CHN

Mr. President, on behalf of my Government and delegation, let me first of all extend to you our sincere congratulations on your election to your high office. Those of us who have come to know you and your personal qualities have no doubt you will guide this crucial session of the General Assembly to a fruitful conclusion. My delegation is particularly impressed by your inaugural speech as President of the General Assembly, which bears eloquent testimony to your sense of justice and unwavering faith in the principles of the Charter. 43. We live in a moment of history which is fraught with unprecedented dangers as well as unprecedented opportunities. The development of nuclear weapons has reached a point where a single miscalculation can wipe out life on much of this planet. Yet the same nuclear energy which is capable of mass destruction can also be harnessed to the service of man. Modern science and technology have opened up vistas of change and progress which stagger the imagination. The conquest of disease and poverty is clearly within reach. Despite all the crises and upheavals, we refuse to believe that sanity and reason will not in the end triumph, that mankind is destined to extinction, that man cannot use his creative resources to make this world a better, safer, and happier place in which to live. 44. It is in this context that the recently concluded treaty on a partial nuclear test ban has been hailed as an historic event. Men of goodwill everywhere fervently pray that the treaty, limited as it is, will mark the beginning of a new era in world affairs. In common with all humanity, the people and Government of the Republic of China welcome the test-ban treaty. We have signified our support of the treaty by acceding to it. We are, however, fully aware that this is at best only a start toward larger goals, goals that are still not easily attainable. The very exclusion of underground testing from the purview of the treaty is in itself significant, indicating that suspicion and mistrust continue to cast a dark shadow over world relations. The cold war, though presently conducted in less frigid terms, has by no means come to an end. The drive toward Communist expansion on a world-wide basis has not ceased. So long as this is the case, peace —genuine peace— will, I am afraid, continue to elude us. 45. It is not my intention to paint the world scene in unduly sombre colours. But while believing the partial nuclear test-ban treaty is a step in the right direction, we should not allow our enthusiasm for it to blind us to the harsh realities. The Soviet Union has undoubtedly compelling reasons to shrink from the appalling consequences of nuclear war. This, however, in no way contradicts the fact that Communism assumes the necessity of continued conflict. The signing of the treaty, praiseworthy as it is, does not alter an iota the basic Soviet plan to remake the world in its own image. "Peaceful coexistence", whatever the slogan might mean, certainly does not include ideological, coexistence. The Soviet Foreign Minister, in his address to this Assembly on 19 September, has plainly told us: "... we, the representatives of the world of socialism, have indeed waged and will go on waging an unremitting struggle for the triumph of the ideals of socialism and communism. We shall accept no ideological compromise ..." [1208th meeting, para. 110]. 46. It is precisely this grand design to communize the world that has brought about the enslavement of the people on the Chinese mainland, that has kept such countries as Germany, Korea, Viet-Nam, and Laos divided, that has transformed Cuba into a base of subversion for the Western Hemisphere, that has given impetus to the arms race, that has thrown the world into a jungle of lawlessness and chaos. 47. Speaking from this rostrum almost exactly a year ago, I said: "In Laos, a new coalition regime has just been set up. Let us hope that, in spite of the continued presence of large bodies of foreign communist forces in that country, this will not prove to be only another step towards eventual communist take-over." [1142nd meeting, para. 22.] 48. The events that have since taken place, I regret to say, have confirmed my worst fears. The coalition regime has proved itself a precarious one. The Pathet Lao leaders have shown no intention of abiding by the Geneva agreement. Fighting has been going on since last April. The Laotian Prime Minister, Prince Souvanna Phouma, in his speech before this Assembly on 21 September, made this abundantly clear when he said: "This war, willed and maintained from abroad, has been of a devastating nature. It is planned and promoted in quarters characteristic of the fact that certain countries have an interest in seeing our country a prey to disorder because, with such disorder, it would be possible to set up an authoritarian regime which nobody in Laos wants." [1210th meeting, para. 17.] Prince Souvanna Phouma said further: "Attempts to divide and undermine the purely symbolic forces placed under my authority have been organized and carried out by persons hostile to Laotian neutrality, the internal consolidation of which might run counter to their political ambitions." [Ibid., para. 23.] 49. Communist aggression against peaceful countries is not confined to Laos. In the Republic of Viet-Nam, the Communist gangster war of horror and assassination goes on with unabated ferocity. The much publicized internal difficulties with which the Republic of Viet-Nam is confronted should not divert the attention of the world community from the real danger, the danger of Communist aggression. It cannot be too strongly or too often emphasized that what is at stake here is not merely the fate of one country, but the freedom and independence of all the peoples of Southeast Asia. 50. Elsewhere in Asia, I may mention in passing the understandable concern of India regarding the Chinese Communist military build-up along its border areas. I may also mention the fact that along the 38th parallel in Korea, quiescent for some years, there has been of late a resurgence of Communist violence. Thus, Communist activities, ranging from direct military pressure to infiltration and subversion, pose a real and present threat to the peace and security of the vast Asian continent. 51. In Europe, Berlin remains a danger spot. The Soviet Foreign Minister's speech before this Assembly provides scant comfort for those who would like to see Germany reunited through the process of self-determination. His vitriolic attack on the Federal Republic of Germany is particularly disquieting. His insistence on formalizing and perpetuating the division of Germany through the conclusion of a peace treaty on Soviet terms is hardly in accord with the aspirations of the German people. 52. In October 1962, the Soviet installation of a series of missile sites in Cuba brought the world to the brink of catastrophe. The danger of direct nuclear confrontation was avoided, but as long as Cuba represents an extension of Soviet power in the Western Hemisphere and serves as an accomplice in the Communist conspiracy for world domination, it constitutes a direct threat to the security of the American States at a time when they are making a new concerted effort for economic progress and social betterment. 53. I have touched upon some of the most critical areas of the contemporary world. The roots of the conflict are found in the fact that there are those who, armed with an aggressive and absolutist ideology, are out to impose their way of life upon all mankind. This conflict cannot but be reflected in this Organization. The division of the world into irreconcilable camps has distorted the vision of San Francisco —the vision of a true community of nations, united in spirit and purpose, dedicated to the maintenance of international peace and security on the basis of law and justice, to the protection of fundamental freedoms and human rights, and to the promotion of social progress and better standards of life for all peoples. 54. The Secretary-General, in the introduction to his annual report, rightly draws our attention to the role which the United Nations has played during the past year. In reviewing the work of the Organization during the past seventeen years, however, we cannot but come to the conclusion that, in spite of its successes in some fields, its accomplishments have fallen far short of expectations. The world situation, since 1945, has not been such as to make it possible for the United Nations to play the kind of role envisaged at the time of its formation —to become a true centre where all serious conflicts of national interests may be harmonized and where all vital issues of war and peace can be resolved. As a consequence, some of the momentous problems of our time —problems affecting the lives of millions and the peace and security of large regions— have not been and are not being dealt with by the United Nations but are relegated to other groupings outside the framework of this Organization. Perhaps this is inevitable. But the fact remains that the lack of unity of purpose has tarnished the image of the United Nations as the protector of peace. 55. It is generally recognized that if the United Nations is to meet the challenges of our hazardous age, it must be endowed with new vitality, new strength. As a free association of sovereign States, however, the United Nations can be only as strong and effective as its Members make it. All too often short-range national interests are allowed to prevail over the common interests of the world community. All too often the General Assembly and the Security Council, in an effort to facilitate agreement, have not hesitated to resort to expediency at the expense of vital Charter principles. This is what the late Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold, had in mind when he sounded this note of warning in the introduction to his annual report written shortly before his tragic death: "It is my firm conviction that any result bought at the price of a compromise with the principles and ideals of the Organization, either by yielding to force, by disregard of justice, by neglect of common interests or by contempt for human rights, is bought at too high a price. That is so because a compromise with its principles and purposes weakens the Organization in a way representing a definite loss for the future that cannot be balanced by any immediate advantage achieved." This readiness to yield to force, to disregard justice, to neglect human rights, or to ignore the common interests of the Organization, has been to a large extent responsible for the so-called "crisis of confidence " in the United Nations. 56. At its present session, the General Assembly has on its agenda many questions of transcendental importance for the future of humanity. Not all these are new. Some are as old as the United Nations itself. The question of disarmament even outdates the United Nations and harks back to the League of Nations. 57. Let me make a brief observation. The precondition for successful disarmament is the existence of mutual confidence. If the signing of the partial nuclear test ban could in fact help create an international climate conducive to the establishment of confidence, meaningful progress in disarmament would naturally follow. Yet, even in such a circumstance, spectacular results are out of question. The issues involved —political, military and technical— are far too complex to allow easy and quick solutions. Progressive and balanced disarmament, coupled with on-site inspections, are the best assurance for security. No "crash" disarmament plan can be regarded as a business-like and realistic approach to the problem. The Soviet proposal to convene a conference in Moscow of the members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament "with the participation of leading statesmen of the highest level" to be held in the first half of 1964, is hardly calculated to achieve a break-through. It will only serve to deepen the suspicion that the Soviet Union intends to make as much political capital out of disarmament as possible. 58. The problem of economic development rightly occupies a position of high priority on the agenda of the Assembly. The fruits of science and technology must be made available to all the peoples of the world. The living standards of the peoples of the emerging nations must be improved. This is no less important than the maintenance of peace and security. For there can be no lasting peace if two-thirds of mankind are condemned to hunger, disease and ignorance. 59. In redeeming the overwhelming majority of the world's population from the sub-human conditions in which they live, the United Nations has a special responsibility. The United Nations Development Decade programme launched last year is an attempt to tackle this problem in an integrated manner. It has already sharpened the sense of purpose within the Organization. 60. Economic development calls for the inter-play of a multiplicity of factors: modern technical knowledge, capital accumulation, trained manpower, and sound development plans. The United Nations and the specialized agencies have already done much in these fields. But much remains to be done. 61. The problem of economic development is so complex and vast that it is, as President Kennedy has rightly pointed out in his address before this Assembly, "the task of all nations —acting alone, acting ingroups and acting in the United Nations" [1209th meeting, para. 57]. In the past few years, my Government has, on a modest scale, begun to contribute its share to this endeavour. Being ourselves in the midst of development, we believe our experience can be of value to other developing countries. The success of our land reform programme, which has enabled the farmers to own the land they till and has thus provided them with the incentive to increase agricultural production by 100 per cent, is an example of what can be done to improve the living standards of the people through democratic means and without resorting to the coercive measures used in the communist countries. Our farming methods and techniques are now being introduced to other lands through farm demonstration teams. Since 1954, over 1,000 agricultural workers from twenty-one Asian and African countries has received training in Taiwan. This has served to promote friendship and mutual benefit. 62. Before I leave the subject of economic development, let me stress yet another point. The lifting of standards of living cannot be achieved in one day. To ensure broad progress, a down-to-earth system of priorities must be mapped out. As our first task is to provide an adequate supply of the basic necessities of life, energy and resources should not be squandered merely for the sake of seeking superficial prestige. Inasmuch as the very purpose of development is to advance the dignity of man, there can be no room for any form of coercive regimentation in the use of labour. Personal incentive and initiative must be encouraged, and they must be channelled toward promoting the general welfare of the community as a whole and not for the benefit of a few. In other words, both the creation and distribution of wealth should only proceed on the basis of social justice. 63. No development in the United Nations in recent years has been more dramatic than the growth of its membership. The majority of the new Members are from Africa. Their emergence from colonial rule to independent statehood testifies to the acceleration of the decolonization process. The process is still incomplete, But the rising tide of nationalism is well-nigh irresistible. Sooner or later all remnants of colonial rule will be swept from the face of the globe. My delegation unreservedly supports the aspirations of the colonial peoples for freedom. 64. It is hardly necessary to remind the Assembly that the struggle of dependent peoples for independence and freedom is world-wide and extends itself beyond the confines of Africa. General Assembly resolution 1415 (XV) is thus applicable not only to Angola, Mozambique and other African territories under European rule, but also to Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, the non-Russian ethnic groups within the Soviet empire including the captive peoples of East Europe. 55. With the growth of the United Nations family, the question of adequate representation of Asia and Africa in the principal organs of the United Nations becomes a question of great urgency. This can be done either through a general review of the Charter as provided for in Article 109, or through amendments to the Charter as provided for in Article 108. 66. The Soviet Union, however, has been opposed to both, using the bogus and totally irrelevant question of the representation of China as the "reason" for the opposition. The real reason is, I believe, something quite different. A general conference for Charter review, if held, might seek to restrict the veto power possessed by the permanent members of the Security Council, thus depriving the Soviet Union of a potent weapon to block United Nations action in the cause of peace. Charter revision is also unacceptable to the Soviet Union because it would have the effect of giving the Asian and African members a preponderance of influence in the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. The Soviet Union, notwithstanding the lip-service paid to the importance of Asia and Africa, is interested only in increasing the representation of the Soviet bloc in the principal organs at the expense of other geographical areas. This has been made clear by the Soviet proposal for the redistribution of the non-permanent seats of the Security Council. 67. My delegation favours Charter revision. Justice demands that the growing importance of Asia and Africa in the United Nations should be adequately reflected in its principal organs. No single Member, however powerful, is justified in denying them what is obviously their due. If the Soviet Union is as good as its word, if it is indeed a friend of Asia and Africa, this is the time for it to prove itself. 68. But there is little reason to believe that the Soviet Union would change its stand on this question. In the Soviet view, the United Nations is merely another arena for power struggle. The Soviet Union would have like, of course, to transform the United Nations into a subservient tool of Soviet policy. Having failed to do this, it seeks to destroy the effectiveness of the United Nations. The unconscionable abuse of the veto power is clearly calculated to cripple the machinery of this Organization. The Soviet refusal to bear its share of the expenses of the Organization1 s peace-keeping operations is another glaring manifestation of this policy. 69. No less than the preservation of peace and security, the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms is one of the primary purposes of the United Nations. The preamble to the Charter calls upon the peoples of the world "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small". It is a sad commentary on our times that eighteen years after the adoption of the Charter, and fifteen years after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, millions upon millions of the world's population do not yet enjoy their most elementary rights as human beings. 70. We of the Republic of China are opposed to all forms of oppression, be it in Africa, in Asia, in the Americas or in Europe. 71. Nowhere in the world have human rights and fundamental freedoms been more systematically and ruthlessly violated than on the mainland of China. I need not go back to the 1950's, when tens of millions of innocent people were liquidated in the name of the suppression of "counter-revolutionaries"; nor is it necessary to recall to the Assembly the inhuman system of the so-called "people's communes". The facts are well known. Suffice it to say that communism as typified by the Chinese Communists is the most reactionary and most counter-revolutionary force of our time. On the mainland of China, there is no freedom of worship, no freedom of work, no freedom of expression. There is not even the freedom to enjoy the company of one's family. 72. The Chinese Communist regime constitutes a negation of all the principles and purposes of the United Nations. Since the "Big Leap Forward" campaign of 1958, the Chinese people have been condemned to unremitting hunger and starvation. In agricultural and industrial production, a remorseless descending spiral has set in, each year worse than the preceding one. The downward trend cannot be effectively reversed until the Communist rulers abandon the dogma of collectivization and revise the policy of regimented compulsory labour, which has reduced human beings to the level of animals. But this cannot happen to a band of fanatics whose faith in Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism knows no bounds and who are convinced that the economic system they have devised will ensure not only rapid industrialization but also the perpetuation of their own power. 73. Ever since the establishment of the Communist regime, the people on the mainland have never ceased to struggle against their oppressors. Their resistance has, since 1959, taken the form of open revolts and uprisings, and not infrequently Communist cadres have been killed by angry villagers and mobs. Inasmuch as the Communist army is essentially a peasant army, unrest in the countryside cannot but affect the morale of the troops. Thus, the very prop of Communist power —the 2.5 million regular troops— has been seriously shaken. 74. Internal stresses have immeasurably weakened the Chinese Communist régime. This, however, does not make it less of a threat to world peace. Its grim philosophy of hate and violence has even alarmed the Kremlin. The possibility of it trying to divert the attention of the Chinese people from domestic failures to foreign adventures can never with safety be discounted. 75. The Government of the Republic of China, which I have the honour to represent, is dedicated to the restoration of freedom to the Chinese people. We do not subscribe to the proposition that the Communist regime is invincible. On the contrary, we believe its day of reckoning is near at hand. Our struggle is not a struggle of the 12 million people in the province of Taiwan against the 600 million people on the mainland of China. It is the struggle of all Chinese people —the 12 million in Taiwan, the 13 million overseas Chinese, as well as the 600 million on the mainland— against a tiny minority of people who form the Chinese Communist Party. Being convinced of the righteousness of our cause and the feasibility of our task, we can neither be deterred by cynicism nor be disconcerted by mockery. Nothing can shake our resolve. 76. In this connexion, let me reaffirm my Government's faith in the principles and purposes of the United Nations. We believe that the United Nations is at one with us in its determination to do away with man's inhumanity to man. But in this task of restoring freedom to the Chinese people we ask no assistance from the United Nations. This is the responsibility of the Chinese people, and the Chinese people have no intention of shirking it. All we ask of the United Nations is to refrain from acts that would aggravate the sufferings of the Chinese people, that would snuff out their hope for freedom and condemn them to perpetual enslavement. Above all, we ask the United Nations and all the free nations to refrain from giving aid and comfort to the enslavers of the Chinese people.