May I congratulate my distinguished Mead and colleague, Mr. Aranha, on his election to the high office of President of this Assembly? In thanking this Assembly for his election, he was good enough to mention my name. It is true that some of the delegations though me worthy and able to fulfil the ardous duties of presiding over this Assembly. I have very definite doubts about that. If I am not mistaken, there were six delegations that were good enough to give me their votes. As the ballot was secret, we cannot know and can only guess who they were. I am grateful to them.
We are meeting at a time in our history which is studded with difficulties and very grave and far-reaching problems. Before I mention one or two of them, may I say that since the last session of the General Assembly the world has gone forward a step on its way towards international consolidation. Several peace treaties have been ratified recently and have become effective. Of late it has been emphasized — and rightly so — that the United Nations he not responsible for the conclusion of peace treaties, but is responsible for the maintenance of peace and security.
The Czechoslovak delegation has studied attentively the report of the Secretary-General. We consider it an honest and very useful document. We can see from it what has been achieved, what is being achieved and, still more, what could be achieved. In certain quarters too much emphasis is always being laid on the negative and the tragic, and not enough on the positive in connexion with the United Nations. The Press and radio can and should render a still greater service to the cause of a united world if they laid more stress on the positive achievements resulting from seeing eye to eye, rather than produce sensational headlines that magnify a lack of agreement on a given question.
Those of us who represent small nations can help in this direction, but we cannot do a great deal. It is not difficult to give advice to the great Powers and to introduce far-reaching reforms. I am not here to do so. But I do say that all of us smaller countries should be sure that we have fulfilled our own obligations before we pretend to sit in judgment
What Mr. Trygve lie had to say about the Economic and Social Council interested us very much indeed. During the recent session of that important body, the Czechoslovak delegation, I am told by people who are not Czechoslovaks, was useful I am glad of that. We fed that the Economic and Social Council should be a coordinating, channelizing dearing house for the activities of the international organizations, governmental and non-governmental, and for all those among them that have the success of the United Nations at heart, whether they are on the inside looking out or on the outside looking in. I believe that the work of the Council is a good omen for the future of the United Nations.
When it comes to helping children — innocent children, pale children, orphaned children — who indeed would not give his wholehearted support to the project of the International Children’s Emergency Fund and to the United Nations Appeal for Children? On behalf of my Government, I wish to say that we are going to do our utmost to help these most innocent survivors of the last cataclysm.
As far as human rights are concerned, my delegation, and indeed my Government and my country support, as they always have during our turbulent history, everything that has been achieved in that direction. The Secretary-General, in his report, states: “Since the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the constitutions of most countries included provisions protecting the fundamental rights of their citizens, the world had grown smaller and life much more complicated. The problem of human rights had become universal, and it was necessary to create effective international machinery to cope with it.” 1We hope that this statement will be taken into consideration when the international bill of rights is drafted.
The Czechoslovak delegation fully agrees with the report of the Secretary-General when he states that the essential aid to territories devastated by the war and their reconstruction needs were underestimated and are more urgent and greater than was originally supposed. We were all far too optimistic two years ago. Short-term post-war relief has become rather dangerously confused with long-term reconstruction; and money advanced, which was meant to buy machinery three years after, the day after tomorrow has been spent in baying bread, margarine and coal. While short-term emergency needs and long-term planning are so thoroughly mixed up, there is not much chance for real preparation for a permanent economic peace.
The termination of UNRRA, for instance — and we in Czechoslovakia will for ever remember that institution with the deepest gratitude — has left some of the territories devastated by war in extremely difficult straits. Many of them are left to their own resources, which are very insufficient.
I should like to associate myself with what has been said by our President, by the Foreign Minister of Poland, by the Ambassador of Yugoslavia and by the representative of Byelorussia. All of us must be thinking of Mr. La Guardia today, a man of great heart, a one-world man m die best scare of the word. He passionately believed in one world. I saw him not very long ago and I know he was a very sick man. But that fire that burned in him through the difficult years of the war was not extinguished until 7.20 this morning. I think the world needs many La Guardias.
Coming back to the difficult economic situation, let me give you an example of self-help which should not go unnoticed. Last year we had an exceptionally good harvest in Czechoslovakia. In Roumania the harvest was catastrophic and many people in that country, especially in Moldavia, actually starved to death. My country did all it could to help, but we could not do as much as we wanted. This year Roumania had an exceptionally good harvest; Czechoslovakia a rather bad one. In southern Slovakia there was no harvest at all. The other day in Prague I signed an agreement with the Roumanian Government according to which Roumania would furnish us with 250,000 tons of com, which is a tremendous help to our country. Neighbours who help each other in time of need are good neighbours.
Recently I was in Moscow, and the Soviet Government offered us 200,000 tons of wheat, a large assignment of iron ore and many other commodities which we need. In return we shall supply industrial products. If anyone thinks that being helped by neighbours or helping them means that we are cutting ourselves off from normal economic intercourse with the whole world, he is wrong. The overwhelming majority of Czechoslovakia’s population are eager to be friends with those who want to be friends with them.
This leads me to one of the most discussed subjects of the day: the widening rift between the East and the West. In this connexion, I should like to say a word which, I hope, will not be considered startling. Europe has gone definitely to the left. Nationalization of important parts of industry has become the irretrievable programme of Europe today. It may send a shiver up the spine of many in countries which prosper under economic individualism, but I am merely stating a well-established fact based on historical development and economic necessity. Besides being a Czechoslovak, I pride myself on being a European. I want Mother Europe to be cured of the series of illnesses from which She is apparently suffering. I believe it can and will be done.
Although the lovely capital of my country has not been destroyed, having been saved by the Soviet Union Anny, it suffered six years of German occupation. And believe me, that was something. I have seen what the Germans have done to the southern part of the Soviet Union. Recently I was in Warsaw, and all I can say is that it has to be seen to be believed. Therefore I beg you, fellow representatives whose countries have been spared this unspeakable purgatory, to be realistic when you disagree with some of our ways and means.
That brings me to the subject of Germany. For a thousand years Bohemia, later Czechoslovakia, has been a neighbour of Germany. We know what we are talking about. Therefore, when we hear that German heavy industry is to be put back into the hands of German private enterprise — I do not say it is going to be done, but we hear that it is being contemplated in certain places — we become very worried.
Our people remember only too well the consequences of Western capital being poured into Germany after the First World War. Perhaps I can be persuaded personally that Germany is not dangerous and will not be dangerous for some time to come, but one cannot so persuade a girl working in my office, whose whole family, without exception, has been exterminated. She and the great majority of our people remember the Germany of Matthausen, Terezin, Oswiecim; for the time being that Germany overshadows their memory of the Germany of Goethe, Heine and Einstein.
I am the last to suggest to this Assembly that a pauperized and pariah Germany should be our aim. I want to see Germany prosperous, but we who have been in only too dose contact with aggressive Teutonism will and must be on our guard. To help Germany after the real victims have been helped is a sound proposition. To give Germany priority so soon after our victory is not within our comprehension.
I shall not keep the Assembly much longer. There are very many trying and complex items on our agenda. An exceedingly important issue with which we shall have to deal is that of Palestine. May I express my hope that that issue will be solved during our session. It is my strong belief of many years’ standing that unless that issue and everything that depends on it is solved, we will be failing ourselves.
Czechoslovakia, as a Central European country, is vitally interested in the establishment of a lasting peace agreement and friendship with the nations in the Balkan area, which is so close to our territory, and whose populations have suffered and sacrificed so much for their freedom and for peace. A healthy condition in Greece can only be brought about by the initiative and efforts of that brave nation. We hope to see a situation soon where the Greek people cam really freely decide their own destiny and where, in controversial questions, not force but democratic means and agreements will come to the fore. It is not sufficient to proclaim an amnesty; it is equally necessary to assure real freedom of action to the people. In the opinion of the Czechoslovak delegation, the results of the investigation by the United Nations Commission do not justify such one-sided language as we heard in this hall, addressed to the neighbours of Greece. The Czechoslovak delegation cannot agree with views based on allegations which are not factually established, for in our opinion such views will not bring about order and security, but further disagreement and strife. The Greek people deserve well of all of us.
The Czechoslovak delegation has emphasized more than once that it will support everything which will strengthen the authority and effectiveness of the United Nations. We regret, therefore, that many political issues of great importance which quite clearly belong within the framework of the United Nations are being solved outside our Organization.
We have also stated repeatedly, and our opinion has not changed, that in vital and important questions unanimity of the great Powers who fought so successfully against the common enemy should be the objective, and we are opposed to any direct or indirect changing of the Charter in so far as it would or should replace this unanimity of great Powers by a majority vote. Any disturbance of the equilibrium established by the Charter among the various organs of the United Nations would weaken our Organization, on the successful functioning of which the future of the world depends. I could mention quite a few decisions taken and resolutions adopted by the Assembly which were not acted upon and which for various reasons have been, I hope temporarily, shelved. Just one example: how about Franco? That is all.
In conclusion, may I make this plea to all my fellow representatives: let us learn facts; let us not believe all the alarming headlines and comments. The craving for peace by all the little people throughout the world — and, to my mind, the little people are the only people worth while — is so great, is so pathetic, and is so justified that the great division among those in whose hands our fate rests should be narrowed and not widened. If the whole world is divided into two definite parts, there will be only one way out: the same experience my country had from 1938 until 1945, with the added potency of the atomic bomb thrown in for the special benefit of the innocent and the peace-leering.
Czechoslovakia, true to its alliances, as it has always been and always will be, would like to co-operate to the best of its limited possibilities to bring about a lasting peace. It is ready to listen to advice from all peoples of goodwill.
The Czechoslovakian delegation heartily agrees with the proposal put forward by Mr. Vyshinsky that the decision of the Assembly on the reduction of armaments and the exclusion from national armaments of atomic weapons should be put into effect as soon as possible. As to the question of war propaganda and war psychosis, the attitude of our delegation is indicated by what I said more than two years ago at the dosing session of the San Francisco Conference when I had the privilege of addressing the assembled delegations. I quote:
“May I in conclusion utter a humble word of warning? Let us please stop talking about the next world war. The language one hears in certain places is lamentably unconstructive; it arouses suspicions at a moment when mutual confidence is all-important. Not one of us in this room wants another war. None of us wants the children of these selfless children of ours, whose graves are scattered as sacred mementos all over the face of this scarred earth of ours — none of us wants these children to die in another war in another generation — we want them to live and work for their respective countries in peace and security in a socially just and safe world.”
There is not one word that I wish to add to this quotation.