43. I should like first of all to congratulate Mr. Arenales on his election to the presidency of this Assembly. The Iranian delegation views his election as both an affirmation of the increasing contribution that Guatemala is making to world affairs and a tribute to the personal qualities as a statesman and diplomat which he has displayed so consistently in the course of his long association with this Organization. It is our earnest hope that, under his guidance, the twenty-third session of the General Assembly will make substantial progress towards resolving some of the problems that have confronted this Organization for a long time.
44. I would also like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the outstanding and dedicated service rendered by his predecessor, my dear colleague Mr. Corneliu Manescu of Romania, whose able and objective guidance of the very difficult debates during the last session have earned him our esteem and admiration. His skill, discretion and wisdom became familiar to us all and he was unanimously hailed as a spokesman for moderation.
45. I should now like to say a word about the recent earthquake in my country, as a result of which over 10,000 people lost their lives and many thousands became homeless and had their lives disrupted. In this painful hour of trial, we were assisted morally and materially by Governments and peoples from all corners of the earth. In expressing our profound appreciation for the spontaneous and generous response with which help and relief were poured into Iran, I shall also like to point this out as a vivid example of the spirit of co-operation and solidarity that could exist among all nations of the world.
46. The last session of the General Assembly met in a gloomy atmosphere. Confronted, as we are now, by the continued existence of numerous situations of actual or threatened armed conflict, by failures in the economic field and an increasing disenchantment throughout the world with the efficacy of the United Nations in fulfilling its basic responsibilities, we are unhappily conscious of the fact that we have made no real progress in solving these problems. However, in our preoccupation with persistent international crises, we should not fail to note some of the encouraging achievements made in other areas.
47. In this respect, the relentless efforts of our distinguished Secretary-General should be praised. His personal dedication to the principles of justice and peace is worthy of the esteem and admiration of all of us.
48. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [see resolution 2373(XXII)] certainly represents a positive step on the road to nuclear disarmament. We can also draw encouragement from the intensified national and international efforts in the field of human rights which culminated in the International Conference on Human Rights in Teheran in April and May of this year.
49. The progress in developing provisions governing exploration of outer space, and the examination of the question of reserving the sea-bed and ocean floor for peaceful purposes hold great promise for the future of mankind.
50. However, our lack of success in assaulting the imperative and urgent problems that confront us now overshadows these gains. As we begin this session, the world is faced with dangerous and destructive conflicts that are just as far from being resolved today as they were when we met a year ago. The war in Viet-Nam continues. Efforts to resolve the problems of the Middle East in the aftermath of the war continue to be frustrated. In addition, this year we have witnessed the development of a new situation in Europe. The Development Decade and the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development have proved to be, to all intents and purposes, failures. We have failed, in short, to make progress in the vital areas of peace-keeping and peace-building.
51. I should like, therefore, to turn my attention briefly to each of these areas and begin, more specifically, by addressing myself to one of the accomplishments which affect the safety and survival of the whole human race — the problem of preventing the spread and use of nuclear weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is the fruit of a good deal of hard work. The conclusion of such a treaty was vital. While we recognize that this Treaty will open the way to negotiations on the basic problems of disarmament and stopping the nuclear arms race, it has not entirely fulfilled our hopes or calmed our anxiety.
52. As events during the past few years eroded our confidence in the efficacy of this Organization as the guardian of our security, the importance of security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States has played an increasingly important role in our consideration of the non-proliferation provisions. My Government would have liked to see non-proliferation and security assurances as parallel, inseparable and integral parts of a treaty on general and complete disarmament.
53. It is, therefore, a matter of deep regret for my Government that the Conference of the Non-Nuclear-Weapon States was unable to fulfil its promise of devising a solution for the problem of the security of the non-nuclear-weapon States. Its failure was neither a surprise nor a set-back. The Conference does not represent a final trial, but rather a first effort. We dare not be dissuaded by its results, nor could we evade its hard realities. The time is, therefore, now, for all States, nuclear and non-nuclear alike,
to try once again, more realistically and less selfishly, to build together this essential ingredient of the régime of non-proliferation. For its realization so much time and energy have been consumed, and by its failure we shall all suffer. I do not wish, however, to minimize the importance of the contributions made by the Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States, especially in the area of the peaceful uses of atomic energy.
54. The polarized power and the gap between the industrial and under-developed nations threaten the vital interests of all nations, both rich and poor, and the development of conditions for creating a stable world community. The glaring disparities in the living standards which separate the developing nations and industrial Powers are paralleled by the abhorrent gulf that still separates millions of human beings from the full enjoyment of their basic human rights. The importance of this inter-relationship was recognized again at the recent International Human Rights Conference in Teheran and was eloquently reflected in the Conference’s various resolutions as well as in the Proclamation of Teheran.
55. In fact, this historic and solemn document is the first text of its kind which does not limit itself to freedoms in the “classical”? sense, but covers a broad range of economic, social and cultural rights. It is an oath by the international community reflecting the common will to accomplish the full realization of human rights in order to eliminate from our planet the evils of illiteracy, racism, violence, hunger and disease.
56. We are well aware of the shortcomings of that Proclamation, but we also believe that twenty years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights such a proclamation had to be adopted. Indeed, it was imperative to show to the world that, despite the existing differences, the notion of human rights remains one and indivisible.
57. The Teheran Proclamation represents the aspirations of a new generation, marked by the experience acquired during the last two decades. By its wide contents which cover a multitude of problems varying from apartheid to disarmament, from illiteracy to the ever-widening gap between poor and rich nations, the Proclamation reflects the necessities as well as the hopes of our time.
58. I should like to reiterate, once again, that we condemn the policy of apartheid, racial discrimination and the continued denial of the right of self-determination to subjugated peoples. We endorse the right of all people to self-determination and the enjoyment of fundamental freedoms. We reaffirm our view that the gap between the developed and the developing countries impedes the realization of human rights: in the international community. It is imperative for every nation to make the maximum effort to close that gap.
59. I should now like to turn to yet another and more immediate concern of the world community and this Organization — to those obstacles which preclude our enjoyment of peace.
60. Although the bitter war in Viet-Nam still constitutes a matter of the gravest concern to the international community, it is gratifying to note that a door has, at last, been opened to negotiations. The position of my Government on this issue has had public expression before. While, to date, no substantive progress appears to have been made, I believe that the very initiation of those talks is an important first step along the road to the end of the war.
61. The Middle East crisis, which continues unabated, is, naturally, uppermost in our mind. The danger that this tragic and explosive situation represents to peace and over-all progress in the area cannot be overstated. The tragedy inherent in the fact that more than a year has elapsed since the end of the Arab-Israeli war without a solution of the problems or any changes in the status quo, reproaches us, threatens the lives of millions of innocent victims as well as the hopes for peace in the area, and blights the development of constructive and co-operative relations not only in the area but throughout the world.
62. At the last session of the General Assembly, we rejected war as a means of settling disputes. We agreed that titles obtained by force could not be recognized as valid. No State must be allowed to extend its frontiers as a result of war. We called for arrangements to be made for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Arab territories, and opposed the unilateral measures taken by Israel to change the status of Jerusalem. We stressed the urgency of implementing the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly on this question. My country follows developments in that area with a sense of anxiety for the future and sympathy for the innocent people who are the first victims of war.
63. In our view, it is only through the implementation of the decisions of the United Nations in this respect, and in particular the resolution of the Security Council, adopted on 22 November 1967, that a peaceful settlement in the Middle East can become a reality. Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, charged with the difficult task of paving the way for the implementation of this resolution, has already eared our high esteem. In paving tribute to him for his tireless efforts and great diplomatic skill, I wish to express the hope that he will, in the end, overcome the difficulties that have so far marred his mission.
64. The developments in Czechoslovakia have also given rise to international concern and disquiet. For our part, the position of my Government has been made abundantly clear by its prompt reaction to that situation. It is our view that the armed intervention in Czechoslovakia, which has taken place without an appeal from the legal government of that country, is unjustifiable. My Government hopes that a just and equitable solution safeguarding the rights of the Czech nation like those of any other independent nation, and in accordance with the wishes of the people, will be found.
65. Another field:in which the United Nations failed to achieve concrete results is that of peace-keeping operations. Here we must be honest with ourselves about the very real limitations that exist as far as our ability to take effective action is concerned. While we, the Members of the General Assembly, may vote for peace-keeping operations and for resolutions containing clauses which would require enforcement action for their implementation, we are, none the less, essentially cast in the role of the public forum.
66. By giving expression to the conscience, outrage, hopes and expectations of the world, we can only hope to persuade the Security Council to take action to enforce the peace and suppress acts of aggression. The hesitation of the Security Council to approve peace-keeping and enforcement operations makes it our paramount duty to improve the machinery for peace-keeping and the peaceful settlement of disputes.
67. It goes without saying that, unless our world Organization is transformed into a truly viable and effective machinery for peace, as it was intended to be, the international community will continue to be plagued by an ever-increasing recurrence of crises. It is equally axiomatic to say that, had the United Nations succeeded in firmly establishing the rule of law in place of the rule of force, many of the conflicts, especially armed conflicts, could have been averted. But United Nations success depends largely on the actions of its Members, especially with respect to their obligations under the Charter. Only through a strict observance of the basic principles enshrined in the Charter — in particular, the pledge to refrain from the use of force and to refrain from intervention in the internal affairs of other States — can we ever hope to approach the establishment of the rule of law. Here, those Powers which both in practice and under the Charter have undertaken a large share of the responsibility for the maintenance of peace could do much to create the necessary conditions under which nations would be deterred from resort to force.
68. The Government of Iran believes that the maintenance of peace is a collective responsibility, requiring the co-operation of all. My Government is ready to participate in such efforts, and I should like to reaffirm today the pledge we made some time ago to place permanent peace-keeping forces at the disposal of the United Nations, whenever such forces might be required.
69. I should now like to turn to a matter of equal importance to peace and stability in the world: the question of economic development.
70. Many believed that the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development would give new impetus to international co-operation in the field of development. Many hoped that as a result of the consultations between donor and recipient countries a new sense of purpose would be injected into the first United Nations Development Decade, as well as the preparations for the second.
71. There was a general expectation that recognition of the fundamental truth that economic development is a joint endeavour, depending for its success on the effective interrelationship between both developed and developing countries, would persuade the developed countries to accommodate the exports of developing countries, ease conditions for aid, and increase the volume of assistance offered.
72. The second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a failure. The industrial countries would not, or could not, commit themselves to the trade and aid provisions that would ensure a prosperous future for all. That goal, we are firmly convinced, must form the basis of the second Development Decade.
73. However, as far as Iran is concerned, we have made significant economic and social progress during the first Development Decade. As a result of intensive efforts in the social, political and economic fields and by the institution of far-reaching revolutionary reforms, our economy is developing rapidly. Iran’s gross national product last year increased by almost 12 per cent. Joined with our neighbours, Pakistan and Turkey, in regional co-operation for development, we have already seen favourable evidence of the advantages that each of our countries would enjoy from co-operative efforts in economic and trade fields.
74. We have already begun the implementation of our fourth five-year development plan, in which great attention is being focussed on the development of the industrial sector. In other areas the use of army conscripts in literacy, health and development programmes continues to yield important results. It is, in fact, the success of this campaign which affords our young recruits an opportunity to contribute to various social development programmes.
75. But, in this age of international interdependence, we cannot isolate ourselves from the rest of the world and remain indifferent to the sufferings and miseries of others. In our view, happiness can be fully enjoyed only when one can at the same time witness the prosperity of others. It has been with this sense of solidarity that His Imperial Majesty Shahanshah Aryamehr has, on several occasions, recommended the direction of the altruism and capabilities of volunteers to a broad spectrum of human welfare programmes. In June 1968 in an address before Harvard University my august Sovereign observed:
"I propose the creation of an international organization to be known by some such name as the Universal Welfare Legion, in which individuals irrespective of country, class, race, religion, sex, age, economic level or social status will render service. Their only common denominator will be the fact they should have decided to devote a part of their lives to the service of mankind. The headquarters for the general administration of this organization should be attached exclusively to the United Nations; that is, to the
greatest organization which has been created internationally to serve the whole of humanity.
“Let those who wish to devote themselves to the service of humanity” — His Imperial Majesty went on to say — “gather together and make the voice of selfless service reach the ears of hundreds of millions of their shelterless, despondent brothers and sisters throughout the world.”
76. This eloquent appeal for all men of conscience to enter the arena and join their combined strength against the destructive forces of apathy, hopelessness and belligerency defines and summarizes, I believe, the noble goals of this Organization, as well as the ardent hopes of men throughout the world. It is on this note of hope and expectation that I wish to conclude my statement.