On taking the floor for the first time in this Assembly, I should like first of all, Mr. President, to discharge a pleasant duty, that of adding the warm congratulations of the delegation of the Central African Republic to those already addressed from this rostrum welcoming the appointment of our General Committee and especially the choice as President of so wise a diplomat, so impartial an arbiter and so brilliant a defender of the United Nations as you, Sir, who are the son of a country which, "faithful to the traditional principles of all the peoples of America, seeks the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means".
94. My delegation wishes also to congratulate the Vice-Presidents, those collaborators whom the Assembly has chosen to assist you in your difficult task. I am convinced that under your competent leadership the work of the present session will be successfully completed.
95. May I also be allowed, Mr. President, to pay a tribute to the competence and mastery of the distinguished diplomat whom you have succeeded, Mr. Zafarullah Khan, and to our Secretary-General, U Thant, whose clear-sightedness, courage and devotion to the cause of our Organization have enabled the latter to achieve some appreciable results recently.
96. My delegation does not consider it superfluous to reaffirm that the Central African Republic is so deeply attached to the United Nations that resolute support of the latter's actions is one of the essential features of my Government's foreign policy. Since ideological and military reasons are causing the political blocs into which the world is at present divided to emphasize the considerations that divide the nations and not those that unite them —an approach which is contrary to the spirit of the Charter of San Francisco— my country, I repeat, refuses to be a part of any group which is generally designated by that word.
97. Nevertheless, this principle does not prevent us from entering into alliances which appear to us to have peaceful and positive aims, or from entertaining friendly relations with other nations or groups of nations which are ready to assist us while at the same time respecting our rights.
98. Thus, after joining the organization known as the African and Malagasy Union and thereby strengthening the bonds forged by cultural affinities, geographical situation and remembrance of the common struggle for independence, my country is now a full Member of the Organization of African Unity, which was set up at the Addis Ababa Conference and whose major objectives are to co-ordinate the efforts of all the thirty-two countries of which it is composed, to harmonize their policies and to develop their respective economies. In doing so, the Central African Republic, thanks to a continuously dynamic solidarity, is seeking to take its place peacefully among the modern nations.
99. Of course, this African solidarity which inspires us does not by any means prevent us from turning our eyes towards the other continents. We therefore willingly offer the hand of friendship to all nations which, like our own, are striving through economic and social progress to raise their citizens to that dignity of which political independence, notwithstanding its vital importance, is but a part. We are also looking to the industrial Powers which are prepared to make such an effort easier for us while at the same time respecting our national sovereignty. For psychological, geopolitical and economic reasons, my country welcomes in particular any agreement or co-operation with Western Europe.
100. It is precisely this desire for friendship with all nations which has been consistently stressed by Mr. David Dacko, the President of the Central African Republic, who stated last year that "the Central African Republic is a State which is wide open to the outside world". Hence it is easy to understand our reaction to the rivalry between the two great blocs, which appears to be the source of the world political situation and of all the localized conflicts.
101. Last year, indeed, rivalries and quarrels, first between individuals and then between peoples, confronted mankind with the frightful vision of an atomized and lifeless world —so much so that it seemed as though human vanity was making it impossible for minds and efforts to be united in order to remove once and for all the threat of war, hot or cold, and to promote "universal civilization".
102. All States should unite their efforts to ensure that from now onwards sound basic principles of peace are inculcated in youth, which will be responsible for handing them down to succeeding generations, so that the idea of war may be extirpated from our planet for ever.
103. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Central African Republic, adding his voice to those of other delegations, declared in this very hall two years ago: "To avoid disaster I would, on behalf of my Government, urge the great Powers ... in particular ... the United States of America and the Soviet Union, to pursue their discussions with the sincere desire to succeed, so that they may establish an effective system for the control of nuclear and conventional armaments applicable to all atomic Powers, present and future." [1037th meeting, paras. 14 and 15.]
104. The Central African delegation, adding its voice to those that preceded it in the general debate, is pleased to say that it may be stated without exaggeration that the present session has begun its work in an international atmosphere which is comparatively relaxed and reassuring. In saying this, I wish to hail what in our view are the two most important events that have occurred while the Assembly was in recess, namely, the birth of the Organization of African Unity and the conclusion of the Treaty for the partial banning of nuclear tests.
105. Eminent persons have already expressed their views on the Organization of African Unity. At the risk of being repetitious —which is not perhaps without its uses— my delegation wishes to draw attention to the laudable work that our Heads of States have accomplished in bringing about so impressive and promising a result without difficulty. The various stages of this accomplishment have been marked by that will for union and frank co-operation, and above all by that spirit of active solidarity which our Heads of State have always placed above everything else ever since the wind of independence first blew over Africa.
106. It is well that the whole world should know that the fundamental principles of the Organization of African Unity and the precise objectives that it has set itself represent nothing else than the formal expression of their desire to promote peace, human dignity and harmonious development in all fields in Africa. Such objectives and such a line of conduct —as has been proclaimed— are logically in keeping with the views of nations which hold the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the greatest respect.
107. I have referred to the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty as another striking event in international relations. It must be recognized that in its quest for peace, freedom and speedy progress, Africa cannot be content with half-measures. Africa must be demanding and must make it clear to the Powers which at present hold the record for speed that it wants matters to proceed with all haste. That is why my country, like most of the Members of our Assembly no doubt, considers that the Moscow Treaty, which does honour to those who negotiated it, merely represents a tremendous opportunity for the opening of constructive and positive talks regarding the maintenance of international peace and security. This treaty has undoubtedly rekindled hope and faith in the hearts and minds of men, but does this mean that peace is no longer threatened, or that security is ensured?
108. Peace, which is so dear to all, great or small, rich or poor, and which we want to be real and lasting, is again in jeopardy, for whereas modern man, with his creative genius, is unable to bring about an era of peace on our own planet, he now proposes to make a journey to the moon.' So much so that, to quote the words of the first citizen of one of the signatory Powers of the Moscow Treaty: "The world has not yet escaped from the darkness. The long shadows of conflict and crisis envelop us still." [1209th meeting, para. 37.] For whether it is a matter of general and complete disarmament of Berlin, of the Straits of Formosa, of South-East Asia, of the Near or Middle East, of the still dependent African countries, of Korea or of apartheid in South Africa, we are still enveloped by the "shadows of conflict and crisis" and "the world has not yet escaped from the darkness".
109. It is imperative that the world should dispel the darkness, the conflict and the crises that envelop it. That is to say that it is the compelling duty of the United Nations, which is the living symbol of tills anguished world, scrupulously to observe the obligations imposed by the San Francisco Charter.
110. General and complete disarmament must be our first concern. In this connexion, President David Dacko recently stated that: "The Soviet Union has concluded all its nuclear tests but it possesses a large stockpile of atomic weapons, the destruction of which is not provided for in the Agreement ... The same applies to the United States of America."
111. In the opinion of my delegation, the voices of all the nations of the earth should be raised in unison to insist on the systematic destruction of stockpiles of nuclear weapons and on general and complete disarmament under effective international control. In this respect, my delegation has taken note with a certain amount of optimism of the recent statements made at the United Nations rostrum —and thus before the whole world— by the President of the United States of America and the representatives of the Soviet Union and of the United Kingdom. May these great nuclear Powers realize that the fate of all mankind is in their hands and that it is their bounden duty to spare no effort to reach a final and satisfactory agreement.
112. Having expressed its faith in African unity, now finally achieved, and the view that general and complete disarmament is the key to any solution of the problem of universal peace and progress, my delegation must now set forth as briefly as possible Its views on some other important- matters confronting the eighteenth session.
113. In the context of its international policy, the Central African Republic attaches particular importance to the principle of self-determination, which holds good for all countries, great or small, rich or poor. My country considers that the Berlin crisis must be resolved in the light of that principle. At present we are confronted by two Germanies, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and by the spectacle of Berlin split asunder. The ex-allies of the Second World War should review their respective positions with a view to putting an end to that situation.
114. On 12 August 1963 Prime Minister Oliveira Salazar made a statement in which he said, inter alia: "... the Portuguese overseas provinces are legislatively true States, administratively autonomous and politically integrated, for whose peoples cultural assimilation and serious political reforms are already contemplated ... If the links which unite them to Portugal and make them a part of the mother country are cut, these regions will disappear from history and from geography ...". The Salazar Government is not lacking in imagination. My delegation has more than once had occasion to refute such gratuitous statements according to which the African territories under Portuguese administration are an extension of Portugal's national soil. The Security Council recently rejected such legal quibbles by its resolution of 31 July 1963. President Salazar claims, moreover, that the attainment of international sovereignty by the Portuguese territories in Africa will entail their disappearance "from history and from geography".
115. My delegation cannot see where the disappearance of a country "from history and from geography" on its attainment of independence begins or ends. It would be better to admit that Portugal is at bay. It fears its own disappearance "from history and from geography" when the time comes —and we hope it will be soon— to liberate peoples who are firmly determined to regain their human dignity. We stand for economic and psychological, cultural and political decolonization; in short, we stand for the full restoration of human dignity to the people of Africa.
116. That is why the Central African Republic is giving its full and unconditional support to the oppressed peoples in the bitter struggle they are bravely waging for liberation. I am glad to point out, in this connexion, that within the framework of the application of the measures agreed upon at Addis Ababa my Government has decided to refuse entry visas to Portuguese nationals. I must also state that for sometime now there have been no diplomatic relations between my country and Portugal. Other measures will follow, showing the determination of the Central African people and their Government to condemn the anachronistic colonialism of a nation which has failed to keep abreast of history.
117. Africa wants to be free and to be independent in interdependence. "There is only one thing that unites people in seditious outbreaks and that is oppression."
118. My delegation associates itself with the appeal repeatedly made to the Powers which, in one form or another, continue to support Portugal. Their complicity cannot be underestimated by the African States.
119. We should like South Africa's friends to join us in our efforts to eradicate the institutionalized policy of apartheid from that part of the continent. It is clearly inadmissible that a policy of systematic racial segregation should have any place in an international family founded on human brotherhood and the equality of all its Members.
120. In this particular aspect of human relations my delegation wishes to express its admiration for the Kennedy Government's struggle against segregation. We must recognize that this is a long-term endeavour, the successful outcome of which is not in doubt.
121. My delegation is also convinced that the United Kingdom, whose liberalism in colonial affairs has won it the friendship of the African peoples, will carry its task of liberating its colonies through to a conclusion. We appeal to its liberalism to persuade the white minority in Southern Rhodesia to accept the fact that it is no longer in a conquered country and that it is in its interest to submit without further delay to the principles of democracy.
122. It is by completing the process of decolonization in Africa and condemning apartheid, which strips the African of his personal dignity, that the world will be freed from the conflicts and crises which, according to President Kennedy, "envelop" it.
123. In the Middle East, too, there is a continuing conflict: I refer to the tension between Israel and the Arab States. We firmly believe in the virtue of a direct dialogue from which all sophistry, temporizing and violent words must be banned.
124. The Korean question, too, calls for a pacific settlement. The competence of the United Nations in this particular matter must not continue to be disputed by one of the interested parties.
125. In South Viet-Nam reason must prevail over the hatred born of dictatorship and tyranny.
126. The current session of the United Nations, like those before it, will have to look at the item entitled "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China" once again. This is an important question.
127. The position of my Government on this issue is well known. My country recognizes the demographic importance and the military power of the People's Republic of China. My Government, arguing from the universal character which the United Nations should possess, continues to be favourably predisposed to the admission of continental China, providing, of course, that that country provides evidence of its determination to practise a policy of peaceful coexistence.
128. As for China in Taiwan, we know that it is a permanent member of the Security Council and that every day it gives evidence of being a politically, economically and ideologically peaceful State. For that reason my country is not prepared to support any move to exclude it from the United Nations.
129. Within the framework of the maintenance of international peace and security, the United Nations had to face the crisis in the Congo (Leopoldville). Thanks to the co-operation of men of goodwill, the integrity of this part of Africa has been preserved. The survival of the Congo (Leopoldville) as a unitary Republic is due above all to the wisdom and competence of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The prospects, however, are none too reassuring. While my Government fully understands the Secretary-General's justifiable desire to withdraw the United Nations forces from that area, it would like that withdrawal to be carried out gradually, for obvious reasons of public order. The request to that effect made by Prime Minister Cyrille Adoula shows once again the wisdom of the old Central African saying that "only the occupier of a house can tell where the roof leaks".
130. By supporting the desire expressed by the authorities of the Congo (Leopoldville) we shall once again demonstrate our firm resolve to assist in restoring law and order in that country and the political stability which is so necessary for its harmonious development. Of course, it would be eminently desirable that States Members of the United Nations should, in consequence, contribute to the financing of the operations of the United Nations forces which the Congo (Leopoldville) has asked to retain until the end of the first half of 1964.
131. The interest which the Central African Republic takes in all the questions to which I have just alluded does not blind it to the importance of economic problems. My delegation will therefore follow with the closest attention the debates on the agenda items concerning industrial development, the establishment of a capital development fund, accelerated flow of capital and technical assistance, etc.
132. It goes without saying that my country fully endorses the aspiration of the United Nations to play an increasing part in this field and is predisposed to welcome any steps it may take. We therefore feel that the intensification of the economic action of the United Nations, whether by strengthening the existing means or by creating new ones, is highly desirable.
133. Nevertheless, approval of multilateral forms of economic assistance does not mean that we renounce the advantages offered by bilateral agreements; nor does it even imply a preference so long as we consider that such agreements, freely entered into, do not infringe our independence.
134. My country —and I am sure that it is not alone in this respect— considers that the coexistence of both forms of assistance offers it greater latitude and greater freedom by enabling it to direct its choice towards whichever one suits it best at a given moment or even to enjoy the advantages offered by both.
135. I must add that my delegation, like so many others, warmly welcomes the announcement of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development which is to be held early next year. We are among those who think that such a Conference will open up wide prospects for the under-developed countries. May our hopes not be disappointed.'
136. After this rapid survey of the political and economic questions which are of the greatest concern to the United Nations, I wish to say that if we are to examine all these questions with all the necessary effectiveness it would seem to us highly desirable that the structure of the United Nations should be adopted to present-day realities. The composition of such important organs as the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council has long since ceased to reflect the real character of the United Nations with its membership of over a hundred countries. It therefore seems essential that the African and Asian countries should be given equitable representation on those Councils and that to this end the Charter should be revised so as to take the new membership structure of the United Nations fully into account.
137. Mr. Chairman, it seems to my delegation that at the current session, the conduct of which has been placed under your eminent authority, we must direct our efforts towards the consolidation and maintenance of peace: peace for enslaved minds and empty bellies, since starvation and ignorance are hardly conducive to peace; and peace for suffering bodies, since destitution and sickness drive men to revolt and that does not promote concord among men or nations.
138. The United Nations has a noble mission; to safeguard peace by fostering human brotherhood, preserving equality and doing more and more to promote international solidarity in every sphere.
139. My delegation, paraphrasing the words of a previous speaker, is of the opinion that the nation which can earn the title of "benefactor of mankind" will not necessarily be the one which leads the way in the exploration of the moon but the one which at the same time makes the greatest contribution to the happiness, the prosperity and above all the peace of this world, which we hope to make, day by day, a better place for all to live in.