Mr. President you have the good fortune to preside over the discussions of an Assembly which, we all believe, is working in an atmosphere of "détente" and heightened hope, in a climate better suited to constructive discussions and decisions than that of previous sessions. One may say that the Moscow spirit, the spirit of the memorable days of the signing of the partial test ban Treaty, is present in this hall, despite the diversity of interests and opinions expressed during these discussions.
15. The peoples throughout the world have welcomed the Moscow Treaty with profound satisfaction and the great majority of Governments have signed it. The discussions at the eighteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly once again emphasize the great significance of this document. The Moscow Treaty is the most important diplomatic instrument of recent years: it is an application of the principles of peaceful coexistence in an extremely sensitive field of international relations, that of nuclear armaments. That is why the general endorsement of the Treaty, the emphasis laid on its importance for an international "détente" and for the creation of new and more favourable conditions for the improvement of the international climate, constitute nothing other than recognition —direct or indirect— of the fact that the policy of peaceful coexistence is the only sensible way of conducting relations between States with different social systems in this era of atoms and rockets.
16. It is precisely this reasoning that leads to the conviction that there is no international problem, however complex, that cannot be solved by peaceful means, by negotiation between the States concerned, provided that they display goodwill and a sincere desire to find mutually acceptable solutions.
17. No doubt, the danger of war will remain as long as there exist in the world forces interested in war. Yet we are witnessing a steady growth of the forces of peace. Our delegation is convinced that this trend is bound to triumph: a thaw will gradually replace the cold war and lead to greater confidence; this confidence will lead to closer co-operation; and this co-operation will lead to co-ordinated and effective measures conducive to world peace and security.
18. The position of the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria on the basic issues of our times has been repeatedly stated both in official declarations and from this rostrum. Our Government continues to believe that common sense and a sense of duty towards the future of mankind make it imperative to strive more energetically to create still more favourable conditions for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the further development of economic, cultural and other relations among States.
19. The Bulgarian Government therefore supports unreservedly any action that is likely to lead to an improvement in the international situation. It was one of the first Governments to sign the Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, because it is convinced that this Treaty, apart from its intrinsic value, opens up better prospects for the peaceful settlement of international problems.
20. The path to universal and lasting peace is not the smooth roadway that leads to the United Nations. It is a rocky and thorny path, a long and hard road. To traverse it will demand much effort and patience, much wisdom and goodwill. The Moscow Treaty is not the end of this road; it is rather a starting point for reaching the goal so fervently desired by all mankind: the establishment of peace, free from the threat of nuclear war. The Moscow Treaty does not completely solve the problem of banning nuclear tests; it does not stop the arms race; that is why it cannot be an effective shield against the danger of war unless it is followed by other international agreements.
21. Our delegation is convinced that at present the fundamental task of the United Nations is to take advantage of all the possibilities and utilize all the means at its disposal to promote further progress in the negotiations on general and complete disarmament under strict international control.
22. It must be noted with regret, however, that the disarmament negotiations in the Eighteen-Nation Committee are moving ahead very slowly and have not yet produced the results which the peoples of the world are entitled to expect from them.
23. However difficult and complex the disarmament problem may be, requiring patient and co-ordinated efforts on the part of all Governments and all peoples, the lack of tangible progress towards its solution is not, in our opinion, due to its inherent difficulties so much as to the lack of a real desire, on the part of certain Powers, to put an end to the arms race and proceed to the immediate conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament.
24. There is no other explanation of the fact that some of the States members of the Committee of eighteen are carrying on the armaments race at an increased pace. While their representatives at Geneva continue to speak in favour of disarmament, other representatives of the same countries are planning —with even greater energy— the creation of multinational forces armed with nuclear weapons. The most zealous proponents of these plans are the West German militarists, who hope to obtain the most destructive weapons by a devious route. It is difficult to reconcile the affirmations of some Western Powers that they want to halt the dissemination of nuclear weapons —an idea shared by all peace-loving Governments— with their actions aimed at providing the German revanchists with atomic weapons. Such a possibility frightens the people of the world who do not want to see resurgent German militarism equipped with nuclear weapons; they want to see the vestiges of the Second World War eliminated through the conclusion of a peace treaty with the two German States and the settlement, on that basis, of the question of West Berlin. It is not the open or covert nuclear rearmament of the Bundeswehr that can seriously contribute to the consolidation of peace, but the conclusion of a peace treaty with both German States.
25. In present circumstances, marked by growing mutual confidence, the Government of the Soviet Union has taken decisive new steps to bring the positions closer together. Taking into account the objections raised by the Western delegations, the Soviet Union has expressed its agreements that a strictly limited number of intercontinental, anti-aircraft and anti-missile rockets should be retained exclusively in the territories of the Soviet Union and the United States until the end of the third stage of the disarmament process [see 1208th meeting, para 137], The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria welcomes this new initiative taken by the Soviet Government to meet the Western Powers half-way on this point. Now it is their turn to adopt an equally constructive approach towards the substance of the treaty on general and complete disarmament. It is hardly necessary to recall that disarmament is a goal which cannot be reached through the goodwill of only one partner in the negotiations. As an old proverb so aptly puts it, "One good turn deserves another."
26. The declaration made by the Government of the Soviet Union at the current session of the General Assembly [1208th meeting, paras. 184 and 185] to the effect that it is ready to conclude an agreement with the United States Government to prohibit the placing in orbit of objects carrying nuclear weapons is further evidence of the Soviet Government's spirit of constructive co-operation.
27. We believe that, in the favourable climate created by the Moscow Treaty, these new proposals of the Soviet Government can facilitate negotiations on the problem of general and complete disarmament. The Eighteen-Nation Committee is offered new opportunities to carry out its important task. Everything possible should be done so that, during the coming months, the disarmament negotiations may lead to more substantial results and do not once again frustrate the hope of the world that a disarmament agreement can be concluded.
28. The Geneva negotiations are obstructed by differences bearing on fundamental problems, which the delegations of the countries represented in the Eighteen-Nation Committee have not been able to overcome. The best and most efficient means of reaching an agreement would seem to be to convene a summit meeting within the Eighteen-Nation Committee. We therefore consider fully justified and timely the proposal of the Soviet Government [1208th meeting, para. 130] to convene, in the first quarter or first half of 1964, a conference of the States members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee, with the participation of top-level statesmen, to discuss the problem of disarmament, the relaxation of world tension and other important matters.
29. The Bulgarian Government fully endorses that proposal by the Soviet Union and is ready to participate in such a conference, which might give fresh impetus, to the Geneva talks which are at present stagnating.
30. In our opinion, the action taken to solve the basic problem of disarmament not only does not exclude but on the contrary implies and even requires the continuation of our efforts in other directions to improve the international climate. Although the cold war has complicated certain international problems and created others, negotiation and agreement on questions on which positions are not far apart, or could be brought closer, will remove some of these complications and lead to a more confident climate. Every question thus settled would be a useful and positive addition to the agreement already reached, and might offer better prospects for the slow and difficult work of denuclearization and disarmament.
31. The non-agression pact between the countries members of NATO and of the Warsaw Treaty Organization [see 1208th meeting, para. 160] is precisely such a measure. The idea of concluding a pact of this kind is gaining ground among the Members of the United Nations. It is pertinent to point out that among those who acknowledge the importance of such a pact are the representatives of some Western States. We hope that the United States and the United Kingdom, in accordance with the pledge given in the tripartite Moscow communiqué of 25 July, have already begun the necessary consultations with their allies with a view to reaching a satisfactory agreement on this matter. There is no doubt that an agreement to conclude such a pact is entirely feasible, provided that all the countries involved show the same goodwill as they displayed when the Moscow partial nuclear test ban Treaty was signed; and that would be a further victory in the great battle for peace.
32. Similarly, it is worth emphasizing how important could be the opening and the successful conclusion of negotiations on measures for reducing military budgets, on measures to prevent the possibility of surprise attack, on reducing of the foreign garrisons in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and on establishing denuclearized zones in the various regions of the world.
33. We hope that the Western Powers concerned will show the necessary understanding, realism and goodwill with respect to these problems, the solution of which would benefit every country and the cause of peace. All nations of the world would welcome with great satisfaction and great relief an agreement on these problems, as a further demonstration of good sense and of our concern for the security and the future of mankind,
34. We should like to dwell in greater detail on the subject of denuclearized zones, which is increasingly claiming the attention of the peoples of the world.
35. The establishment of denuclearized zones, by reducing the possibility of military conflict and preventing the spread of nuclear weapons to new countries and regions of the world, would unquestionably be of considerable help in improving international relations.
36. Many Governments in the Scandinavian countries, Latin America, Africa, Central Europe, the Balkans and the Mediterranean area are convinced of the undeniable importance of these zones as security factors, and believe they must help to set them up. The adoption at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly of resolution 1652 (XVI), which calls for the consideration of Africa as a denuclearized zone, was an important step forward in the promotion of this idea. The agenda of the present session of the General Assembly contains an item entitled "Denuclearization of Latin America". Several of the speakers who preceded me on this rostrum attached considerable importance to the matter of denuclearized zones and put forward some extremely interesting ideas for its solution.
37. In these circumstances, would it not be in the interests of mankind as a whole for the United Nations to take energetic action to encourage States to declare their territory a denuclearized zone or to conclude agreements for establishing denuclearized zones in as many areas of the world as possible? There is no doubt that the answer to this question must be in the affirmative.
38. The setting up of zones free from atomic weapons in the various regions of the world is linked with the question of guarantees by the nuclear Powers regarding denuclearized countries or zones. It is a perfectly legitimate question, as only such guarantees could make the denuclearization of various countries or regions really meaningful. I would like to express, on this occasion, the great satisfaction of the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria at the Soviet Union's statement that it was willing to join with the Western Powers in providing all the guarantees necessary to exclude from the field of utilization of atomic weapons any denuclearized zones included in regional agreements or any individual countries which declared their territory to be a denuclearized zone.
39. Because of the great importance of the question of denuclearized zones, we would like to propose that the United Nations General Assembly should address an urgent appeal to all States possessing nuclear weapons to give the necessary guarantees that they will respect the special status of States and regions which are free from nuclear weapons, and to declare that they would consider such States and regions to be outside the field of utilization of nuclear weapons.
40. Such an appeal by the United Nations General Assembly to the nuclear Powers would, at the present time, be a positive and important step on the part of our Organization, and could further the solution of the question of denuclearized zones.
41. It should be remembered, in this connexion, that the Bulgarian Government has always had a positive attitude to the problem of the proclamation of zones free from nuclear weapons. It has declared on many occasions that it fully supported the proposals for making the Balkans and the Mediterranean denuclearized zones. Our Government is of the opinion that present conditions are more propitious for successfully putting these proposals into effect, and it is willing at any time to take part in any negotiations with its neighbours and with other interested countries with a view to attaining this goal.
42. The creation of a denuclearized zone in the Balkans would at the same time facilitate the subsequent development of friendly relations between the nations of that area and the solution of other pending problems between them.
43. While discussing this subject, the delegation of Bulgaria would like to express its satisfaction at the General Committee's decision (156th meeting) to recommend that the new item proposed by the Romanian delegation, entitled "Actions on the regional level with a view to improving good neighbourly relations among European States having different social and political systems" (A/5557), should be included in the agenda of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly.
44. Our Organization cannot ignore acute international problems which represent a serious threat to peace.
45. The situation in South Viet-Nam is a specific example of these problems which have been a matter of world concern for several years. Arbitrary acts and savage terror have long been everyday features of life in South Viet-Nam. The flagrant violation of human rights in that country —the arrest of thousands of innocent people, the attacks on the pagodas, the barbaric executions and the murders of which we have heard so much during the last few weeks— are merely the latest link in the long chain of crimes committed by Ngo Dinh Diem. The crimes of the Ngo Dinh Diem regime have now reached such proportions that even its friends and allies in the West can no longer muster the moral strength to continue defending it in the face of world public opinion.
46. The intolerable situation in South Viet-Nam is due mainly to the unpopular political régime, which is kept in power only by foreign aid and terror. This regime has brutally violated the 1954 Geneva Agreements, which guaranteed the democratic freedoms of the people of South Viet-Nam and provided for free elections so that steps could be taken to bring about the peaceful reunification of the two parts of Viet-Nam. The problems of South Viet-Nam can only be solved on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. It is thus essential to create conditions which will enable the people of South Viet-Nam to elect freely and democratically a Government of their choice which will respect the Geneva Agreements, will refuse to become a member of any military bloc, and will not allow foreign military bases to be set up in Viet-Namese territory. We are sure that the people of Viet-Nam will find a way to fulfil their aspirations to live in unity and peace.
47. The following question has been asked many times in the course of our discussions: how is it that, three years after the unanimous adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, tens of millions of human beings are still groaning under the colonial yoke? The representatives of African countries have described to us in heart-rending detail the brutal forms of colonialism prevailing in Central and South Africa, the military repression in the Portuguese colonies and the apartheid and racism which exist in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia. There can be no doubt that a situation fraught with danger for world peace and security —a situation which constitutes a challenge to the sense of justice of all peoples— has been created in spite of the categorical condemnation of all manifestations and forms of colonialism and, I would even go so far as to say, in spite of the impatience of the peoples of the world to see practical, specific measures put into effect for the complete elimination of colonial domination.
48. In these circumstances, it is hard to understand why certain Western Powers persist in their efforts to foist both on the General Assembly and on the Security Council the idea that it is necessary to proceed solely by the exercise of persuasion and moral pressure, even when dealing with such hardened colonialists as the rulers of Portugal and of the Republic of South Africa.
49. Eighteen years of "moral pressures" have not succeeded in convincing a country like the Republic of South Africa that it should terminate its arbitrary annexation of the Mandated Territory of South West Africa or that it should renounce the horrible policy of apartheid. It is clear that at the present time such a method is incapable of leading to any better results.
50. The rulers of Portugal and of the Republic of South Africa do nothing to hide their conviction that the United Nations is incapable of taking effective action against them. They are, in all probability, relying on their position in the Western world and on the aid, particularly in the matter of armaments, which they receive from the Western countries. The Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of South Africa even went so far as to say, with barefaced cynicism, that he expected the collapse of the United Nations at any moment. What is imminent, however, is not the collapse of the United Nations, but that of the colonialist and racist regimes. This inevitable process will be facilitated by the implementation of the decisions adopted by the African countries at the Addis Ababa Conference, which provided for the complete liberation of the continent of Africa from the colonialist yoke. It is the duty of the United Nations, which gave to the world the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, to bear this in mind.
51. The Charter provides the United Nations with a wide range of possibilities of applying economic or other sanctions against States which persistently violate its basic principles. The predominant opinion in this Assembly is that only energetic measures could force Portugal and the Republic of South Africa to change their policies in this connexion. Only the isolation of the racist Governments can lead to real results. The adoption of such measures can have the double effect of bringing us closer to the complete abolition of the policy of apartheid and the liberation of the Portuguese colonies, on the one hand, and serving as a warning to the other forces of colonialism on the other. It could promote and speed up the process of liberating tens of millions of human beings who are groaning under the colonialist yoke not only in Africa, but also in Asia, in the Arab Middle East, and in other parts of the world.
52. By acting in this way, the United Nations could celebrate its twentieth anniversary in the knowledge that it had won a historic victory for the whole of mankind in achieving the complete elimination of colonialism.
53. The present easing of international tension should, in order to have more real value, find its expression, inter alia, in practical deeds in the economic field, and should contribute to the development of economic and trade relations between States. It requires not only the joint, co-ordinated efforts of all States on a bilateral or multilateral basis, but also those of the United Nations, so that international economic co-operation and world trade can be improved and expanded.
54. In the last few years, international economic problems have become of the utmost importance. It is no accident that at the present session of the General Assembly a number of delegations have spoken at length on the unsatisfactory state of international economic relations and international trade. This state of affairs Is not in the interest of any country. Closed economic groupings, discriminatory measures and arbitrary restrictions in world trade are just so many obstacles for the great majority of countries. The existence of these negative factors disorganizes normal trade, opens the door wide to price fluctuations caused by speculation, particularly in the prices of primary commodities, creates unfair advantage for certain groups and certain countries, upsets the balance of trade and payments —including that of the highly developed countries— with all the undesirable consequences of such imbalance, and hinders the economic development of the newly liberated countries.
55. We must therefore make a joint effort to find a solution to these problems and to eliminate the harmful effects of closed economic groupings and of discriminatory restrictions in world trade. That is the only way in which international economic co-operation and trade can be promoted on the basis of Equality and mutual benefit.
56. The improvement of international economic relations would make possible the development, on the basis of wider co-operation, of natural resources and wealth common to two or more countries and the more efficient utilization of technical progress on a basis of reciprocity. In the case of the Balkans, there are favourable conditions for the joint utilization of water resources. As these resources are, generally speaking, very limited in that area, their joint utilization would contribute to the development of both agriculture and industry in the Balkan countries.
57. One of the most important problems of our time is that of finding a way to reduce the gap between the level of living of the highly developed countries and that of the developing countries. In order to find a solution to this urgent problem, it is essential to reduce and, if possible, close the gap between the prices of primary commodities and those of manufactured products, and it is likewise essential to create suitable conditions for an equitable correlation between these prices, so that they can evolve normally on the world market.
58. This price gap does serious harm to the vital interests of these countries and prevents them from carrying out their economic development plans more rapidly. At the same time, its very existence is one of the undeniable signs of neo-colonialist exploitation.
59. As I have just stated, a solution to the problems of international economic relations can only be found through collective efforts. In this connexion, the convening of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development is of very special significance. In our opinion, this Conference should clearly lay down more appropriate and fairer principles for world trade and for co-operation in the field of development. The purpose of the Conference is to discuss and adopt effective measures and recommendations, so that in future economic relations between States can be based on complete equality and mutual benefit, so that international trade can be increased, and so that the obstacles standing in the way of the development of such trade can be eliminated.
60. In order to safeguard world peace and security, it is essential that, in their relations, all Member States should base their policies on the principles of peaceful co-existence, that they should refuse to tolerate any manifestations of the "cold war", and that they should work together constructively towards a lasting international understanding. In such conditions, the role of the United Nations and its opportunities to exercise an increasingly favourable influence on the development of international relations cannot fail to increase.
61. If the United Nations is to remain faithful to its original mission, the principles underlying its Charter must be complied with: the sovereign equality of all States and respect for their territorial integrity and national independence; prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations; non-intervention in the internal affairs of States, and a whole series of other principles, all designed to further the active and constructive development of friendly relations among nations.
62. In applying these principles, the United Nations must take resolute action to deal with threats directed against any country which, in the interest of its own development, has chosen a political regime which may not be to the taste of another Government.
63. The settlement of the Caribbean crisis illustrates the role the United Nations might play in such cases in the future. The United Nations has an obligation to help in securing fulfilment of the undertakings given at the time of that crisis. The people of Cuba must be allowed to decide their own affairs in complete freedom and without any pressure from outside.
64. Our Organization has an obligation to be not merely a forum for the discussion of problems of international co-operation, but also a centre for the application of the principle of peaceful coexistence throughout the world.
65. If the United Nations is to fulfil this obligation, it should become more and more a true mirror of the realities of the contemporary world and should face the great problems of our times with more determination. To enable it to do so, changes should be made in its membership and, indeed, in its structure. It is a matter for regret that such changes are far from coming about. For instance, because of the opposition of certain great Powers, motivated solely by their own selfish interests, the United Nations has not yet attained the universality inherent in its conception. For many years now, one of the permanent members of the Security Council has been excluded from the United Nations by all manner of subterfuge. The lawful rights of China —a founding Member of the United Nations— have for years been trodden underfoot. It is high time that the real representatives of the Chinese people were admitted to the Organization and the representatives of the self-styled government of Chiang-Kai-shek expelled. The restoration of the rights of People's China would greatly help the United Nations in the more successful performance of its tasks under the Charter, particularly as concerns the settlement of the most important international issues.
66. We should like to hope that, at its eighteenth session, the General Assembly of the United Nations will play its part in the just solution of the problems which it must face. No effort should be spared in that direction. Mankind is looking, not for speeches and declarations, but for practical measures for the creation of a world without armaments, without wars and without colonial oppression —a world of peaceful coexistence. That goal should be attained as speedily as possible; the interests of peoples throughout the world demand it.
67. Before concluding, I should like to reaffirm the Bulgarian people's faith in the noble work of the United Nations. When U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, visited Bulgaria in July 1963, Todor Jivkov, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, stated: "The basic principles underlying the United Nations Charter are in complete concordance with the philosophy of the Bulgarian people and with its aspiration to live in peace, friendship and co-operation with all peoples. The purposes of the United Nations, as proclaimed in its Charter, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security and the development of friendly relations among nations, are likewise the purposes on which the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Bulgaria is based."
68. Allow me to assure you that my delegation, guided by those principles, will do all in its power, with the modest means at its disposal, to help in solving the important problems of this session in a manner consonant with the aspirations and hopes of peoples throughout the world.