Permit me at the outset to convey to you my warmest congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. I have listened to speaker after speaker on this rostrum pay sincere tribute to your qualities of head and heart, qualities that eminently fit you for the duties of this office, and there is not much left by way of compliment for me to utter. But may I say that during these last three weeks you have given evidence before our very eyes of the firmness and fairness with which you have conducted our deliberations, and that it is now more appropriate for me to say that you have, by your performance, fully lived up to the promise which those with more intimate knowledge of you predicted for you.
81. May I at this moment offer my sincere tribute to your predecessor and my good friend, Mr. Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, the President of the seventeenth session and the fourth special session and I need say no more than that, as generally acknowledged by all delegations, he set an example as President which any President should try to emulate.
82. That we meet at this historic session in a relaxed international atmosphere has been affirmed by every speaker on this rostrum. The speeches that we were privileged to hear from President Kennedy [1209th meeting] and from the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting] and the United Kingdom [1222nd meeting] gave clear evidence of that relaxation of tension that mankind hopefully, if desperately, has been looking for.
83. To countries like my own, whose history of, and experience in, independent existence is comparatively recent, the United Nations is the protective shield behind which we look forward to working out our own destinies and to being left in peace to develop our economies so as to fill the concept of political independence with the content of economic well-being. Many of us are desperately short of the good things of life and of the wherewithal with which to provide ourselves with them by our own effort. The constant fear of conflict anywhere saps our energies and clouds our vision and, far as we may be from the centre of East-West controversies, the first result that we have learnt to experience in the close-knit world of today is the chilling fear of having to suffer the consequences of actions which we have not created and to which we have not contributed.
84. Mention has been made of the partial test ban Treaty which is perhaps the most significant event in recent human history. More than a hundred Governments, my own among them, have acceded to that Treaty. The sigh of relief that it evoked could be heard around the world. Cynics have permitted themselves the comment that this was a gesture without meaning. It is not so much evidence of that audible sigh of relief to which I have referred, as a reassurance made to the three great Powers, initiators of the Treaty, by mankind that every other State in the civilized world puts them on their honour to pursue further the ideals they have engendered so that the first step that has been taken will not remain the sole step and that it will lead on to others. And having heard the ringing words of the three protagonists of the Treaty from this rostrum, the world lives in hope and in confident expectation of other amelioration of international tensions to follow, leading ultimately, we hope and pray, to general and complete disarmament.
85. The prestige of the United Nations has also been enhanced as a result of the invaluable contributions it has made in the last several years towards the constant discussions relating to nuclear test cessation and disarmament generally. Moreover, it was in this very forum of the United Nations, more than anywhere else, that the wrath of world public opinion against nuclear testing has been strongly expressed.
86. During the relatively short period that he has been in office, the Secretary-General, U Thant, has immensely enhanced the authority and prestige of the United Nations and his own high office as a dynamic force for peace. He has done so by his ready response to meet challenging situations, by the bold initiative he has taken time and again in blunting the edges of conflict. He was in the centre of the stage when the drama of the Cuban crisis was taking place, and the role he so courageously played helped to avert what seemed to be an imminent disaster. Under his guidance, the United Nations Operation in the Congo has achieved the restoration of peace and order in that country, brought an end to the secession of Katanga, and safeguarded the territorial integrity of the Congo,
87. He also responded promptly to the crisis in Yemen, and more recently he did not hesitate in meeting the request of the Heads of Governments of the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaya to ascertain the wishes of the people of Sabah and Sarawak in northern Borneo with regard to their desire for independence through Malaysia.
88. In paying its tribute to the Secretary-General, the Malaysian delegation wishes in particular to put on record the gratitude of the Malaysian Government and people to him for his positive response to undertake the ascertainment mission to which I have just referred. No doubt in undertaking this and other difficult and delicate tasks the Secretary-General has been inspired and moved by his high sense of responsibility and dedication to the cause of a just peace in the world.
89. The Organization has proven by its activities in the Congo and elsewhere its inestimable value as the only available international peace-keeping machinery. The problems relating to the cost of peace-keeping have unfortunately become complicated by controversy and if not solved in time might well impair the efficacy of the Organization. This is therefore an immediate problem of major importance, because not only does it affect the future of the Organization in the context of peace-keeping, but it has immediate bearing on the Congo, where the continued presence of United Nations personnel depends directly on adequate financing.
90. Because of its abiding faith in the United Nations as the guardian of the integrity and independence of new and militarily weak nations, my country, along with many others, with considerable sacrifice, had participated in the United Nations Operation in the Congo, by way of contributing troops to the United Nations Command. We are gratified, and not without a sense of justifiable pride, that the United Nations efforts, in which the smaller nations played a key role in many respects, have in large measure achieved the objectives set out by the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. The Organization has travelled a long, hard road in bringing about what may be regarded as a satisfactory situation in the Congo today. But the journey is not yet ended. It would be a sad tragedy if for reasons of lack of finances the United Nations is compelled to withdraw where its continued presence, if only for a brief period more, may be found to be vital.
91. For this reason, and in order to ensure prompt peace-keeping operations in the future, the Malaysian delegation views it as urgently vital for this Organization to arrive at a satisfactory and workable formula by which in future the cries of small countries for help from external aggression are not again drowned in the fathomless depths of futile controversy. Unlike the big Powers with all the modern armaments at their disposal, the smaller countries are in no happy position to defend themselves in the event of external military aggression. To them the United Nations is the shield behind which they can consolidate their new-born freedoms.
92. This then is the true measure of the faith and confidence placed by the small countries, my own among them, in this great Organization of mankind. The Malaysian delegation will readily join all constructive endeavours towards strengthening the function of the Organization and enhancing its authority.
93. The situation in regard to membership in the principal organs of the United Nations is another problem for the solution of which immediate and sustained efforts must be made. It is true to say that the United Nations has served as a catalyst for the emergence of new, independent nations from colonial bondage. More than half the total membership of the Organization today consists of these new nations. Yet the composition of such principal organs as the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council remains unchanged from the situation in 1945 when the membership of the United Nations was less than half its size today. We now find ourselves in the unsatisfactory and ironic situation in which the very nations the Organization has helped to liberate are, as Member States, denied equal opportunity to participate fully in its work. Time and again over the past years demands were made for a review of the Charter with the object of rectifying the situation. My delegation regrets to note that even today the view is expressed again that the time is still not auspicious for a general conference to review the Charter. Obviously we cannot wait indefinitely for this auspicious occasion to arrive. And in view of the urgent action the situation demands, a sustained effort must be made at this session to seek an essential amendment to the Charter in relation to the two main organs, namely, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, to make possible equitable representation of the newly emergent nations of Africa and Asia.
94. The Malaysian delegation takes this opportunity to reiterate its dedication to the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations. Malaysia stands as always for peace with honour and justice. Malaysia will continue to strive for the preservation of peace in the world, for the promotion of international co-operation towards higher living standards, and for the establishment of world order based on the rule of law and on respect for the principle of equality, non-interference and mutual respect among nations.
95. Consistent with the United Nations Charter, Malaysia rejects the use or threat of force as an instrument for the furtherance of national policy. It is the deep conviction of the Malaysian Government that its primary responsibility to its people is to secure higher living standards for all. As Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman has said, we believe in "food instead of bullets, clothing Instead of uniforms, housing instead of barracks".
96. Malaysia will continue to uphold the right of peoples to be free —free from colonial domination in all its forms and manifestations; free from any kind of discrimination on grounds of colour, race or creed; free to enjoy all the basic liberties as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
97. As a staunch upholder of these principles, Malaysia views with abhorrence any violation of human rights wherever it may occur. Be it the denial of religious freedom in Viet-Nam or the cruel oppression of the people in Tibet, or be it apartheid in South Africa, they are equally repugnant and Malaysia will support any measures to bring these injustices to an end.
98. My delegation condemns in particular the attitude of the South African Government in flagrantly defying the angry sentiments of world public opinion, especially the increasing strength of feeling in Africa against the continued practice of apartheid. Despite successive resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the South African Government, far from heeding them, has actually further intensified its racist policies. Such an attitude can only aggravate the strained relations already existing with the rest of Africa and the world at large, and if continued, might well lead to a more explosive situation particularly in that continent.
99. My Government's stand on apartheid has always been firm and clear. That was made evident by the important role of my Prime Minister played in the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference held in London in 1961 which led to the withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth. Immediately following that Conference my Government banned all imports of South African goods into our country.
100. While much progress has been made in the area of decolonization, the liberation of subject peoples still remains an unfinished business, Indeed it constitutes one of the critical problems of our time, and all because of the stubborn attitude of certain colonial Powers which, ignoring the writing on the wall and defying world public opinion, are still desperately clinging to their colonial possessions. The colonial problem is certainly most serious in Africa, where the largest number of people and the largest area of territories are still under the coLonial domination of one Power or another. In Angola, Mozambique and other Portuguese territories the cries for freedom and independence are accompanied by the sounds of gunfire. The refusal of the Portuguese Government to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the African peoples for independence and freedom and its continued waging of a colonial war against them are already having serious repercussions in the rest of Africa, with potentially grave consequences.
101. The racial problems existing in many colonial territories in Africa, such as those obtaining in the Portuguese colonies and in Southern Rhodesia, should not be an impediment to the realization of self-determination by the African peoples. Any attempt at denying such exercise of self-determination by the continued imposition of racial discrimination and discriminatory measures to perpetuate the domination of a racial minority over the vast majority of the indigenous peoples is not only a contravention of the United Nations Charter and the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, but a futile and short-sighted policy replete with dangerous repercussions within the territories concerned as well as on the broader world scene. The Administering Powers would do well, therefore, to pursue a more realistic colonial policy and to face the inevitable squarely: that Africa must be ruled by Africans. My delegation has not the slightest doubt that there is a large enough fund of goodwill and wisdom among Africans to ensure that in an independent Angola, Mozambique and Southern Rhodesia there will be a place for everyone, including the white minority.
102. In the field of economic and social development, particularly with regard to developing countries, the United Nations has a vital role to play: that of coordinating international efforts, of channelling international assistance, of harmonizing trade relations, with the over-all objective of accelerating the economic and industrial growth of the developing countries as well as reducing the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" of the world. In the final analysis it is the attainment of these economic and social objectives that will help to ensure lasting world stability, peace and security.
103. Along with most developing countries, Malaysia attaches the greatest importance to international efforts at securing fair and stable prices for primary products. The Malaysian economy is largely dependent on the export of a few products, of which rubber and tin, taking the figures for the Federation before its present enlargement, accounted for from 75 per cent to 80 per cent of the total export earnings. Although concerted efforts are being made at broadening the base of our economy by way of diversification and industrialization, we shall have to continue to rely on the export of our primary products for a very long time to come.
104. It is a well-known phenomenon that in the industrialized countries an increase in production is usually accompanied by a corresponding rise in national income, while in the developing countries even a substantial increase in productivity is sometimes unable to offset a decline in the prices of its main export commodities. In the case of Malaysia even a drop of 1 cent per lb. in the price of rubber would mean a substantial reduction in our annual export income. I have no doubt that similar situations arise in respect of other primary commodities in other developing countries. The securing of fair and stable prices is, therefore, a matter of extreme importance to the developing countries If they are successfully to implement the large-scale development projects designed to improve the lot of the people. For this reason the Malaysian Government looks forward to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Trade and Development at which this problem of commodity prices will no doubt be one of the major topics to be discussed.
105. The coming into being of the Organization of African Unity is one of the most auspicious landmarks in world events in the past year. The organization whose charter was signed on 25 May 1963 by all the Heads of State and Government of Africa at the historic Addis Ababa Conference opens new and promising vistas for co-ordinated and integrated efforts at political, economic and social development in all Africa. The Malaysian Government looks forward to the growth of this new Organization of African Unity as a positive force for peace and prosperity in Africa. From the statements of African leaders during this general debate we draw ample assurances that the Organization of African Unity will co-operate closely with the United Nations in mankind's sacred mission of promoting a peaceful and prosperous world.
106. I should like to take this opportunity to express the very sincere thanks of my delegation to all those representatives who have from this rostrum expressed their warm support and felicitations to Malaysia.
107. The formation of Malaysia is a major act of decolonization achieved in full conformity with the principles of self-determination. It is the result of the freely expressed desire of the peoples of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore to realize their independence by joining with the people of the independent Federation of Malaya so that together they could chart their common destiny in freedom, stability and prosperity.
108. The Borneo territories, that is Sabah and Sarawak, have had experience of similar administrative, judicial and economic systems as the Federation of Malaya with which they are furthermore bound by close ethnic and cultural kinship and ideals. Therefore, the coming together of these territories is not only a natural, but also a logical, evolution in their political and economic progress.
109. Thus, for the representative of Indonesia to say that Malaysia is an artificial concept imposed by an alien power is to be blind to the true reality, and what is more it is a deliberate insult to the integrity of the whole Malaysian people.
110. My Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, thus brought to the level of practical politics what has been thought of in the Malaysian territories, a natural and logical association in a common nationhood. And what did my Prime Minister say in that historic statement on 27 May 1961, more than two years ago? He said: "It is premature for me to say now how this closer understanding can be brought about but it is inevitable that we should look ahead to this objective and think of a plan whereby these territories can be brought close together in political and economic co-operation…. ." It is quite obvious that this statement reflected the need for extensive negotiations, consultations and discussions among all the parties directly concerned in order to bring about an acceptable plan.
111. It is true Malaya had to negotiate with the United Kingdom and obtain its co-operation and agreement regarding the formation of Malaysia. But just because the United Kingdom is brought into the picture does not per se make Malaysia a neo-colonialist concept as has been insinuated by the representative of Indonesia, Malaysia was planned from the very beginning in the way most appropriate and most beneficial —a constitutional development which necessitates the co-operation of the United Kingdom Government which was then the administering authority of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore. Without the process of diplomacy and negotiation between the Malayan Government and the British Government, and without the freely expressed desire of the colonial peoples concerned, Malaysia could not have come into being.
112. The proposal for Malaysia by my Prime Minister in May 1961 was received with warm enthusiasm by political leaders in all the territories concerned. Indeed, it became a propelling force of political reawakening particularly in the Borneo territories where almost immediately the proposal was announced there was an increased tempo of political activity. The Malaysia proposal brought a fresh dimension to the political consciousness and aspirations of the masses of the people.
113. In complete conformity with the principle of self-determination for the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories, there have been throughout the long process of bringing Malaysia into being exhaustive and extensive consultation with the peoples concerned at every level, at every stage and at every turn. The subject was debated and views, including those opposed to Malaysia, were freely expressed. In Malaya itself where our democratic written Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, every facet of the proposal was publicly debated and debated in our democratically elected Parliament.
114. Allow me to give an account, for the information of the members, of the long process of consultations and discussions in the months that followed the announcement which I mentioned earlier. The subject was first jointly discussed by the leaders of the Borneo territories, Singapore and the then Federation of Malaya, at the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association regional meeting held in Singapore in July 1961. As a result of a preliminary examination, delegations from Sabah and Sarawak —and I stress this, delegations from Sabah and Sarawak— took the initiative in proposing the formation of a Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee with the object of collecting and collating the views and opinions concerning the creation or the formation of Malaysia and of initiating and encouraging free discussions about Malaysia. Composed of representatives of the respective legislatures in the Malaysian territories and under the chairmanship of Mr. Donald Stephens, then a prominent unofficial member of the Sabah Legislature and now the popularly elected Chief Minister of that State, the Malaysian Solidarity Consultative Committee met in the various capitals and after months of detailed discussions, studies and work, endorsed the Malaysia plan.
115. Meanwhile the Malayan and Singapore Governments negotiated and reached complete agreement on the terms of Singapore's merger with the Federation of Malaya in the context of Malaysia. Singapore's fully elected legislature had earlier endorsed the merger proposal, and in a referendum held in September 1962 on the merger terms as contained in the Agreement between the two Governments, 71 per cent of the votes cast were in favour of the terms negotiated by the popularly elected Government of Singapore with the Government of Malaya.
116. As evidenced by the endorsement of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee, interest and sup port for Malaysia were mounting in the Borneo territories. Tunku Abdul Rahman's proposals for Malaysia were welcomed by the British Government in November 1961 and the Malayan Government obtained the agreement of the United Kingdom Government that Malaysia was a desirable aim. It was decided, nevertheless, that before coming to any final decision it was necessary to ascertain the views of the people of the then British colonies of Sabah and Sarawak. A Commission of Enquiry, which has become known as the Cobbold Commission, was set up to make enquiries on the spot and to make recommendations. The Commission’s report, produced after extensive and thorough inquiry, lasting from February to June 1962, stated that an overwhelming majority of the peoples there were in favour of joining Malaysia. It recommended that a decision of principle about the future of the Borneo territories should be taken by the Governments as soon as possible.
117. Soon after, acting on the Commission's report, the representatives of the Malayan and British Governments met in a series of meetings in London in July 1962, In the light of the report and the agreement reached earlier between the Malayan and Singapore Governments on the merger terms, the British and Malayan Governments agreed in principle to the establishment of Malaysia and decided to establish an Inter-Governmental Committee on which the British, Malayan, Sabah and Sarawak Governments would be represented. The task of the Committee was to work out the detailed constitutional arrangements including the various safeguards for the special interests of Sabah and Sarawak,
118. On 12 September 1962 a motion was unanimously adopted by the Sabah Legislative Council welcoming the decision in principle to establish Malaysia. A similar motion was passed without dissent by the Legislative Council of Sarawak.
119. The Inter-Governmental Committee worked from September to December 1962 and its recommendations were published in February 1963, setting out in detail the safeguards for the two territories to be provided for in the constitutional arrangements enabling the two States to become constituent units with other States of the Federation to form Malaysia.
120. Finally, elections were held in both Sabah and Sarawak on the basis of universal adult franchise and in which Malaysia was the central issue. In the countrywide elections in Sabah to the local councils which form the electoral college for the Legislative Council Elections held in December 1962, 107 of the 110 seats were won by pro-Malaysia political parties. The three remaining seats went to independents, and they too were pro-Malaysia.
121. In Sarawak, preparations for new elections were completed by February 1963, and the new elections for District Councils which form the electoral colleges for election to the Council Negri —or State Legislature— took place in June and July with the political parties ranged principally as pro-Malaysia and anti-Malaysia. As in Sabah, the elections were based on universal adult franchise and again the central issue was Malaysia, These elections were completed by July 1963 and the final results showed that pro-Malaysia parties received 313 seats against 116 for the anti-Malaysia party. The new Council Negri was thereafter elected and in the final result, out of a total of 36 seats for the State Legislature, pro-Malaysia parties won 31 and the anti-Malaysia party only 5.
122. Thus, by July 1963, the Malaysia proposal had been subjected to all manner and forms of public discussion and debate and every democratic process consistent with the principle of self-determination. As shown by the results of the elections in the Borneo territories and the referendum in Singapore, there cannot be any doubt that the great majority of the peoples in the territories concerned are in favour of attaining their independence through merger in Malaysia.
123. On the basis of this freely expressed wish of the people, the representatives of Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak, the Federation of Malaya and the United Kingdom met in London in July 1963 and, after negotiations lasting one week, reached agreement on 8 July 1963 fixing 31 August 1963 as the date when Malaysia should come into being.
124. On 8 August 1963 the newly elected Legislative Council of Sabah reaffirmed its decision that Sabah should attain independence by joining Malaysia on 31 August, 1963.
125. On 4 September 1963 the newly elected Legislature of Sarawak approved a motion reaffirming support for Malaysia.
126. At this juncture, I should like to say a few words about another aspect of the Malaysia proposal, namely, Brunei. The entry of Brunei into Malaysia was originally envisaged as part of the Malaysia proposal, although it was made quite clear that the final decision rested entirely with the state. The Sultan of Brunei sent his representatives to examine the possible terms of Brunei's entry into the Federation, and finally Brunei decided not to join. The exclusion of Brunei from Malaysia is clear proof, if proof be needed at all, that in bringing Malaysia into being no coercion was applied and it was entirely left to the peoples concerned freely to decide for themselves.
127. It is a matter of deep regret to us that the coming into being of Malaysia, resulting from the freely expressed wishes of the people directly concerned, has become an object of hostility by Indonesia.
128. Here, as regards the reaction of the Government of the Philippines, to say the least, we were very surprised and sadly disappointed at the action taken by that Government. I am glad to note, however, that in his intervention yesterday, the representative of the Philippines said: "Never by word or deed has the Philippine Government expressed any hostility towards Malaysia. As a matter of fact, the recognition of Malaysia is still under advisement by the Philippine Government." [1226th meeting, para. 162.] Malaysians have no quarrel whatsoever with either the Philippines or the Indonesians. In fact, we have always acted in the full consciousness that there exists everything tending to bring us closer together rather than dividing us. All our past acts have clearly demonstrated that we wish to co-operate with them and to live in peace with all our neighbours for the common good of all.
129. It is noteworthy to recall that in the earlier state of the Malaysia development, Indonesia did not make any objection to the Malaysia proposal. Indeed six months after my Prime Minister's statement in Singapore, Mr. Subandrio, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia on 20 November 1961, speaking in this very hall at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, stated: "... when Malaya told us of its intention to merge with the three British Crown Colonies of Sarawak, Brunei and British North Borneo as one Federation, we told them that we had no objections and that we wished them success with this merger so that everyone may live in peace and freedom." [1058th meeting, para. 193.] Mr. Subandrio went on to say: "... we have no objections to such a merger, based upon the will for freedom of the peoples concerned" [ibid, para. 194].
130. However, the Indonesian Government's attitude towards the formation of Malaysia underwent a radical change in the months that followed. A notable event in this regard was the passage of a resolution at the end of 1961 by the Central Committee of the Party Kommunis Indonesia describing Malaysia as "the formation of a new concentration of colonial forces on the very frontiers of our country", and calling for Indonesia's opposition to it. Since that time, the Communist Press of Indonesia launched a massive propaganda onslaught against Malaya and the Malaysia plan. These concerted public attacks on Malaya culminated in the statement of Mr. Subandrio on 20 January 1963 formally declaring Indonesia's opposition to Malaysia, Mr. Subandrio declared: "We cannot but adopt a policy of confrontation against Malaysia because at present they represented themselves as accomplices of the neo-colonialists and the neo-imperialists pursuing hostile policies towards Indonesia."
131. Despite these unreasonable attacks by Indonesia, especially in their context of describing Malaysia as a threat to Indonesian security, and despite the personal attacks which the Indonesian Government-controlled Press had launched against my Prime Minister, the Malayan Government adopted a position of restraint and patience. It made every effort to assure Indonesia of Malaya's peaceful intentions, for how could Malaya or even Malaysia, with a territory and population only one-tenth of that of Indonesia, be a threat to Indonesian security?
132. In the meantime, the Philippine Government, despite favourable comments earlier on Malaysia, had also voiced its objection to the proposal on account of its claim over the territory of North Borneo, now known as Sabah.
133. Despite the increasing tempo of Indonesia's hostile attitude of confrontation against Malaya, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman agreed to go to Tokyo in May 1963, at the invitation of President Sukarno, to discuss with him the Malaysia development. My Prime Minister made this journey, I need hardly stress, out of consideration for peace and good neighbourliness between the two countries, which indeed had been a cardinal policy which Malaya on its part had scrupulously followed since our independence in 1957. Subsequently, the Malayan Government agreed to a tripartite meeting between Indonesia, Philippines and Malaya at Manila, which met at the Foreign Minister level in June 1963. This meeting laid the foundation for a summit meeting among the three countries in August.
134. Although my Government was fully satisfied with the overwhelming support of the people of Sabah and Sarawak to join Malaysia, we agreed at Manila that the Secretary-General of the United Nations be requested to ascertain the wishes of the people in these territories in order that Indonesia and the Philippines would welcome the coming into being of Malaysia. That is the crux of the Manila Agreement. The report of the Secretary-General, made public on 14 September 1963, confirmed in categorical terms the support of the peoples of these territories for Malaysia, which was expressed freely and democratically in complete compliance with all the relevant General Assembly resolutions relating to decolonization. I need not go into further details about the report of the Secretary-General as I have no doubt that the representatives are already familiar with them by now.
135. Despite the Secretary-General's conclusion, Indonesia has renewed its confrontation against Malaysia, backed by armed threats. The Malaysia Government deeply regrets that having, on its part, gone to considerable length to obtain the goodwill of Indonesia and the Philippines, these two Governments have chosen not to honour their pledges to welcome the formation of Malaysia, nor to recognize Malaysia.
136. The Constitution of the Federation of Malaya provided for amendments to the Constitution and for admission of new States. Thus by constitutional processes three new States have been admitted into the Federation, which by the same processes changed Its name from the Federation of Malaya to Malaysia. The international obligations of the old Federation of Malaya continues to be honoured by Malaysia and all external relations by the Federation of Malaya are continued by Malaysia. There is therefore no necessity for those countries which recognized the Federation of Malaya and had diplomatic relations with it to take any action at all with regard to recognition, because their recognition and diplomatic relations with the then Federation of Malaya would apply automatically in the case of Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines, however, immediately indicated that they would not recognize Malaysia and told our ambassadors in Djakarta and Manila that they no longer have diplomatic status. Since these actions were tantamount to severance of diplomatic relations, my Government had no alternative but to withdraw our Ambassadors from these two countries.
137. Ambassador Mr. Palar of Indonesia, in justifying his Government's rejection of the Secretary-General's findings and his Government's renewed policy of confrontation against Malaysia, has now, unfortunately, resorted to arguments completely irrelevant to that portion of the Manila accord relating to the formation of Malaysia. He has now used this rostrum to confuse the issue by repeatedly throwing allegations that Malaysia is now a neo-colonialist concept and that is the reason for Indonesia's opposition to Malaysia.
138. So soon has Indonesia forgotten that only in August, two months ago, at Manila, where no doubt the formation of Malaysia was discussed thoroughly by the three leaders in all its aspects, President Sukarno agreed that Indonesia would welcome Malaysia If the wishes of the peoples of the Borneo territories were ascertained by the Secretary-General. This ascertainment has been completed and the findings cannot be more categorical in stating the support of the peoples of the Borneo territories for Malaysia.
139. On 27 September 1963 [1219th meeting], in exercising my right of reply, I answered several charges and insinuations made that day by my good friend Ambassador Mr. Palar. I do not now propose to cover the same ground again.
140. Since then, however, the representative of Indonesia has played up the question of military bases in Malaysia to support his charge of neo-colonialism. In his statement on 30 September 1963, my friend read a passage from paragraph 6 of the London Joint Statement of November 1961, signed by my Prime Minister and Prime Minister Macmillan. In the context of the passage he read, Ambassador Mr. Palar asked the question —and I quote him: "... how could Malaya justify its commitment made, a priori, almost two years ago, that Sarawak, Brunei and Sabah would also be bound to the United Kingdom by a military agreement at the moment they were to be granted independence?" [1221st meeting, para. 188.] This was the passage he quoted: "The Government of the Federation of Malaysia will afford to the Government of the United Kingdom the right to continue to maintain bases at Singapore for the purpose of assisting in the defence of Malaysia, and for Commonwealth defence... and for the preservation of peace in South-East Asia." This passage was taken out of context, with a view presumably to presenting a distorted picture of the situation. Perhaps I might read the beginning of paragraph 6 of that Joint Statement, which reads: "In regard to defense matters it was decided that, in the event of the formation of the proposed Federation of Malaysia," —and I repeat those words: "in the event of the formation of the proposed Federation of Malaysia"— "the existing Defence Agreement between Britain and Malaya should be extended to embrace the other territories concerned."
141. In view of the declared intention that the peoples of the territories concerned were to be fully consulted on every aspect of the Malaysia proposal, this understanding obviously was conditional upon its acceptance by the people. When the popularly elected Governments of Sabah and Sarawak passed the Malaysia Bill they did so with full knowledge of the defence agreement, which they themselves agreed was in the best interests of Malaysia's defense— and I repeat "defence".
142. I do not know that any further answer is needed to Ambassador Palar's question, to which I referred earlier, and his subsequent question: "Who gave Malaya the right to determine the destiny of the peoples and territories not belonging to it?" But, of course, the pertinent answer to it is to ask Indonesia, in turn: "Whence comes your right to question the freely determined wishes of the peoples of the same territories to achieve independence through Malaysia?"
143. In the course of his intervention by way of reply, the Ambassador of Indonesia referred to the presence of the colonial authority's troops and police at the hearings by the United Nations ascertainment team. It is well known that, when the United Nations team was in Sarawak, the movement of the team from place to place was punctuated by disturbances carefully planned and carried out by a dissident minority, involving extensive damage to persons and property. No Government worthy of the name could, in duty bound to secure the safety of the United Nations team working in its territory, have done less than provide the necessary personnel to guarantee its personal safety.
144. May I here quote a small passage from the United Nations Malaysia Mission's report to the Secretary-General, paragraph 10: "As some demonstrations occurred during the early days of the Mission's presence in the territory," —I think this means Sarawak— "accompanied by minor violence, the governmental authorities believe that some security measures were required in the interests of public safety. The Mission received no indication that these measures deterred anyone from appearing before it, nor that any witness was inhibited in his testimony."
145. Moreover, the representative of Indonesia could not be unaware that Indonesian Government leaders have openly claimed credit for having trained large numbers of irregulars over the border in Indonesian Borneo to carry on a campaign to crush Malaysia. And, in fact, incursions have taken place from across the Indonesian border into Sarawak, involving loss of life, with whole villages pillaged.
146. Coming back to the question of British bases, let me make these points clear: first, after our independence in August 1957, the Federation of Malaya, as an independent State, freely negotiated and entered into a defence agreement with the United Kingdom; secondly, that agreement has been in existence for four years, without hurting the eyes and damaging the interests of Indonesia; thirdly, in 1959, Indonesia and Malaya signed a treaty of friendship; fourthly, and most important of all, the recent Manila Joint Statement contained these paragraphs: "The three Heads of Government emphasized that the responsibility for the preservation of the national independence of the three countries and of the peace and security in their region lies primarily in the hands of the Governments and the peoples of the countries concerned, and that the three Governments undertake to have close consultations (mushawarah) among themselves on these matters. "The three Heads of Government further agreed that foreign bases —temporary in nature— should not be allowed to be used directly or indirectly to subvert the national independence of any of the three countries. In accordance with the principle enunciated in the Bandung Declaration, the three countries will abstain from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve the particular interests of any of the big Powers."
147. What could be clearer than the fact that this defence agreement, and obviously the defence agreement entered into by the Philippines, were fully in the minds of the Heads of Government, who apparently discussed and reviewed the whole military position and disposition in South-East Asia? And my Government as a signatory agreed that such bases should not be used, directly or indirectly, to subvert the national independence of any of the other countries. Reference is made there to one of the principles enunciated in Bandung. May I refer here to another principle, also enunciated in Bandung: "respect for the right of each nation to defend itself singly or collectively, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations".
148. I should like to say one final word. In spite of all the steps taken to ascertain the wishes of the people of the two territories, since confirmed by the report of the Secretary-General, it is a matter for regret that the representative of Indonesia, in his second intervention on 30 September 1963 [1221st meeting], permitted himself the statement that Malaya, Sarawak, Sabah and Singapore were forced into Malaysia.
149. In the Malaysian delegation sitting here, there is a representative of Sarawak and there is a representative of Sabah. I am sure representatives will readily appreciate it when I say that these two representatives take the strongest exception to the statement of the representative of Indonesia, which is nothing more or less than a gratuitous insult to the peoples of Sarawak and Sabah in particular and of Malaysia in general.
150. Malaysia is passing through a period of tribulations, May I assure you, Mr. President, and the General Assembly that on Malaysia's part nothing will be done to disturb the peace, but everything will be done to maintain Malaysia's honour. Having freely come together in the true spirit of brotherhood and love of freedom, the peoples of Malaysia look forward with confidence to a future of peace and prosperity, of harmony and happiness.