, we must concern ourselves with the ground lost during the first Decade and take more effective measures to remedy the situation, which has continued to deteriorate during recent years.
140. For we are a long way behind the target we set ourselves in order to achieve a minimum of development. Even the “adjuvant” of 1 per cent of gross national income intended to ensure the developing countries an average growth rate of 5 per cent has never been attained. We have only to examine the documents the Economic and Social Council has put before our Second Committee to convince ourselves that there is an enormous and constantly widening gap between the haves and the have-nots. Whereas the former countries are experiencing a growth rate regarded by some experts as approaching the danger point, the latter, on the contrary, are still regressing in a manner which is in actual fact dangerous. While one third of mankind already dreams of post-industrial society, and accounts for 80 per cent of the world’s exports, two-thirds of that same mankind have as their sole resources trade earnings which bring them a continually decreasing purchasing power. The Third World nations are thus increasingly having to grapple with all sorts of difficulties which make their situation even more precarious; not only are they being deprived by industrial advances in the field of synthetic substitutes of part of their traditional market, but in addition protective measures which have been stiffened in several sectors, are undermining the competitive position of their raw materials trade, with the result that progress in that sector is becoming more rapid in the developed than in developing countries.
141. It is accordingly difficult to see how the developing countries can ensure their progress on the basis of their foreign trade earnings alone. The idea of proposing that the wealthy countries should transfer 1 per cent of their gross national income to the developing countries, was intended precisely to provide compensation for the inadequate purchasing power of the developing countries in commercial transactions. Unfortunately, the action taken in 1964, instead of serving as a springboard for international assistance, succeeded in the last analysis only in fixing a maximum rate, from which any retreat was now permissible. As a result of that misunderstanding, which is difficult to justify, the flow of capital has decreased year by year, to such a point that now it represents no more than about 0.6 per cent of gross national income, instead of the 0.9 per cent figure which prevailed at the outset of the United Nations Development Decade. We are not unaware of the difficulties the large capital-exporting countries have encountered since that date, but we must nevertheless recognize that restrictive tendencies are becoming increasingly prevalent.
142. Furthermore, we must express Our concern with regard to the new tendency towards selective allocation of assistance. That way of dispensing assistance compels the requesting countries to give up any thought of planning and to confine themselves to the sectors in which the approval of their potential creditors can be obtained.
143. Just a Development work, however modest, cannot be accomplished by trial and error and must necessarily fit into a broad view of interdependent activities, so also, to be effective, development assistance must promote the process and stress “programming” as well as “projects” that at all events cover all the needs it is designed to meet, whether in foreign exchange or local expenditure. Unless “selectivity” is abandoned, development assistance will but aggravate an already prevalent malady caused both by the rarity of, and the onerous conditions attached to, foreign financing. We already know that this assistance to the developing countries will become increasingly haphazard, as it is expected from 1972 on to be used only to clear matured loans. Nevertheless, in the hope that things will change before that fateful point, we shall go on trying to baulk any proposal that would further complicated what is already an extremely intricate machine.
144. Despite all the reasons for despondency in face of an international economic situation inimical to their development, the countries of the Third World continue to draw courage from their common lot and from their ability to help one another. Steps towards regional integration are becoming more common, and we are happy to see this trend advancing in Africa. Morocco’s own experience with its Maghreb neighbours is promising for us; as is also the increase in trade with the Republics of Senegal, the Ivory Coast, Niger and other kindred countries in Africa.
145. Along with this effort at integration and mutual aid, the developing countries are still hoping to be able to create conditions conducive to fruitful co-operation with their partners in the developed regions. And, as they cannot properly rely on increased public aid whether bilateral or multilateral, they still hope that the deficiency will one day be covered by an increase in private assistance. Hence their introduction of a variety of economic and legal machinery designed to promote the flow of private investment. In that connexion, His Majesty’s Government has promulgated an investment code which, besides guarantees for private investment, offers promoters tax concessions and a capital bonus that enhances the investment from the outset; but separate efforts to that end by countries of the Third World would be inadequate without international action to free capital at its source.
146. If we really wish to make a further effort, internationally, to conquer under-development, we must needs agree on a minimum programme reflecting our awareness of the problems I have just mentioned. The conclusion of an international agreement is more indispensable than ever before, in order to achieve a healthy commercial balance based both on: (1) the reinvigoration of trade and (2) the release of capital.
147. Along with that option, we must rethink existing international structures, the better to adapt them to the task of development. These structures, which gravitate around the United Nations system, themselves tend periodically towards renewal for greater effectiveness. Nevertheless, a new strategy can reach its goal only if adequate structural facilities are made available.
148. Our Assembly’s task at this session is obviously highly intricate and arduous. My delegation will spare no effort to give the Assembly its full support, unremitting as is its confidence in the great capabilities of the international community, which, carefully channelled, could surely help to build a more prosperous human society. In the words of His Majesty King Hassan II:
“The present imbalance must not give rise to strained relations between the developed and the under-developed countries, but rather create a common desire to co-operate towards building a better world based on a fair
distribution of wealth.”
149. Before concluding my statement, I venture again to express our great concern at the serious events still occurring in the Middle East. Israel is still freely waging total war against the Arab countries. We have no intention of reiterating before this Assembly the whole list of its crimes and massacres. We merely wish here to launch a further urgent appeal to the international Organization to assume its full responsibilities in seeking out a just and peaceful solution to the crisis, in accordance with the principles and purposes of our Charter.
150. We also wish to express our deep concern at the alarming events that have just occurred in another part of the world, involving direct interference in the domestic affairs of a Member State. These events have created an atmosphere of unrest and international tension, and may provoke a new phase of the cold war.
151. On this occasion, His Majesty’s Government wishes to restate its position of principle on this question and to repeat its disapproval of any armed intervention or any other kind of interference in the domestic or foreign affairs of States. It regards the use of force as an instrument for settling international problems as a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and a dangerous aggravation of world tension. Powers that interfere in the domestic affairs of other States, in so doing, incur a heavy debt to history and to all peoples. There to, we appeal to the United Nations to fulfil its obligations by ensuring observance of the principles of self-determination and non-interference in the domestic affairs of countries, and by guaranteeing each peoples’ inalienable right to freedom, independence and the safeguarding of its sovereignty.
152. In a year in which we are solemnly commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights, we venture to hope that these appeals will be heard and that the international Organization will, bravely and resolutely, ensure that our present era will be one of peace, freedom and justice.