The general debate in which we are now engaged serves many purposes. Above all it gives the Governments of all Member States, great and small, an opportunity to present their views on the state of the world and on the particular problems which seem to them to be matters of special concern to the world community. The interventions in the debate, taken together, give a unique survey of the worries and fears, hopes and expectations that are uppermost in our minds. The debate provides a vantage point from which we can observe and assess what has happened, draw the necessary conclusions from failures and successes and try to map out the road that lies ahead of us.
122. The smaller countries, whose foreign policies are geared, in the first place, to dealing with issues of peace and welfare in their respective geographical regions, are induced, in the general debate, to view their problems in a global perspective. They are brought to consider the practical implications of the growing interdependence between all peoples of the world. They are made aware of their special responsibilities in the work that has to be carried on for the avoidance of armed conflict, for the alleviation of human misery and for the safeguard of fundamental human rights in the whole world.
123. The Charter makes us view all our actions under a universal angle but it explicitly also encourages regional co-operation. There are, indeed, many economic and political problems that are best dealt with by the countries directly concerned. The regional economic commissions of the United Nations do useful work and gain in importance. The economic groupings in Europe are aimed at economic improvement, not only for the benefit of their own members, but also for the enlargement of trade with countries and other continents.
124. One of the most remarkable demonstrations of regional co-operation is the Summit Conference of Independent African States held in Addis Ababa earlier this year. We should pay tribute to the high statesmanship shown by the African States. It is no easy task to harmonize the thoughts and actions of many countries on complex problems, and the work done in Addis Ababa is worthy of deep respect and admiration. A Charter of African Unity was drawn up which lays the foundation for future efforts. The preoccupations of the African States were expressed in resolutions marked by high purpose and a sense of realism,
125. To the Swedish delegation it comes natural to pay special attention to the decision by the African States to declare and accept Africa as a denuclearized zone. Together with a similar initiative by a group of Latin American Heads of State this decision is a pioneer endeavour to show the way to the practical implementation of one of the so-called collateral disarmament measures, hitherto the object of more general recommendations, namely, to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons.
126. What gives these regional plans such a realistic touch, and thus an advantage over more ambitious, universal schemes, is that they result from, and presuppose direct negotiations between, the sovereign States in a certain region. The modalities and the conditions on which they agree are, therefore, appropriate to the actual circumstances prevailing in the area which seems to give these plans a greater viability than recommendations of a more general character.
127. All this is very much in keeping with the intentions of my Government when we suggested, in the First Committee [1196th meeting] in 1961, the circular inquiry as to the conditions on which countries not possessing nuclear weapons might be willing to enter into specific undertakings to refrain from manufacturing or otherwise acquiring such weapons and to refuse to receive, in the future, nuclear weapons in their territories on behalf of any other country [see resolution 1664 (XVI)].
128. The basic approach behind this suggestion was that smaller nations, individually or in groups, might want to do their bit for the disarmament cause without waiting for world-wide agreements. We still feel that this approach is of great value. Disarmament concerns everybody and it should more than hitherto be discussed in terms of what individual countries, great and small, are willing to do.
129. One of the merits of the partial test ban was that it also opened up a possibility for the smaller States to share in an international responsibility by adhering to the treaty. Similarly, whenever new measures in the disarmament field are being debated, we ought to be looking with particular eagerness for those which would give us renewed opportunities to participate. Every attempt should be made to widen agreements on the regulation and reduction of armaments so that they become as truly international as is ever possible.
130. I might mention, in this context and as an example of what I have in mind, that, as soon as an agreement seems obtainable about advance notification of military manoeuvres and major military deployments, the Governments of the smaller countries also should be given an opportunity to join in. The Swedish Government for its part would be ready to do so.
131. Also in other ways the smaller nations may be called upon to play a part in connexion with agreed disarmament measures, for instance, by contributing to the manning of control posts and inspection teams. In so doing we would directly engage a large number of countries even in strictly limited or regional disarmament measures and widen the circle of Governments with special, concrete responsibilities.
132. This approach is also applicable to the difficult problem of control. We recognize that disarmament agreements must be accompanied by such controls as are considered necessary by the parties concerned to safeguard their interests and the military balance of power. At the same time those controls must be kept as little cumbersome and as inexpensive as possible. The smaller countries can render valuable services for the working out and operating of certain types of controls, for instance, an open system for world-wide exchange of data from seismological recordings. In Sweden it is our intention to expand and to improve our capabilities of detecting and identifying seismic events wherever they occur. The more countries that do likewise, the better chance will the world community have to follow what is actually taking place by way of nuclear testing, and the sooner will it be possible to include underground tests also, at least above a certain yield, under a test ban treaty.
133. This brings me to the question of how we are to proceed with our joint international negotiations in the Geneva Disarmament Conference. I believe its work should be carried on along both the two main avenues, that is, the preparation of a draft treaty on general and complete disarmament and the programming of a variety of collateral measures. In relation to general and complete disarmament, the Committee might be asked to concentrate its attention on achieving a practical and realistic blueprint of measures pertaining to the first stage. No more detailed mandate seems to be called for at this point. But the General Assembly might well wish to remind the Committee of the urgency of its task, and point to the enormous resources of men and materials now tied up in the armaments race.
134. Work must also proceed on a whole range of collateral measures. A great wave of optimism has swept the world as a result of the successful completion of the partial test ban, but this momentum cannot be kept up for a very long time without further encouraging progress being made. We have to remind ourselves that one aim of such partial measures is to build mutual confidence between nations, while another is to " learn by doing", to provide a practice field for the many problem which will face the world when it starts on the uncharted course towards disarmament.
135. But just because the prospects for the reaching of agreements on such partial or collateral measures are so intimately dependent on shifts in the political atmosphere, it seems that we should avoid laying down any too firm and rigid rules for the conduct of the negotiations. I would even hesitate to suggest priorities; one measure or another may mature as a result of propitious political circumstances. And we should stand ready to welcome each and any of them as yet another beacon of hope.
136. For these reasons, the Swedish delegation will approach the question of resolutions with great caution, lest any directive should tend to bind rather than facilitate the deliberations in Geneva. We would rather favour a resolution, which I hope would be unanimous, of a more general character. It might urge the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament to devote constructive energy both to the question of general and complete disarmament and to collateral measures. It might encourage the Committee to proceed to more intensive technical penetration of schemes that seem promising. The resolution might, finally, recommend the immediate conclusion of agreements on measures which do not necessitate agreed controls.
137. The Swedish Government has noted with interest the proposal made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko, in his intervention on 19 September 1963 [1208th meeting] that a conference of the States Members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, with participation of leading statesman at the highest level, should be convened. I wish to say that the Swedish Prime Minister even before the opening of the Geneva Conference stated the willingness of the Swedish Government to let itself be represented at a conference at the level of Heads of Governments, if and when such a procedure would be generally acceptable to the participating States, including the great military Powers. This attitude on our part remains unchanged. As a means of focusing world attention on the disarmament issue a conference of the type suggested might at some stage prove of great value.
138. I also want to say a word about the suggestion made by the People's Republic of China that a conference of the Heads of Government of all countries to discuss disarmament, in particular with regard to nuclear weapons, should be convened. The Swedish Prime Minister has outlined our attitude on this suggestion in a letter which has just been handed over to the Chinese Prime Minister. In the letter he states the satisfaction of the Swedish Government at the conclusion of the partial test ban treaty. He goes on to say that the positive effect of the treaty as a step to further disarmament measures would be greatly enhanced by universal adherence to it. He then expresses his regret that the People's Republic of China is not, at the present time, in a position to participate in the disarmament discussion in the United Nations. It is the hope of the Swedish Government, he says, that the Government of the People's Republic of China will have the opportunity to assume its proper role in the total work of the United Nations, including the field of disarmament. He concludes by Baying that, in the opinion of the Swedish Government, the proposal to convene a conference with participation of all Heads of State would not be likely, at the present time, to meet such world-wide response as would enable a conference of this type to make a significant contribution to the solution of the disarmament problem,
139. The Charter itself, in Article 26, prescribes "the establishment of a system for the regulation of armaments", The Charter also lays down an obligation to work for higher standards of living and for economic progress in general. These two goals are interrelated. We know that even a very small reduction of the astronomical sums of money now spent on armaments would free huge economic resources and make possible assistance to the developing countries on a scale not hitherto envisaged. But even in the absence of substantial progress in disarmament, assistance must be increased, in the interest of the human beings concerned and in the interest of peace.
140. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in 1964 will no doubt be an outstanding event in the history of international economic cooperation. In particular, the attainment of even the modest targets of the Development Decade may depend on the concrete decisions taken at the Conference and on their effective implementation. The developing countries look to the Conference to help them reach a stage of self-sustaining growth and to raise and stabilize the earnings they derive from exports. I am sure that their hopes are shared by all. They are certainly shared by my Government, which is now actively preparing for our participation in the Conference. In so doing we will be guided by our earnest wish that the examination of the many topics on the Conference agenda may take place in a spirit of goodwill and on the basis of hard facts, so as to make the decisions and recommendations of the Conference realistic and useful. All countries have a joint interest in the integrated growth of the world economy as a whole.
141. To reach a more stable world order, we shall have to continue our work on disarmament and development. But it is equally important that we should try to make the United Nations, in the world as it is now, an ever more efficient instrument for keeping the peace. We must consider what can be done to enable the United Nations, whenever necessary, to take action to preserve peace.
142. The most important peace-keeping operation so far undertaken by the United Nations is now drawing to a close, even though it may be prolonged into next year. As has been confirmed by the Secretary-General, the United Nations mandate in the Congo, especially in its military aspects, has been largely fulfilled. The time will soon come for the Congolese Government to assume full responsibility for the maintenance of law and order throughout the Congo and for the safeguard of national security.
143. The time has not yet come to draw all the lessons from this great and novel experiment in international co-operation. But it can already safely be said that we have reason to be proud of United Nations action in the Congo, not only because it has helped one young Member of our community to consolidate its position as an independent State, but also because it has shown the potential variety and scope of United Nations influence in situations that might endanger world peace. We should be aware that this action was originally ordered by the Security Council, which means that it was not opposed by any of the permanent members of the Council. Thereby a firm basis was laid from the beginning, and such differences of opinion as have arisen have concerned only the way in which the mandate was carried out, not the mandate itself. Another characteristic feature is that the action is not an enforcement measure, but is based on voluntary collaboration. The United Nations has provided machinery to allow Member States to give assistance to another Member State which has requested such assistance.
144. We should now undertake a systematic study of the peace-keeping operations which have been undertaken hitherto, with a view to enabling the United Nations to act swiftly and efficiently should new action be called for. This study should deal with problems of political control, executive direction and administrative procedures. An analysis seems so much the more important since this type of activity is not directly foreseen in the Charter. It would also serve a useful purpose in the disarmament context.
145. Further, we should encourage such preparations as single countries or groups of countries are willing to make for the earmarking and training of national stand-by forces to be put at the disposal of the United Nations when necessary. Several States, among them the Nordic countries, have already worked out arrangements along these lines. An exchange of information among the countries concerned in order to achieve co-ordination would certainly be valuable.
146. Should the call come, national units would be sent out with greater confidence if we were assured that the military operations were well prepared and, from the very start, well directed by the United Nations central authorities. Therefore, I believe it would be helpful if the Secretary-General could be assisted not only by his excellent Military Adviser Major General Rikhye, but also by a small military staff of officers at the latter's disposal. Long-term planning and co-ordination would thus be facilitated.
147. It is well known that the Congo operation has caused grave financial difficulties. I will not go into this matter beyond saying that the principle of collective responsibility for the financing of United Nations activities should be upheld. Opinions may differ as to the appropriateness or even the legality of this or that decision, but refusal to pay the contributions fixed in accordance with the rules is contrary to a reasonable interpretation of our obligations. Here again I want to pay tribute to the African countries, which, in a resolution adopted at the Addis Ababa Conference, explicitly confirmed their determination to live up to all obligations under the Charter, including the financial ones.
148. Besides the Congo, the United Nations has also accepted concrete responsibilities in another African matter of grave importance. I am referring to the question of the policies of apartheid in South Africa.
149. Why is it that this issue is loaded with such heavy significance and causes such deep indignation? It seems to me that the basic reason is that human beings are being humiliated and deprived of elementary human rights by an express act of will of the rulers. The majority of a country's population is systematically treated by its own authorities as second-grade citizens. That policy is based on a repugnant philosophy of human relations which belongs to the past and which, when applied in our time, can only lead to disaster.
150. In Sweden there is a spontaneous and strong opinion condemning apartheid. We feel that the policy of pressure adopted by the United Nations has to be continued. The Security Council is undoubtedly the organ best suited to decide on such action. The resolution of 7 August 1963 is a milestone on the road of gradually increasing pressure on the South African Government. We feel that the Council should continue its discussion as soon as possible after receiving the report of the Secretary-General.
151. It is fitting and necessary, however, that the General Assembly itself should deal with the matter. We should recognize that it is not enough for us just to talk and to adopt resolutions. We must now consider, in a realistic manner, what further action on the part of the United Nations could actually lead to the result we all have in mind, that is, the abolition of apartheid and the establishment of a truly democratic, multiracial society with equal rights for all citizens. We should look ahead to the moment, which must come, when a change in that direction takes place. We should study closely the political and human problems that will inevitably arise in connexion with this change. We should discuss the part that the United Nations might be called upon to play in order to make the change an orderly and peaceful one. We should try to give advice on the practical application of the principles of equality and democracy in a multiracial society. Making full use of the experience gained in other African countries with similar problems, we should consider what guarantees could be given for the protection of life and civil rights and the legitimate interests of all individuals and all groups. Together with gradually increased pressure such a positive course of action could mean the avoidance of catastrophe and the beginning of new and more hopeful developments.
152. The Special Committee on South Africa has rejected as unfounded the claim that the choice in South Africa is between white domination and the end of the white community. I am in full agreement with the special Committee's opinion. I should like to add that our efforts should be aimed at demonstrating the falsity of that thesis. As was suggested by the Danish Foreign minister, Mr. Haekkerup, in his speech on 25 September 1963 [1215th meeting], we should try to prove in a manner which can be understood by all individuals and all groups in South Africa that there is a real chance of a happy and prosperous future for everybody. The tide that is flowing towards freedom and equality cannot be reversed. Attempts to stop it are vain and they will lead to chaos and misery.
153. As delegations are aware, the Foreign Ministers of the northern countries have been invited by the South African Government to visit South Africa. We have given a negative reply. It seems to us that the invitation has to be viewed against the background of the responsibilities of the United Nations with regard to the racial policies in South Africa, In other words, such a trip could be undertaken only if it would serve the purpose of furthering progress towards a solution in accordance with the principles of the United Nations. That is not the case now. A trip would be meaningless, and might be harmful, as long as the South African Government shows no sign of a will to change its policies and to start on a new course in collaboration with the United Nations.
154. I do not want to conclude my remarks on this matter without pointing to a type of contribution that individual countries may give to the cause of preparing South Africa and South West Africa for a new era of full democracy, I am thinking of the need to give higher education to young people from the majority populations of those countries. In Sweden we are prepared to make available a number of such scholarships.
155. I have come to the end of my speech. There is general agreement amongst us that this session opens, to use the words of President Kennedy, "in an atmosphere of rising hope, and at a moment of comparative calm" [1209th meeting, para. 37]. Some may be tempted to think that our work will, therefore, be less exciting, perhaps even dull. They are wrong. If we were to make some progress on giving new impetus to the disarmament talks, on preparing the ground for United Nations operations to keep the peace in the future and on organizing effective United Nations action for the protection of human rights in South Africa, we should then have accomplished something very dramatic and something of which the Assembly might be proud. The Swedish delegation is determined to do what it can to further those ends.