Mr. President, permit me to offer you my sincere felicitations on your election to your high office. I, too, have had the honour —for me unique— of guiding the deliberations of this august body and I am aware of the demands that will inevitably be made upon you. May I pledge the co-operation of my delegation in the work ahead?
83. It is a decade since I last had the privilege of addressing this Assembly as a representative of India [393rd meeting]. The world has seen many changes in these ten years. The most dramatic of these have been man's flight into space and his ability to orbit the globe. This marks the beginning of a new age radically different from any change that has preceded it. In the Assembly itself another and equally significant change has taken place by the emergence of Africa. The participation of the new African nations adds strength and dignity to our Organization. From a small Assembly of sixty nations in 1954we have now grown to nearly twice that size.
84. Without the United Nations it might not have been possible for so many countries to achieve freedom in a comparatively short period without serious strife. Because of the United Nations the process of political transformation has been easier and there is a measure of security for the newly born. We welcome the evolution towards universality in the United Nations by the addition of the new nations whose distinguished representatives sit here today.
85. We in India have a special reason to rejoice in the freedom that has come to African countries. As far back as forty years ago, when our own independence seemed a distant dream, we identified our struggle with all those who, like us, were pawns of colonialism. Successive resolutions of the Indian National Congress of that period will bear this out. It was our deep conviction that Asian freedom would be incomplete if Africa remained unliberated. Colonialism and racialism were not only insults to the dignity of man, but a grave threat to the peace of the world. We tried in whatever ways were open to us to hasten the process of that liberation and we shall continue to do so as long as these evils exist.
86. India extends a warm welcome to the three colonial territories in South-East Asia which have emerged into independence. I refer to Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. After the attainment of independence, the three territories have freely chosen to join with Malaya to establish the Federation of Malaysia. In this connexion I should like to congratulate our able and respected Secretary-General, who carried out under rather difficult circumstances the task of the wishes of the people of Sabah and Sarawak. It is our hope that the differences of opinion now existing on this matter will be relaxed and resolved in an amicable fashion by those directly concerned.
87. A further happy development in this field is the fixing of the date of independence for Kenya. We hope to welcome this great country in our midst very soon. Not much later we expect Zanzibarto join the ranks of the independent nations of Africa.
88. Another change in the present session is the marked lessening of those tensions which had become part of the political climate of the world. For years now decisions on matters of vital concern to this Assembly were taken under the shadow of fear cast by the cold war. I cannot help thinking back to the last time I addressed this Assembly. The Korean war was at that time the most important issue before us. Representatives will remember that we had come very close to disaster and tensions in this Assembly and the world had almost reached breaking point. Serious tensions continue in Asia but they no longer threaten to split us. Events in the Caribbean last year which almost brought us to the verge of a nuclear holocaust were also fortunately averted by wise statesmanship.
89. The most important problems facing humanity are those of war and peace. The atomic and outer space revolutions of our time have brought forcefully to the attention of the international community this basic choice, between the destruction of humanity and human civilization and international co-operation for peace, progress, justice and the settlement of differences by peaceful negotiations. The development of weapons of mass destruction makes it absolutely necessary that the foremost principle of the United Nations Charter, which is to outlaw war, should be fully implemented and preparations for war and the threats of war should be completely banned.
90. The signing of the recent Treaty —which came into effect yesterday— to ban nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water gives hope for the future. Paradoxically, the hydrogen bomb is helping to usher in a world without nuclear war. Such war is now outmoded. There would be no victor, no vanquished, in such a war. The belligerents themselves —and perhaps all life on this planet— would be destroyed. Nuclear arsenals may still be able to hold the peace, through the balance of terror, but they cannot be used. The struggle between rival ideologies will continue, but this will be through peaceful competition or example; described in Mr. Gromyko's words as "peaceful coexistence", and by President Kennedy as a "contest of peace", India welcomes these developments.
91. The statements of President Kennedy [1209th meeting] and Mr. Gromyko [1208th meeting] have created an atmosphere in which substantial progress can be expected in the next few months. It may then be possible to hold a meeting of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at summit level in Geneva in the first half of 1964, as suggested by the Soviet Union.
92. In his recent statement Mr. Gromyko has brought the Soviet and Western positions closer to each other. He has said that he is ready to agree that limited contingents of inter-continental ballistic missiles and anti-aircraft missiles should remain at the disposal of the Soviet Union and the United States in their own territories, not only until the end of the second stage but also until the end of the third stage, that is, until the completion of the whole process, of general and complete disarmament.
93. One of the dangers confronting us is from proliferation of nuclear weapons. The wisdom shown by the nuclear Powers in not sharing such weapons has helped to curb the mounting tensions. That this policy may continue is our earnest hope.
94. It is unfortunate that at a time when the international community has embarked on a determined policy of reducing the risks of war and of building up confidence among nations, the People's Republic of China still maintains war as an instrument of national policy and has launched a bitter campaign against the efforts being made for relaxation of tensions.
95. The wanton aggression committed on India by the People's Republic of China in September to November 1962, in fact during the period the seventeenth session of the Assembly was in conference, was a violent assault on the tenets of civilized international behaviour, on the policy of peaceful coexistence, and on the principles of the Charter. This aggression was not any the less- reprehensible because the Government of the People's Republic of China is not represented in the United Nations and has not yet become subject to the obligations and discipline of this world Organization. We in India, in common with many other countries, believe that it is essential that this Government should be brought within the discipline of this body so that it can no longer continue to persist in the ways of an outlaw.
96. Despite all their propagandist pronouncements and the most shamefaced expression of double talk, the fact remains that Chinese forces continue to be in occupation of over 38,000 kilometres of Indian territory, and even today, while I speak in this Assembly of peace, the Chinese have massed a still greater concentration of troops, weapons and supplies all along the borders of our country. Their preparations for war still continue and so also their violations of our territory and air space.
97. What grieves us most deeply in this context is the recent tendency of the unprincipled behaviour of making friends of erstwhile enemies and of seeking strange alliances for collusion in aggression. The world has witnessed such opportunist alliances in the past, but in the world order of today, after the signing of the Charter of the United Nations, such collusive alliances having aggressive purposes are indicative only of the deep-seated hatred of their participants. It is noteworthy that such collusion extends to the point where one of the parties describes the naked aggression committed by the other as "illusory", as was done in this Assembly only a few days ago.
98. The excuse given by the People’s Republic of China for their inability to come to an agreement with India is that we are under the influence of Powers unfriendly to the Chinese People's Republic. Yet China finds no difficulty in befriending countries which have actual military alliances with those very Powers. We deplore this tendency, as we are fully aware of the tragic episodes of our past history when invitations to outside military Powers have spelt ruin to all the inhabitants of the sub-continent.
99. From the beginning of our independence we have planned and worked to give economic content to our political freedom and to develop the vast potential of our country so that our people may lead a better life in larger social and economic freedom. The survival of democracy, which we regard as our sheet anchor, depends on the success of the tasks we have undertaken. Ours is a unique endeavour of democratic planning based on the will of the people. Its special significance lies in the fact that it affects the lives of one seventh of humanity. Today our whole way of life and our hopes for the future have been threatened.
100. The average Indian annual military expenditure during the decade preceding the Chinese attack last year was less than the annual expenditure of the New York City schools and constituted 2.4 per cent of the gross national product of India which is one of the lowest in the world. It is only since last year that India, as a result of the attack and threat from the People's Republic of China, has been forced to augment its military potential.
101. We in India are wedded to paths of peace and to endeavours for peaceful settlement of differences, undeterred by military or other opportunist pressures. We believe that this is the only course open to all nations. We shall defend our sovereignty and territorial integrity, but at the same time continue to explore avenues of peaceful settlement of all differences.
102. We share a common history, a common language and a common struggle with the people of Pakistan, and we are determined to pursue the path of peaceful settlement of all our differences. All that we want to ensure is that, brothers as we are, we live in peace with one another; that the upheaval and unsettlement we witnessed at our birth should never again recur and that the peoples of the two countries should devote their resources and their talents to economic and social progress. There can be no greater calamity for us than conflict with Pakistan.
103. China and India are the two largest countries of Asia and share between them a population of more than one billion —which is more than one third of the total world population. If there is conflict between them there can be no peace in Asia. Should such a conflict erupt again the consequences would be global. On both India and China, therefore, devolves a great responsibility.
104. We ourselves, as well as friends of the two countries, have advanced proposals which would help in a peaceful settlement of our differences with China, As early as December 1962, six African-Asian countries met in Colombo and presented certain proposals which, if accepted and implemented, would create the necessary atmosphere for peaceful settlement of our differences. These proposals were not fully satisfactory to us and yet we accepted them in their entirety. The Chinese Government, on the other hand, refused to accept them. It is a matter of great satisfaction to us that the representatives of Cambodia, Ghana and Mongolia have drawn attention to these Colombo proposals. We continue to hope that this is not the final word of the People's Republic of China and that they will still accept them. In a communication to the Chinese Government on 3 April 1963, we indicated the concrete steps that should be taken for a resolution of our differences, beginning with the acceptance of the Colombo proposals. The Prime Minister of India repeated this position in a letter to the Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic on 1 May 1963. We reminded them again on 6 September. And yet, even after a lapse of six months, there is no answer. China, in its military arrogance, refuses to consider reasonable proposals of peaceful settlement. It appears from the actions and pronouncements of the Chinese leaders that this militant posture and their thesis of inevitability of war is directed not only against India but also against the whole world.
105. In the month of May of this year, a historic conference took place in Addis Ababa which was, in a way, a culmination of the struggle of the African people. The Charter of African Unity, adopted by thirty-two African States, is a significant document and the Conference itself ranks amongst the major gatherings of the postwar era. This conference was a reminder, if one were needed, that Africa cannot continue three fourths free and one fourth slave. So long as the territories of Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, Southern Rhodesia, South West Africa are not independent there can be no lasting peace in Africa. India is gravely concerned that colonialism in some of its worst manifestations should still hold sway in these areas. The fact that the efforts in this Assembly all these years have not changed the situation is frustrating and gives rise to emotions —emotions which are still not fully appreciated by certain nations. We realize that emotions are not the best guide by which to steer our course in an international forum, but they happen to be a reality today and can only be ignored at peril to the principles and purposes to which the United Nations Charter is dedicated. It should be the constant endeavour of all of us here to see that the United Nations plays a vital and effective role in bringing about this change.
106. Another threatening situation exists in South Africa. May I remind the representatives that in 1946, as Chairman of the Indian delegation, the first resolution in this Assembly [resolution 44 (I)] condemning racial discrimination in South Africa was moved by me. On that occasion my opponent was no less a person than the late Field-Marshal Smuts, whose name is closely associated with the Charter of the United Nations. The General Assembly pronounced its verdict by a two-thirds majority in a most dramatic manner at midnight. Since then we have passed resolutions year after year deploring the action of South Africa in respect of discrimination. But conditions have progressively worsened and the South African Government's attitude on the question of apartheid has grown more rigid.
107. While deterioration has been taking place in South Africa, the Assembly has viewed the situation with growing alarm which has been expressed through its resolutions. There has been no response from the Government of South Africa. I venture to suggest that, if in 1946 and the years immediately following some Member nations had not abstained from voting on the resolutions and thus supported, however indirectly, the policies of the Government of South Africa, we might have been able to prevent the extension of those policies. If, for instance, the kind of historic vote which was recorded here a few hours back had been possible some years ago, I believe that we would have been a good deal further along the road to a world without discrimination. Let us not forget that it was racial policies that led to the holocaust of twenty years ago in which millions of lives were lost in order to maintain and uphold the right of all human beings to live with dignity and in freedom. The continent of Africa is aflame with the fires of freedom. We cannot and will not let our brothers in South Africa languish and perish in conditions which our Organization has pledged to outlaw.
108. At its seventeenth session the General Assembly adopted resolution 1761 (XVII). India had the honour of co-sponsoring that resolution. The basic provisions of the resolution have been carried out by us from 1946 and India was, I believe, the first country to take diplomatic and economic action against South Africa for its deplorable policies of apartheid which we have consistently and vigorously condemned. Resolution 1761 (XVII) has had encouraging response from Member States, but the number of defaulters is still too large and it is a matter of regret and concern that even some of its co-sponsors have not implemented Its provisions. Words and indignation can be no substitute for practical measures in this regard.
109. It may well be asked whether the acceptance of the principle of pacific settlement of disputes would necessarily delay the process of decolonization. I do not think that anybody suggests that in eschewing war we are acquiescing in the perpetuation of the status quo in an area where colonialism and racialism must end, and there can be no question of the colonial Powers or racists utilizing peaceful coexistence to reverse the processes of history. One of the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations is to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed forces shall not be utilized save in the common interest. This is where the United Nations must play its role and if methods cannot be found for peaceful evolution from colonialism to freedom, then violence cannot be averted.
110. The role which the United Nations played in the Congo is a step forward on the road to peace. The military operations which were necessitated by the violence accompanying attempts to dismember a Member State have ended successfully. The cooperation which was maintained between the various countries providing military help has been gratifying.
111. Despite the urgency of our defence needs and requirements caused by the invasion of Indian territory by Chinese armed forces, the Indian contingent in the Congo which had been placed at the disposal of the United Nations was not withdrawn before the completion of its mission. At one time we had nearly 6,000 Indian soldiers in the Congo helping to maintain the peace on behalf of the United Nations.
112. Peace-keeping operations are closely linked, as the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Pearson [1208th meeting], reminded us, with problems of political control, executive direction, financial means and administrative co-ordination. India has been aware of this and we have willingly performed our duties on behalf of the United Nations whenever we have been called upon to do so. We can assure our African brothers that we shall continue to make our humble contribution to these efforts. Not only our sympathy but also our fraternal interest is bound up with their efforts.
113. It is heartening to note that, though conflict exists, goodwill and co-operation also exist on many planes, and such individual and collective co-operation is enabling us to move forward towards peace and stability. Areas of co-operation today are larger than those of conflict. It is the news behind the headlines that is making history today.
114. Two years ago, speaking on mis theme, the Prime Minister of India said: "The essential thing about this world is cooperation, and even today, between countries which are opposed to each other in the political or other fields, there is a vast amount of co-operation. Little is known or little is said, about this co-operation that is going on, but a great deal is said about every point of conflict, and so the world is full of this idea that the conflicts go on and we live on the verge of disaster. It would be a truer picture if the cooperating elements in the world today were put forward and we were made to think that the world depends on co-operation and not on conflict." [1051st meeting, para. 37.] The Prime Minister had then proposed that the Assembly might consider devoting a year to emphasizing this aspect of co-operation. Happily the Assembly endorsed the proposal, and a preparatory committee worked on this during this year. Its positive recommendation that 1965, the twentieth anniversary of this great Organization, be designated "International Cooperation Year" will soon be before the Assembly for its consideration. We have been heartened by the favourable response that this proposal has received.
115. In organizing aid for assisting the developing countries this Organization serves its most notable purpose. In this context, no tribute would be adequate for the successful activities of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund. Under the direction of some of the ablest international civil servants, these two activities over the years have furnished to the developing countries a measure of assistance which has been of great benefit to the economic and industrial development of these countries. Mention may be made here of the activities of the Special Fund. India, though itself beset by national problems of great magnitude, is proud of its record in this field. During the period 1959-1963 India's voluntary contributions to the Special Fund amount to the equivalent of $8,205,000. This is 36 per cent of the total contribution of all developing countries and is the highest among such countries.
116. While India is grateful for the assistance received from the Special Fund, which amounts to no more than 244 per cent of India's own contributions, the relative figures in respect of other developing countries are in all cases much higher. Even on a per capita basis, the assistance received by India from the Special Fund is 4.54 cents, only one other developing country having received a smaller amount, while countries with ten times the per capita income of India have received more than 100 times as much per capita aid as India.
117. While India does not grudge aid to other countries, the pursuit of the principle of the sovereign equality of States —a fine principle where votes are concerned— inevitably creates an imbalance in the matter of aid where the number of human beings involved is an essential factor to be taken into consideration. The same factor plays an important role in determining the scale of contributions of Member States for providing for the expenses of the Organization. In order to reaffirm its faith in this, the most noble purpose of the Organization, the Government of India has, as in previous years, decided to continue to maintain its voluntary contribution to the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and to the Special Fund at the highest possible level.
118. The welcome improvements in the international situation should enable us to turn our energies to the problems of development. Such a focusing of energies is urgently called for because, so far, the Decade of Development has moved shakily. It is necessary to intensify our efforts if the modest targets of growth in the developing world are not to be misused.
119. The whole objective of the economic and industrial development plans of my country is to lead it to the point where a self-sustaining economy may be created. Though we are today far from that goal, signs of a break-through are now visible on the horizon. For example, in the absence of foreign aid for the Bokaro Steel Plant, which we considered to be an essential ingredient of our industrial development, it has been decided that Indian engineers themselves will now be entrusted with the task of designing and building this plant, scheduled, at its full development, to produce over 4 million tons of finished steel per year. India is also one of the few countries in the world to establish, as part of the national electrification scheme, nuclear power plants, three of which will soon be in operation. These plants received a large measure of foreign help, as we did not then have the necessary technical knowledge. However, my Government has just taken a decision that the fourth nuclear power plant will be designed and constructed entirely from Indian resources of men and material. A nascent aircraft industry has taken root in India, which now takes its place among the very few countries that are able to manufacture civil and military aircraft. Some training aircraft manufactured in India have already been sold abroad. Finding itself on the threshold of industrialization, India is willing and able to furnish, within its limitations, technical assistance and skill in fields in which it has experience to sister countries which may wish to avail themselves of such aid through the United Nations or on a bilateral basis, and India has already done so in some instances.
120. There has been a slight improvement in the prices paid for primary commodities in world trade, and this upward movement, after years of decline and stagnation, is welcome indeed. The disturbing fact, however, remains that the share of the developing countries in the expanding world trade continues to shrink. The growth rate of the economies of the developing countries leaves much to be desired. While there is a better understanding of the needs and significance of foreign aid, but as loans and as grants, the fact remains that the resources so deployed are far short of the expanding needs and capacities of the developing countries.
121. The United Nations has set up a number of agencies and institutions that have been doing valuable work. On the drawing-board of the world Organization there are a number of blueprints, in varying degrees of finality, about other agencies and institutions planned to assist the processes of development. These varied organizations, with the array of world talent in them, can help to produce effective results if adequate resources are made available to them. The task of mobilizing the needed resources, in terms of aid and trade, will no doubt engage the attention of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development which has rightly aroused deep interest and great expectations among the Member nations.
122. There is today a better understanding, both in the investing countries as well as in the developing countries, of the role and worth of private investments. It would be unfortunate for the measured growth of the world's wealth if occasional aberrations on either side are allowed to mar the emerging understanding in this vital sector of development.
123. Ours is a strange world, full of paradox. On the one side we have to our credit spectacular achievements and limitless opportunity and each year brings exciting new possibilities within our grasp. The other side of the picture is an ugly one of want, hunger and disease —very real enemies which threaten to make a mockery of man's achievements. The war against these enemies is a long and continuing one for they are deeply entrenched. Is it too much to hope that as the blizzard of the cold war subsides, as the snow melts and nature unveils the buds and blossoms of constructive co-operation, this family of Nations will devote even greater thought and energy to lifting the curse of poverty and want from the many millions of our fellow beings, and thus usher in an era of hope and happiness for men and women throughout the world.