POL

The Polish delegation has followed with vivid attention the current debate in the General Assembly. It does seem to us that the following elements can already be emphasized: First, wise statesmanship and the course of international events since our last general debate have strengthened the conviction of the need for, and the possibility of, finding concrete and constructive solutions, conducive to an easing of international tension, to a rapprochement among nations, to peace. Secondly, in previous years we witnessed in this hall attempts by certain delegations at narrowing the whole scope of international issues to arguments, mainly with the socialist countries. While the sterile cold war duels are now disappearing from our discussions —to the great satisfaction of the Polish delegation— a number of speakers have been able to occupy themselves with concrete questions by pointing out the many unsolved problems relating to certain geographical regions or even to vital special interests of their own countries. For It is evident that the political picture of the contemporary world is rather more complex than is being admitted by the too-eager proponents of anticommunist crusades. 25. Further, the prospects for a" détente" having been opened, the activity of the United Nations may become more creative than under conditions of international tension. Hence the justified belief of most delegations here —and we fully share this belief— that the signing of the Moscow Treaty has improved conditions for positive United Nations actions, based on the principle of peaceful coexistence. 26. Poland, like other socialist States with whom it is bound by fraternal alliance and in keeping with the general principles of their foreign policy, has always stood for the peaceful coexistence of States with different social and economic systems. Indeed, aeon-test of historical importance is taking place between the two systems to determine which of them serves better the aspirations of men and the progress of humanity. May I, however, quote the Chairman of the Polish delegation to the fifteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly, Wladyslaw Gomulka, that: "The problem of communism or capitalism does not concern inter-State relations. This is an ideological and social problem. Therefore, the question of the superiority of one or another social system has to be decided by the people, who themselves will express their opinion as to which social system best represents their interests and guarantees them a better, freer and happier life." [874th meeting, para. 66.] 27. This historical contest, the contest as to the future of mankind, should be solved through means of peaceful competition, within the framework of peaceful coexistence. Peaceful coexistence implies, we submit, joint responsibility for the maintenance of peace. It implies the solution of all controversial international problems through negotiations and reasonable compromises. It implies economic, scientific and cultural contacts. This is exactly how Polish foreign policy conceives and carries out constructive co-operation among nations. 28. The road Poland has embarked upon and its close alliance and friendship with socialist countries have never been in any contradiction with the development of broad relations with other countries. On the contrary, we do maintain relations with all nations which understand the paramount need for peaceful cooperation. We develop and strengthen our economic and cultural contacts with countries of all continents. We express our solidarity with, and offer assistance to, newly liberated countries and to peoples still dependent. Our participation in numerous international organizations —and we try to be active members— serves the purpose of broad international co-operation. 29. May these few words of mine be taken at the same time as a sincere and warm acknowledgement of those statements in our debate which referred to Poland, to relations with it, and to Poland's international activities in general. We did not fail to notice them. 30. A number of principles which constitute today essential elements of peaceful coexistence, defined also by the United Nations Charter, have long ago become an integral part of international law. Suffice it to mention the following: sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. If each State and each nation are to have, as they must, an opportunity to contribute freely and fully to the better and peaceful future of mankind, these principles have to be observed in all fields of international conduct. This is why we recognize and support Cuba's lawful rights. This is why we are of the opinion that an end should be put, the sooner the better, to foreign intervention in South Viet-Nam. 31. Here are the foundations on which peace can be built. If, however, mankind is to be liberated once and for all from the dangers facing it, if it is to be freed particularly from the peril of thermonuclear destruction, the very capability of waging wars should be eliminated. The goal can be achieved only through general and complete disarmament which has been unanimously recognized by the United Nations as the basic problem of our times. Because a world without arms means a world without wars. 32. The Moscow Treaty, which has been rightly welcomed by practically all the speakers in this debate as a step towards a "détente", is indeed the first significant agreement among the three great Powers in a field of the utmost importance to all humanity, in the field of nuclear weapons. It not only puts an end to the contamination of the atmosphere by radio-active fallout. It constitutes also the first step towards the diminution of the possibility of perfecting nuclear weapons and makes it possible to restrict their dissemination. It should, and it can, become a starting point for transforming the spiral armaments into the spiral of disarmament. Yet, in itself, it does not amount to disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. Consequently, we all, I hope, expect further agreements in this direction. 33. One cannot but be aware of the existence of influential forces which, guided by egotistic and shortsighted interests, continue to favour the maintenance and intensification of the armaments race rather than its abolition. There are, of course, important political and economic groups which have been fed by the cold war and still draw profits from it. They have refused so far to follow the desire of nations towards a relaxation of tension and towards peace. We cannot but be aware of the difficulties which remain to be overcome and the obstacles still to be surmounted. Further strenuous efforts will have to be made, so that mankind may move along the right path, following the agreement on the cessation of nuclear tests in three environments. 34. In our opinion, the reason for the impasse in the Geneva negotiations on general and complete disarmament lies in the very approach of the Western Powers to the problem of disarmament. In their disarmament plans they have not renounced, so far, the illusory attempt at securing for themselves superiority in the most important kinds of weapons, and have been rejecting the fundamental requirement of ensuring an equal degree of security to all States at each stage of disarmament. 35. The socialist States, on the other hand, do not abandon their efforts to remove the difficulties which have arisen in the disarmament negotiations. Thus, we submit, the Soviet proposal presented at this session, concerning the ways of eliminating nuclear delivery vehicles, again manifests the USSR's willingness to meet the Western position. Mr. Gromyko has in fact presented one more important proposal —to ban the placing of nuclear weapons in orbit. The proposal has quickly met with a positive response and very promising support both in this hall and outside it. Judging from today's newspapers, the proposal is even nearing the point of accord. We would all welcome it. 36. We share the view of our Soviet friends that the participation of Heads of State or Government in the debates of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament could contribute to the progress of negotiations. It could give an impetus to discussions of general and complete disarmament and also speed up agreements on collateral measures. A number of speakers in our debate were right in emphasizing the very meaning of this proposal. Its significance lies in the importance which should always be attached to direct contacts and talks of Heads of State and political leaders. 37. Many speakers stressed the usefulness of collateral measures which could further ease international tension, improve the international climate, facilitate and advance discussions of general and complete disarmament. We share this view. For it would be unrealistic to stick to the "all or nothing" position. We must try to achieve whatever is ripe for solution. 38. One of the important steps towards international "detente" would be the conclusion of anon-aggression pact between NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization. A solemn renunciation of the threat or use of force in relations between the two greatest political and military alliances would significantly contribute to the normalization and stabilization of the international situation; indeed, it would institutionalize the method of consultation and negotiation between East and West, and the whole world could profit therefrom. 39. This idea has had, and continues to have, many serious proponents in the West. It enjoys the support of the socialist States. One can note with satisfaction that many speakers here have not only taken an unbiased attitude towards it, but have even given it unequivocal support. It is our considered view that there should be no difficulty in placing the nonaggression pact in such a context, which might be acceptable to all concerned. To attain this goal, there has to be goodwill to come to an agreement, and there ought to be no attempts at making the conclusion of the pact contingent on matters not necessarily related to it. 40. More than once, from this rostrum, we have drawn attention to the proposal for setting up a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe. Poland, as the initiator of the proposal, has long been ready to discuss the principles of the Rapacki Plan and the ways and means of implementing it, and may I be permitted to remind you that the item is already on the agenda of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. 41. The fact that our initiative has given impetus to discussions of nuclear-free zones in other regions offers convincing proof that the concept of denuclearized zones meets the requirements of the present international situation. While supporting the well-known proposals for the establishment of nuclear-free zones on other continents, we stress the particular significance of such a zone in Central Europe, in an area where there is a direct confrontation of the two opposing military groupings and where particularly dangerous sources of conflict have accumulated. The implementation of the Polish plan would bring into effect a partial disarmament measure, limiting the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing the outbreak of a military conflict by accident in a particularly sensitive area, an area where there is a real need to allay the fear of an armed conflict. 42. The proposal of Mr. Unden and that of President Kekkonen indicate that there is a possibility of banning nuclear weapons in Northern Europe also. We are convinced that the setting up of the nuclear-free zones proposed by Poland, as well as of other nuclear-free zones —in Northern Europe, in the Balkans and in the Mediterranean region— would lead to a serious improvement in the political climate of Europe, the effects of which would be felt the world over. 43. The support also voiced during the present debate by numerous speakers for the idea of nuclear-free zones points to the possibility of initiating the elaboration of general principles regarding nuclear-free zones, as well as of methods for their practical implementation. It is self-evident that particular zones, in different parts of the world, could meet the specific conditions of the given region; it is not necessary that all of them have the same status. Of great importance is the offer of the Soviet Union to exclude the use of nuclear weapons against nuclear-free zones, established through regional agreements, and against individual countries which would declare their territories to be nuclear-free; and, jointly with the Western Powers, to give the necessary safeguards to that effect. We do not feel isolated in our expectation that this proposal will meet with a positive response on the part of the remaining nuclear Powers. 44. Poland’s particular interest in the problems of Central Europe does not, I presume, require special explanation. The deep wounds of the last war have not yet healed; we have to draw conclusions from the experiences of the past. We sincerely desire to exclude from this region any danger of an armed conflict. Therefore, Poland would welcome all plans for the normalization of this sensitive area —indeed, every real step on the road towards disarmament and towards security. Hence, many a time have we declared that so fax as Poland is concerned we are ready to reciprocate any move by the German Federal Republic aimed at a "détente". We do regret to say that, unfortunately, it is exactly the policy of the German Federal Republic which has already frustrated many moves to relax international tension, which has even opposed actions of realism and good sense by the NATO alliance. 45. It is the Government of the German Federal Republic which refuses to recognize the new situation in Central Europe that has come about as a result of the genocidal war unleashed by Nazi Germany, from the wounds of which we are still suffering. It is that Government which questions the established unalterable Western border of Poland. It is trying to foment tension in West Berlin. It is striving to annex the first peaceful State in Germany's long history of conquest —the German Democratic Republic, which has rejected the expansionist policy of German imperialism and has established relations and peaceful cooperation with many countries on all continents. 46. And may I stress at once here that any policy seriously directed towards reducing tension must take due account of the part the German Democratic Republic plays today, and will play to an ever-increasing degree in the future. The German Democratic Republic is making considerable efforts to establish normal relations between the two German States. We would draw the attention of those representatives who have dwelt here on the German problem to the proposal of the German Democratic Republic for the conclusion of a "treaty of good sense and good will" between the two German States. This proposal convincingly sets out reasonable conditions for co-operation between the two German States in the interest of the entire German nation. 47. It is no secret that Poland and the German Democratic Republic are bound by close links of friendship. Recent evidence of this was the visit to our country last week of the official delegation of the German Democratic Republic, Poland, however, sincerely desires to maintain good relations with the whole German nation, for our approach to the German problem is a constructive one. Indeed, the normalization of our economic relations with the German Federal Republic offers proof of our good will. Nor do we overlook some symptoms of common sense in certain West German political quarters. These, we regret to say, are not as yet influencing to a significant degree the political life of the German Federal Republic. 48. Against the background of the policy pursued hitherto by the German Federal Republic, the thesis which Bonn tries to advance with regard to the German problem —"relaxation but not on the basis of the status quo"— can, to our mind, amount only to countering the positive development of the international situation and to obstructing peaceful coexistence. Such a situation could not have arisen, of course, if the major Powers of the West had pursued a different policy with regard to West Germany. 49. Should the opposition of the Bonn Government now prevent the Moscow agreement from being followed by other steps towards an improvement of the international atmosphere, only one conclusion, we submit, could be drawn: the conclusion that West Germany has a dangerously far-reaching influence upon the policy of the West. Such a development could only delay the process of relaxation of tension and might lead to consequences perhaps not even intended by the Western Powers. 50. What else, if not an evidence of dangerous concessions to those opposing a "détente" is the whole concept of the so-called multilateral NATO nuclear force? Such a force is not needed for the defense of the United States. It is well known that other members of NATO do not display particular interest in it. Some of them even seem to feel that they are being coerced into accepting it. It is only the German Federal Republic which insists on the creation of such a force. 51. Sharing in the nuclear capability would become a stepping-stone toward the increased influence of Bonn's policy within the Western alliance. It could lead to an independent control over nuclear weapons by West Germany, which everyone should dread. It could amount to an increase in the number of so-called nuclear Powers, contrary to the demands voiced by the majority of delegations here assembled for preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. In turn, it would further speed up the armaments race while world public opinion, many Governments, and all nations unequivocally call for disarmament. 52. That is why I could not refrain from mentioning this problem and this sequence of reasoning of ours. The concept of a multilateral NATO nuclear force could hardly be considered as corresponding with the spirit of the Moscow Treaty. 53. I repeat once again: the nuclearization of the German Federal Republic could only seriously complicate the German problem. And this problem calls for a solution already long overdue. 54. The solution of the German problem requires, in our opinion, the abandonment of all plans for the nuclearization of Germany. It should be based on the recognition of the established German borders and on the existence of two sovereign German States, on the conclusion of a peace treaty and on the settlement of the problem of West Berlin. Only thus would the vital interests of all European nations, including the entire German nation, be served. 55. One of the main tasks of the United Nations is to assist all peoples still under colonial domination to gain full independence. As far as practical action is concerned, we believe that wherever United Nations resolutions and recommendations on decolonization remain ineffective, a more determined co-operation of all States and a common effort are necessary to bring to an end a system doomed by history and to effectively assist the national liberation struggle. 56. I particularly refer to the cases of Portugal and the Republic of South Africa. For many years the United Nations has been urging the Republic of South Africa to abolish its policy of apartheid, but the Government of that country has systematically ignored these appeals. That is why today new decisions are needed, we submit, that are even more imperative than those recently adopted by the Security Council. 57. The Polish delegation welcomes, as did others, the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, adopted in Addis Ababa, and which His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, will solemnly register with the United Nations today. His Imperial Majesty is a historical figure admired by all for His fight for the independence of his small country. The Addis Ababa decisions have rallied the peoples of Africa in their common endeavour to do away with the remnants of the past, to strengthen the independence and co-operation of newly liberated countries, to remove foreign military bases from the African continent and to transform it into a nuclear-free zone, a zone of peace. For the independence of colonial peoples and peace are indivisible. In joining world-wide efforts to maintain peace, the newly liberated countries fortify their independence, acquire better opportunities for economic and social development and speed up the liquidation of the sad heritage of colonialism. 58. To be independent —and this has been stated here more than once; some weeks ago President Ben Bella also reminded us of it— it is not enough to wave a national flag and to play a national anthem. What really counts is the substance, the essence of independence. Only too often it is rendered illusory due to neocolonial exploitation, the main cause of it being that the young States remain in some form or other fettered to the old metropolis, 59. Thus we face here the great and difficult task of the development of newly-liberated countries. They ought to be assisted in the proper use of their natural resources, in establishing a sound economic structure, which would enable them to participate on an equal footing in international economic co-operation. Adequate political and economic conditions are necessary for the free development of young nations liberated from colonial dependence, so that they could fully benefit from technical and scientific progress and from international trade on the basis of equality and sovereignty. 60. However, the creation of a proper foundation for the development of newly-liberated countries does not exhaust the problem. Economic relations in the world can be likened to communicating vessels. One can hardly deal with economic problems of one region in isolation from others. All of them are interdependent. A new international division of labour, which has become a necessity, cannot fail to take this inter-relationship into account. 61. This is exactly why the Polish delegation attaches, as do others, so great an importance to the Conference on International Trade and Development which will be held under the auspices of the United Nations next year. It ought to consider all aspects of international exchange, which has suffered from discriminatory practices, an outcome as we know, either of cold war considerations and plans or of colonial exploitation. 62. In order to foster economic growth, the conference has to discuss the implementation of measures which would promote world economic co-operation between the various continents, between countries with different social and economic systems and between countries on different levels of economic development. We would also wish the Conference to create a platform facilitating the removal of harmful effects of certain well-known integration processes. We expect also that it will bring into being a world trade organization. 63. Whenever the economic development of the world is being discussed, one cannot but refer to the vast reservoir of resources which could be released as a result of general and complete disarmament. Thus, non-productive expenses for armaments could be diverted to economic, social and cultural development, for the well-being of mankind. 64. The great problems of our era are closely interrelated. Each step towards an improvement in the international situation creates better conditions for economic co-operation —as a matter of fact, economic co-operation can also foster better understanding and ease tensions; each step towards disarmament releases new resources for economic development; progress in economic relations is bound to contribute to the improvement of the fate of millions of people still living in poverty or even misery and the liquidation of colonialism frees new energies and strengthens the forces of peace and progress. 65. Not all controversial international issues requiring laborious negotiations can be speedily settled by the United Nations. All the more reason why the authority of the United Nations should be increased and its activities should be intensified in those fields where it can effectively play a really constructive part. 66. During the eighteen years of its existence the Organization has undergone considerable changes. Eighteen years ago it represented only a part of the world. In the years of intensified cold war tensions it moved frequently away from the realities of life. 67. With the well-known changes in the world situation, the membership of the United Nations has also changed. The increasing number of States here represented has had a favourable, impressive influence on both the atmosphere and activities of our Organization. 68. However, it cannot fully implement its goals as long as the Chinese People's Republic is being denied its right to represent here one of the founders of our Organization; as long as one of the great Powers, which under the Charter has special responsibilities, does not participate in the work of the United Nations and its organs; as long as those who illegally occupy its seat have not been removed from the United Nations. And there is no room here or in any other international organization for what is called "two-China" representation. The delegation of Poland shares and supports the view expressed in this respect by several speakers, from socialist, European, Asian and African countries in this debate. 69. The need for agreement between the great Powers which bear the main responsibilities for the maintenance of peace and security is one of the fundamental principles of the United Nations. All the more so, we follow with interest the present talks of the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union, United States and United Kingdom here in New York, on the occasion of the assembly's meeting, and transmit to them our wishes of success. For we should welcome with conviction and appreciation every step that serves the improvement of relations between them. 70. But this does not imply that the importance of the part to be played by other States has decreased. Indeed, we strongly believe that their impact upon the course of peaceful international development should not be underestimated. With relaxation of tension the importance of smaller States will grow. The influence of non-aligned countries will be strengthened. 71. Suffice it to mention the contribution of newly liberated States to the work of United Nations bodies, particularly the Committee on decolonization. And, of course we should not fail to mention the constructive role of the eight non-aligned countries which offered such valuable advice and initiative to the deliberations of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva. 72. The admission of many newly liberated countries to the United Nations has undoubtedly greatly enriched its activities and made it possible for those nations to participate constructively in international life and to render a creative and more than valuable contribution. Hence, the right of African and Asian countries to be properly represented in the main United Nations organs should be respected, Poland fully recognizes it. 73. All nations face now the task to do their utmost to promote the work of the United Nations, For the United Nations can become a workshop of coexistence in the political, economic, social and legal spheres. It has the express duty to mobilize world opinion and unite the efforts of all nations for peace. It ought to denounce and remove everything that stands in the way of the fulfilment of these goals. One should also bear in mind that the United Nations can offer proper guidance to the specialized agencies so that also they become equal to the task of serving peaceful coexistence and constructive peaceful co-operation of nations. Some of them, as we know, have already adjusted their programmes and activities to the new possibilities opened up by the favourable turn in the international situation. Others have to follow suit with our assistance. 74. In a world which faces the grave choice: to be or not to be, it is up to the United Nations to create a proper atmosphere and to shape the framework for international co-operation. 75. Dedicated as Poland is to peace and co-operation among nations, this is the United Nations it desires, and in the achievement of these goals Poland declares its full and sincere support, 76. Before leaving this rostrum, I should not fail to congratulate you, Mr. President, as others did, on your election to this high office. You have been elected to preside over an Assembly which might by its constructive atmosphere become a memorable session. We of Poland have no doubt that your wise guidance can assist us all into transforming this session of expectations into a session of fulfilment. 77. Through all of our proceedings will also go our best wishes of success to the man who usually sits on your right, and who is not here today, U Thant, our so highly esteemed Secretary-General. He needs the support of all the Member nations the whole year around so that he may steer the United Nations activities in the right course towards the harbour of accomplishment. He should not be denied our support.