Mr. President, allow me to associate myself with all those who have congratulated you on your election as President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. The eminent qualities you have already shown as representative of your country to the United Nations and the friendly personal relations you maintain are a guarantee of the success of our work.
132. The eighteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly is opening under favourable omens. During the period since December 1962, the world has witnessed many events which point to a better future for mankind as it continues its upward and triumphal struggle and seeks to lay the foundations of a durable just and lasting world peace.
133. It has always been the desire of the Government which I have the honour to represent to pursue and carry out the policy of positive neutralism and non-alignment initiated at the famous and historic conference held at Bandung in 1955?
134. Some of the principles which emerged from the Bandung Conference were endorsed at Belgrade in September 1961? The group of non-aligned countries has spared no effort to bring about the "détente" which is ardently sought by the peoples of the world because they want present and future generations to escape a thermonuclear holocaust. The aim of positive neutralism is to work in the service of peace. It makes its contribution to reconciling opposing views so that the foundations of peaceful coexistence may be strengthened.
135. The most vital problem we must tackle if we want peaceful coexistence to continue and develop is that of banning the use of weapons of mass destruction. The Committee on measures leading towards disarmament has already considered this. Authoritative voices have called for concrete results in that direction. What is more, the Cuban crisis showed, in October 1962, that the confrontation of the two greatest nuclear Powers could lead to the extinction of all life on our planet. The world was happy to see, therefore, that the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were able finally to spare mankind that tragic fate.
136. During this summer, a major step forward was made in this direction. Following laborious negotiations, the United States, the USSR and the United Kingdom succeeded in signing, at Moscow on 5 August 1963, the Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and underwater. Although a total ban on the use of these weapons has not yet been achieved, the signing of the Moscow Treaty has been hailed and acclaimed by all peoples as an important milestone in contemporary history. The majority of States, both Members and non-members of the United Nations and including Syria, have affixed their signature to the Treaty, which shows the importance attached to it by world public opinion.
137. However, that is only a first step on the road to general and complete disarmament. It must be followed by others. The trust just established between the great Powers should stimulate every possible effort to create a favourable climate for future progress along the arduous road to peace.
138. The statements made earlier from this rostrum by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [1208th meeting] and the President of the United States of America [1209th meeting] are, we feel, encouraging. They are promising signs for the future. We have come a long way from the days when incomprehension between the great Powers was the rule. If a meeting of the members of the Committee on Disarmament were convened at the highest level, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR has proposed, it would undoubtedly contribute to ironing out the remaining difficulties. Many world problems are still unsolved and it would be quite unrealistic to think that solutions to them can be found quickly. On the contrary, we must be patient and wait until all the issues dividing the East and the West are settled in due course in a spirit of mutual understanding and trust similar to that which resulted in the historic treaty partially banning nuclear weapon tests.
139. The peoples of the world are awaiting the ending of what has been termed the cold war. Vast resources have already been diverted from normal channels for use in the manufacture of weapons of total destruction. While hunger and poverty are still felt over a large part of the globe, thousands of millions are swallowed up in armament costs. We must therefore move ahead with the study of measures relating to the economic consequences of disarmament. The militarized economies face a crucial point in their development; we believe that their adaptation to a general peace programme is essential if they are not to hamper any evolution towards disarmament.
140. The great Powers, freed from the burden of military expenditure, could and should then devote themselves to assisting the developing countries. The latter have suffered enough, over whole centuries, from foreign domination and oppression. Their resources have been used for the industrialization and development of their former masters. When these left them, their independence, gained, alas, at the cost of blood and sacrifices, was stamped with the seal of poverty, hunger and ignorance. My Government wishes to pay tribute to the work done by the United Nations, in conjunction with the specialized agencies, in the field of technical assistance. However, this work would be more useful and more effective if the resources of the economically strong powers were mobilized to improve the lot of the peoples instead of being used for the creation of devices capable of destroying them.
141. The question assumes particular gravity and importance when we consider that the United Nations Development Decade is still in progress. It would be unfortunate were we to find that scientific development and social development could not keep step. In describing the present period, since the end of the Second World War, we would have to mention a hitherto unknown historical phenomenon. Whereas in the past social changes took place slowly and gradually, sometimes requiring whole centuries, we have seen, in the space of twelve years, the birth of two decisive eras, or even ages, which distinguish the time in which we live.
142. In 1945, the United States of America exploded the first atomic bomb. The secrets of the atom were revealed, and it could now be used as a weapon of total destruction or as a tool for the emancipation of all mankind.
143. In 1957, the Soviet Union initiated the exploration of space by launching its first satellite and later by sending the first man into space. Thus a new barrier was crossed, No scientific marvel since the day when Christopher Columbus discovered America could be compared to that exploit.
144. Thus, with the twentieth century not yet over, man has succeeded in splitting the atom and navigating in space. The two ages have helped to bring men closer together, as Lamartine was already prophesying in the nineteenth century in the following lines which I feel are topical: "Seas, rivers and degrees no longer limit the sharing of man's heritage; the only frontiers between men are the limits of the spirit, so that the world, once enlightened, will rise to unity." It would therefore be altogether anachronistic and contrary to the laws of history, in this age of the atom and of space, for entire peoples to remain in a state of misery, while the amazing achievements of science and technology have made possible human progress at a dizzying rate.
145. A world rid of the terror of weapons and concentrating on peaceful achievements could create in any event more favourable circumstances for the development of those countries which are seeking economic and social advancement. In this connexion we are in full agreement with the Secretary-General who said, in his Introduction to the Annual Report on the Work of the Organization, that "The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology was a milestone in the Development Decade" [A/5501/Add.1, sect.I].
146. Science and technology in the service of development; what could be better to bring about the rehabilitation of the backward regions of the world and thereby ensure a lasting peace based on justice? Such action would be incomplete, however, if not accompanied by measures to promote international trade. A feature of the present age is the trend towards the establishment of economic groupings, which vie with each other sometimes to their own detriment, but often to the detriment of countries recently freed from the chains of colonialism and imperialism.
147. These economic groupings, by trying to monopolize to their own advantage trade with non-member States, may, at the present stage in their development, create problems which, far from reducing international tension, may in fact heighten it. Bearing particularly in mind the interest of the developing countries, there is reason to believe that some economic groupings may considerably retard the industrialization of these countries, simply because of the channelling of trade through European markets and the need for association with the grouping, without which such countries are deprived of all outlets. Consequently, in the interests of peace itself, we welcome the convening of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which is to be held during 1964. We hope that it will be able to alleviate the present situation and that the new nations will be able to express their views quite frankly on measures which will not hamper their harmonious and peaceful development.
148. With regard to the new countries, we note with pleasure that the number of African States which have completed the steps leading to independence has increased considerably during recent years. The membership of the United Nations has thus been enlarged and we must agree with the Secretary-General that this widening has "brought the Organization nearer to its goal of universality" [A/5501/Add.l, sect. IX].
149. With a view to achieving that goal in a more specific manner, the General Assembly, acting on a proposal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, adopted its famous Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples of 14 December 1960 [resolution 1514 (XV)]. The aim of that historic Declaration was to put an end once and for all to the colonial system. It alone should have led both the colonized peoples and the Administering Powers to bring about the final liquidation of that system. Thus far, it has unfortunately not done so, notwithstanding the creation in 1961 of a Special Committee to implement the Declaration of 14 December 1960.
150. The Committee has taken on an impressive task. It has already met in 1962 and 1963 and has painted a complete picture of the territories which still labour under the colonial yoke. But the colonial Powers which persist in maintaining their supremacy do not intend to let go. We must therefore salute the struggle of the peoples of Angola, Southern Rhodesia and other colonial territories to obtain their final liberation. In the interest of peace and in accordance with the purposes of the United Nations Charter, they must obtain it as soon as possible, and in any case before the twentieth session. It is impossible to understand Portugal's stubborn maintenance of its rule. We venture to hope that the resolution on the territories administered by Portugal adopted by the Security Council on 31 July 1963, following the complaint which the African States decided to draw up during their historic meeting at Addis Ababa last May, will not remain a dead letter.
151. It is equally necessary that the policies of apartheid pursued by the Republic of South Africa should come to an end. That is a special form of colonialism which has continued for more than fifteen years. In spite of the constant efforts of the United Nations, the European minority continues to oppress the African majority. This situation cannot be allowed to continue. The General Assembly and the Security Council have decided on measures to be taken with a view to compelling the South African Government to discharge its obligations under the United Nations Charter. My Government endorses here and now any action that may be taken to that end.
152. My delegation has also considered the situation of Gibraltar. It believes that that territory, being a part of Spain, should by right be returned to the Spanish people. The arguments adduced in support of the United Kingdom's position in the Committee of Twenty-Four [208th meeting] are not convincing.
153. The Arab nation also is still suffering from the throes of imperialism and colonialism. The United Kingdom continues to obstruct the emancipation and liberation of many peoples and of immense vast territories extending from the Arabian Gulf to Yemen.
154. The people of Oman are continuing their heroic struggle. In spite of the fact that the United Kingdom is denying them their legitimate aspirations, we are certain that they will win and that their struggle will not have been in vain. Similarly, the establishment of the Federation of South Arabia, of which Aden forms a part, does not constitute a just and sound approach to the independence and unity that is the aspiration of all Arabs, particularly of those of the regions concerned. However, far from adapting itself to the needs of the time, the United Kingdom Government has refused to co-operate with the mission appointed by the Committee on the implementation of the Declaration on colonialism to investigate the claims of the peoples of Aden and of Southern Arabia. The report of the Subcommittee on Aden [A/AC.109/L.63] alone constitutes a clear indictment. The Sub-Committee was unable to visit Aden, and, strange to say, the Aden immigration authorities warned the airlines and shipping companies not to permit the entry of the permanent representatives to the United Nations who were chosen by the Committee of Twenty-Four to visit Aden. Those representatives were thus regarded by the Aden authorities as malefactors. This is how the United Kingdom intends to fulfil its obligations under the United Nations Charter. If you refuse to receive the Committee at Aden, do you believe it will deign to go to you? Having been unable to visit Aden, the Sub-Committee heard petitioners at San'a, Taiz, Jeddah, Cairo and Baghdad. The petitioners unanimously denounced the actions of the Administering Power. That Power intends to subordinate the interests of the peoples to the requirements of its strategy and its petroleum policy. The political organizations of Aden and South Arabia have clearly expressed their desire to achieve unity with Yemen, but the United Kingdom will not grant independence to those vast territories unless they consent to remain under its control. That is the explanation for the repressive measures mentioned in the report. The nationalists are persecuted and imprisoned because they call for implementation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter.
155. We wonder whether this situation is not a remnant of some imperial nostalgia which was fitting in Rudyard Kipling's time but is completely inconsistent with the needs of today. In that connexion, I should like to emphasize one of the Sub-Committee's conclusions, in paragraph 177 of its report, which reads as follows: "In making these recommendations, the Sub-Committee has in mind the rapid implementation in this Territory of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. It feels, however, that it is also its duty to draw the attention of the Special Committee to the need to put an end to a dangerous situation the continuance of which is likely to threaten international peace and security. "New developments have taken place in the Arab world, which intends to achieve unity, for it is driven in that direction by an implacable historical process. The first task of the Arab liberation movement is to break the chains of imperialism and colonialism wherever they exist. We are fighting to liberate those Arab countries which are still in chains, just as we are fighting for the emancipation of all our Asian and African brothers.
156. I should also like to refer to a matter which is close to the heart of every Arab because it constitutes the most flagrant injustice in contemporary history, namely, the "Palestine question". The Zionist movement, which has long served the cause of imperialism, by deceitful acts induced the United Kingdom to grant it on 2 November 1917 the famous and unjust declaration known as the "Balfour Declaration". Not content with having decided the fate and future of a territory which was not its own, the United Kingdom Government, during its Palestine Mandate, proceeded to carry out a policy whose harmful consequences were evident to Arab eyes from the very first.
157. The resolution [181 (II)] which was adopted by the General Assembly on 29 November 1947 and led to the assumption of power in Palestine by the Jewish minority —a minority, incidentally, which came from Europe— had the most fateful and unjust consequences for the destiny of the Arab nation. One million Arabs were expelled from their homes and have been living since 1948 in difficult and precarious conditions.
158. Successive resolutions of the General Assembly have already decided that the refugees should return to their homes and be compensated for the loss of their property, but nothing has been done to implement these resolutions. The sufferings of the refugees are continuing, because the Israel authorities will not bow to the law and persist in their defiance of international opinion. The armistice agreements they signed with the Arab countries created obligations which they do not intend to honour. Acts of aggression, continual violations of the armistice agreements— this is the coin in which Israel deals.
159. Israel's activities enjoy constant immunity. Israel remains unaffected by criticism. It has good friends that sustain and protect it, especially in the Security Council. The friends in question do their utmost to make Israel appear the victim, when its actions have already placed it in the ranks of usurpers and aggressors. Since the Arabs were driven from the land of their ancestors, the history of Israel has been one long series of actions undertaken in the service of imperialism. The world has not forgotten the role Israel played in the attack on Egypt in 1956. Whenever imperialism wished to exert pressure on certain Arab countries, Israel was there to lend a hand. Each time imperialism wanted to exert pressure, Israel was there to help it, for Israel is an extension of the West into the Middle East. It is clear that so long as this state of affairs lasts, it will be our duty to think of our future and that of our children. In view of the expansionist aims of Israel, we must defend ourselves against it and we must continue to be vigilant. Our very existence is at stake.
160. Palestine having been usurped, and its people having suffered the injustice I have mentioned, it is up to that people to decide its own fate. Reference is often made, wrongly, to Arab-Israel relations. No such thing exists. There is only the question of Palestine. It is the Arab people of Palestine that have the primary right to settle it.
161. In her statement, the Israel representative, Mrs. Golda Meir, lamented the absence of peace in the region. She thus wished to make herself appear the victim, claiming that the Arabs harbour aggressive intentions in order to conceal their internal dissension. Let me refute this false allegation briefly and vigorously by the following arguments.
162. First, Mrs. Meir and those who support her cause know very well that the Arab peoples never consented to submit to the injustice committed against them. It would therefore be fallacious and mendacious to attribute this state of affairs to the conditions prevailing in the Arab world, which the latter regards as entirely its own concern.
163. Secondly, the Arab countries cannot watch Israel's aggressions impassively while the legitimate nationals of Palestine are languishing in refugee camps. No Government, whatever its tendencies and its political orientation, could subscribe to a status quo based on injustice, for all the Arab masses would then be hostile to it. I regret to say these words, which certainly will not please Mr. Spaak, but that is the situation in the Middle East, which he saw fit to mention in his otherwise very eloquent statement.
164. Thirdly, the hostility of the Arab masses is not the result of a mere mental speculation. It results from an anomaly that is obvious to the most untrained eye. While the right of self-determination is proclaimed everywhere, in the case of Palestine it has been denied to the Arab majority of the population, and granted to a Jewish minority, which had come, moreover, from abroad. Would our African friends and brothers accept, for example, a General Assembly decision favouring the European minority currently governing the Republic of South Africa or upholding the domination of Sir Roy Welensky in Rhodesia? I am sure they would not.
165. Fourthly, Israel was, moreover, a product of the machinations of imperialism, which has joined forces with the Zionist movement. There is no need for me to give the history of this permanent conspiracy. I shall take as my proof what was written by the late Chaim Weizmann in his book which is known in the French version as Naissance d'Israël and which first appeared in English under the title Trial and Error, Speaking of Mr. Leopold Amery, the former British Colonial Secretary, in very touching terms, Mr. Weizmann says: "Of larger stature and superior abilities was Leopold Amery, later Colonial Secretary. Amery got his enlightened imperialist principles from Milner. He was the most open-minded of all that group. He realized the importance of a Jewish Palestine in the British imperial scheme of things more than anyone else. " I repeat: "He realized the importance of a Jewish Palestine in the British imperial scheme of things more than anyone else". I feel that this statement needs no comment. Nevertheless, in order to fit contemporary history, the last sentence should be replaced by the words —and here I quote myself— "Jewish Palestine is important in the scheme of Western strategy and tactics". I submit this last thought for the consideration of those willing to profit by the lessons of history.
166. It appears therefore that the Palestine question is sui generis and does not fall under the rules which nowadays govern international relations. Just as the African countries could not consider accepting rule by Europeans either in South Africa or in Angola or Mozambique, so the Arab peoples could in no way submit to a colonial situation dictated by imperialism and its agents, especially when those who hold the reins of power in Israel today are mostly immigrants from Europe.
167. Thus, the Arab countries measure the friendship they feel for other countries in the light of the Palestine question. Those who wish to take the side of Israel should not forget that they are offending the feelings of the entire Arab nation. That point was made clear by my delegation during the recent debates in the Security Council. On that occasion we appreciated at its true worth the position taken by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in upholding the cause of right, justice and equity and voting accordingly.
168. In spite of the feelings aroused in us by the Palestine question, we continue to assure the United Nations of our confidence in it, for it must pursue its task in spite of the difficulties with which it is confronted. On the subject of difficulties, the financial situation which the Organization faces today as a result of the operations in the Congo inevitably comes to mind. We agree with the Secretary-General when he says to us: "While good reasons have been put forward for the continuation of the United Nations military commitment in the Congo, I sincerely believe that the time has come when, for various reasons, it is necessary to envisage the early withdrawal and winding-up of the United Nations Force in the Congo." [A/5501/ Add.1, sect. V, p. 3.] We are inclined to believe that the wise measure recommended by the Secretary-General would lead to a substantial reduction of the heavy expenses now borne by our Organization. In any event, whatever may be the outcome of the problem, we should not lose sight of the fact that any decision the General Assembly may take in the matter should be based on a proper appreciation of the interests of the Organization and of its Member States. There can be no question of adopting vexatious measures against anyone, nor of invoking Article 19 of the Charter merely from a desire to cast a shadow over our work.
169. Similarly, the People's Republic of China cannot be kept outside the fold. The Chinese people has suffered from imperialism since the day when, following the Opium War, it was placed at the mercy of the greed and whims of those known at the time as the "Treaty Powers". The establishment of a regime which is not to some people's liking cannot constitute a pretext for preventing the Government that holds effective authority over all of continental China from taking its place among us. This anomaly should be ended, for its continuance tends constantly to retard a genuine and complete "détente".
170. It is in the spirit of the principles I have had the honour to express on behalf of my country that my delegation intends to take part in the work of the present session of the General Assembly. It will make every effort to ensure the success of all endeavours that may safeguard peace and security, put an end to colonialism and promote a better understanding among peoples.