I wish to extend to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations of the Danish Government and the Danish delegation on your election to the high post of President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are convinced that under your wise guidance this Assembly will achieve results that will benefit our Organization and the world as a whole. Our congratulations also go to the other members of the General Committee, whose wise counsel will assist you, Mr. President, in carrying out your important and heavy task.
44. One of the pioneers of the United Nations, the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Pearson, said on 19 September [1208th meeting] something that we all know but that may still be worth while recalling. Today we are eighteen years old. In my country that is the age at which one acquires by now a personality of its own. At the same age the League of Nations was dying. We are, to say the least, alive and active.
45. The question is often asked why we spend so much time speaking about ourselves, speaking about the United Nations, rather than discussing those problems of substance which the United Nations was created to solve. We are doing both. But if organizational questions continue to figure heavily on our agenda, the reason is, in my view, that the United Nations itself has become an important political factor in the world, and therefore also a political issue.
46. I consider this to be a sign of strength. Is it not true to say that today no international situation of any importance can arise without the questions being asked: What is the United Nations going to say? How will the United Nations react? How are we going to deal with the United Nations? Is it not true to say, too, that if a number of critical situations have been pacified due to a reaction on the part of the United Nations which had not been taken into account by those responsible, many more situations did never arise because the reaction to be expected was too heavy to face? As a matter of fact, today no foreign policy can be made without taking into account the United Nations. I think that is ample reason for pride, but also an incentive to go on discussing and endeavouring to strengthen the principles and improving the machinery of our Organization.
47. This being said, I want to put on record what ought, by now, to be known by everybody: Denmark continues to support fully the United Nations as an important instrument of peace and international co-operation. We will continue to contribute to the best of our ability morally, financially and materially to the work of this Organization. This is true in the field of peace-keeping activities, including disarmament. It is true in the fields of social and economic co-operation. It is also true in the field of protection of human rights. Even today we witness violations of these rights for reasons of race, religion, sex, political conviction. We must strive earnestly to increase the authority of the United Nations in securing these fundamental aspects of humanity.
48. While the United Nations, therefore, to an increasing degree, influences all aspects of international life and of our national behaviour, it seems to us a necessity that membership of the Organization should be all-embracing. We welcome every new Member. The principle of universality is to us fundamental. Our well-known attitude on the question of Chinese representation is in conformity with this principle. The same applies to our negative attitude to the question of releasing other Member States from their solemn obligations under the Charter.
49. Denmark has welcomed the peace-keeping operations so far undertaken by the United Nations. We have contributed financially to all and made men and equipment available for a number of them. To us there can be no question of abandoning the principle of peacekeeping activities as it has developed since the United Nations was created.
50. The Congo action proved to be a major success for the United Nations and of great benefit to the Republic of the Congo, thanks to the brilliant and courageous leadership of both the late and the present Secretaries- General and to the efforts and sacrifices of many nations and individuals. However, that action demonstrated how far such an operation can develop beyond what was envisaged at the outset. While a small minority of Member States have persistently argued that the Organization was running away with the action, most of us probably at some stage had a more or less vague feeling that perhaps the action was running away with the Organization. The problems attending the peacekeeping activities of the United Nations have proved to be more complex that many of us ever realized. This is illustrated by the financial difficulties now facing the Organization. We think, like Mr. Lester Pearson, that more thought should be given to these problems —not only to their financial and institutional aspects, but also to the technical questions, questions of planning and preparing. It seems to us that the time has now come for the Organization to study these questions thoroughly. As you are aware, the Nordic countries have pushed forward with the idea of earmarking and preparing special military forces for the use of the United Nations. But wider co-operation and coordination in this field seem to be called for.
51. As regards the financial difficulties, we hope that through some hard thinking in the Fifth Committee a solution can be found which re-establishes the financial health of the Organization. We welcome the overwhelming support of the principle of collective financial responsibility resulting from the fourth special session of the Assembly. May the way thus shown by Member States, even those with a low capacity to pay, be a guidance to all nations in the sharing of responsibilities, so that we need have no fear for the future of our Organization.
52. Denmark's desire to see peace safeguarded through general and complete disarmament under appropriate control is unchanged. The United Nations has a primary responsibility in this field. We should, however, approach problems in a spirit of realism, keeping in mind that agreement between the major Powers, based on mutual interests, is the first condition of progress. To press ideas that have no chance of leading to such agreement can do more harm than good.
53. Discussion in the Assembly must obviously be influenced by the Nuclear Test Ban Agreement recently concluded between the three major nuclear Powers. Denmark, together with a large majority of other States, did not hesitate to sign the Agreement. And it is our sincere hope that those still missing will soon follow this example. The hopes raised in all mankind by this Agreement must not be disappointed but should inspire us to new efforts.
54. Already before the opening of the eighteenth session we noted with satisfaction signs of willingness on the part of the countries most directly concerned to conduct negotiations on further disarmament measures. The speeches we have had the honour to listen to since then have given us reason for increased optimism. We welcomed the great and statesmanlike speech of President Kennedy [1209th meeting] —a speech that took a line to which we fully adhere: that of defending without compromise the ideals of freedom and independence which we can never abandon, while offering to all the world the hand of peaceful co-operation.
55. We also appreciated the statement made by Mr. Gromyko, Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting] as a most important step toward greater understanding between East and West. The ideas of these two speeches as regards the possibilities of progress in the disarmament field are remarkably close. Even in their terminology they showed some mutual approach. May we hope that the time is not far away when we may all talk in terms of peaceful, co-operative coexistence or, if you prefer, peaceful coexistent co-operation.
56. I do not want to disturb this tone of conciliation and mutual understanding which to all of us is essential. I am sure, however, that it will be no surprise to my Soviet colleague if I say that we are unable to share his views regarding Germany. Much as all Europeans, including the Germans themselves, wish for a true "détente" in Central Europe, it serves no purpose to close our eyes to the fact that such a "détente" is fundamentally dependent on the solution of political problems —first and foremost the right of the German people to self-determination. This question should certainly not be an obstacle to progress in the field of disarmament in Central Europe— especially if such measures can pave the way to greater understanding of the underlying political problems. It is our experience that good and neighbourly relations can be established with the Germany of today. Between Denmark and Germany —and everybody knows that we have had our problems— relations have never been better than they are today.
57. At the present time it would probably not be advisable for the Assembly to hamper the talks in progress by pressing on the participants various.no doubt well- intentioned, but perhaps more or less considered proposals. Our main task must be to encourage and give fresh impetus to the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament while referring to it for further consideration such ideas as may emerge from our discussions.
58. We consider it of the utmost importance that in the economic sphere the United Nations is now beginning to take the initiative in three most essential fields: trade, industrial development, and financing of the social and economic infrastructure.
59. We fully realize that, without active United Nations participation in these fields, it is not possible to promote the universally-agreed aims embodied in the Charter: higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development all over the world.
60. We look forward to participating, in 1964, not only in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, but also in the forthcoming GATT meeting from which, we are convinced, the developing countries will obtain concrete advantages. The decision taken last year to hold the Conference on Trade and Development in 1964 must in our opinion be considered a major step towards solving the commercial problems facing the developing countries. The Conference may well become one of the major events —perhaps the major event of the Development Decade of the Sixties. We have noted with satisfaction the constructive way in which preparations for this Conference have progressed. Of the greatest importance is the general agreement reached that the main task of the Conference should be that of building up the economies of the developing countries by adopting or preparing practical measures in recognition of the need of these countries for special consideration in the marketing of their products and the urgent necessity of organizing world trade accordingly.
61. We welcome the proposed enlargement of the activities of the Special Fund enabling it to take a direct part in the financing of the essential infrastructure of the low-income countries. We also welcome the increased emphasis which, in accordance with the expressed wishes of the developing countries, the United Nations is placing on the furtherance of industrial development.
62. Before leaving the economic sector I wish to express Denmark's appreciation of the warm welcome which the developing countries gave our proposal at the seventeenth session concerning the establishment of a United Nations Training and Research Institute [see resolution 1827 (XVII)]. The final decision concerning the establishment of the Institute was taken this summer by the Economic and Social Council, and we are looking forward to studying during this session the Secretary-General's first progress report on the financing of the Institute which, we trust, will be opened in 1964.
63. Denmark's basic attitude to the colonial issue remains unchanged: To give full support to the efforts within the United Nations to press forward towards independence for colonial territories and peoples as rapidly as compatible with the true interests of the peoples concerned. This attitude is clearly reflected in our participation in the Committee of Twenty-four.
64. We welcome the results achieved in this field since we met last autumn. We are very soon to welcome Kenya as a new Member of the United Nations. We may hope that Zanzibar will not be far behind. Developments which will eventually lead to independence for Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland are well underway. In the Far East, three areas —Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak— have recently merged with Malaya into an independent federation.
65. The more progress is made, the more we shall find ourselves left with cases presenting major problems, whether due to special conditions in the areas themselves or to the attitude of the administering country or both. This fact has revealed a certain tendency within the Assembly and its Committees to let theoretical considerations and principles domineer over the due regard for the local situation and the wellbeing of the peoples concerned. In cases where the will of the Administering Power to proceed as soon as possible towards independence and to co-operate fully with the United Nations is manifest, we should, in my opinion, go far in taking into account that country's evaluation of local difficulties and hesitate to press for specific measures of doubtful utility.
66. Undue precipitation in such cases will only tend to reduce our influence on, and distract attention from, the cases on which we should concentrate, those where no good will is present on the part of the administering country or government. Hard pressure by the United Nations should be reserved for these cases, and here we should not shrink from using, eventually and if necessary, all the means placed at our disposal by the Charter, if such means prove suitable to bring about the changes we desire and if they can command sufficient support to produce that effect.
67. This leads me directly to the question of the policies of apartheid in South Africa which once again weighs heavily on our agenda. The United Nations has by now dealt with this question for a good many years. You may know how deep it has gone to the heart of everybody in Denmark. Numerous manifestations of one kind or another bear witness to the intense preoccupation of the Danish people with the question of apartheid.
68. The approach of the United Nations to the question of apartheid in South Africa has so far been, and rightly so, that apartheid must be abolished as contrary to the principles of the Charter and to human rights. Recently most of us have felt that if persuasion was not sufficient to induce the South African Government to change Its policy, other means would have to be adopted. A most important step in this direction was taken by the recent resolution of the Security Council banning exports of arms to South Africa. Other steps will undoubtedly have to follow.
69. The Danish Government is in agreement with this policy. I repeat: Denmark supports this line of action and feels that it should be pursued and pressure gradually increased. What we desire is not mere words or recommendations of a general nature, but measures the effects of which have been carefully studied beforehand and discussed thoroughly with a view to providing sufficient support from Member States. We recognize that the African countries have special interests in this matter, interests which naturally lead them to advocate an unconditional policy of sanctions. This special position also carries special responsibilities. It might be useful to initiate within a small group a dialogue between representatives of these specially interested countries and the major commercial partners of South Africa, which eventually will have to carry the main burden of such a policy of sanctions.
70. I repeat once again that we think such a policy of pressure necessary and justified. I must, however, ask myself and ask you a question which many Members of the Assembly have certainly for some time been asking themselves quietly. That crucial question is this: Is that limited line of action through pressure sufficient in itself to bring about peaceful developments towards a solution of all aspects of the South African question? I am very much afraid that that is not so. I am very much afraid that a policy of sanctions alone —I repeat alone— may well defeat its own ends, aggravate the present state of tension in the area and bring the possibility of tragic events closer.
71. Apartheid today causes misery to millions of people. Its abolition will, however, pose other problems. It is the duty of the United Nations to show the way forward in solving these problems in accordance with the basic principles of the Charter. We must face the fact that the great majority of the European population in South Africa wrongly assume that abandonment of white domination means abandonment of their own existence. It is our duty to prove to them that that is not so. It is our duty to demonstrate that there is an alternative to catastrophe and that the only way towards this alternative is through the abolition of apartheid. It is our duty to give all groups in South Africa hope and confidence that, after abolition of those inhuman and abhorrent principles by which the Republic of South Africa is now guided, there will be a happy and prosperous future for everybody who has his roots and wishes to continue his life in South Africa.
72. In other words, if the approach of the United Nations has so far followed a single line, we feel that it has now become necessary for the Assembly to formulate a supplementary policy, to make clear to the world what we would like should take the place of the present set-up —a truly democratic, multiracial society of free men, with equal rights for all individuals, irrespective of race.
73. Changing a society so deeply rooted in apartheid and dominated by a minority into such a free democratic, multiracial society may well prove to be a task which cannot be solved by the people of South Africa alone. I feel convinced that in such a process of development the United Nations will have to play a major role if we are to avoid a tragic disaster. We must consider how, if necessary, we can, in a transitional period, contribute to the maintenance of law and order and the protection of the life and civil rights of all individuals. We must likewise consider how the United Nations can best assist South Africa in laying the foundation of its new society.
74. In our opinion it is high time for the Assembly to give thought to the positive policy to be pursued in South Africa and to the role which the United Nations should play in coming developments. Careful studies to this end should be initiated now. If not, we may one day be taken by surprise and have reason to regret it.
75. Progress In "decolonization" is evidence of what the United Nations has already been able to achieve. Apartheid in South Africa shows how much is still left to be done before the high ideals of the Charter are carried out everywhere in the world. By now we know a good deal about the problems raised by people of different habits, attitudes and racial extraction living together in one society. In this Assembly —in itself a picture of the multiracial society— we have solved these problems. Why should we not be able to achieve the same in every-day life?
76. The present "détente" and constructive approach between East and West have brightened our hopes of saving mankind from "the scourge of war" and bringing about a peaceful future for our world. While continuing our efforts, step by step, towards this goal, let us not for a moment forget our solemn obligation to fulfil the high ideals of equal human rights and respect for human dignity which are set out in the Charter. By following the guiding star of these ideals we can create a world in which not only war between States, but also aggressiveness between men, have been abolished and replaced by tolerance, co-operation and mutual goodwill.