Mr. President, by happy circumstances you have been called upon to preside over the proceedings of the eighteenth regular session of the General Assembly. On behalf of my delegation, my Government and myself, I extend to you our warmest and sincere congratulations. My delegation notes with pleasure that in this session of promise and opportunity the General Assembly in its wisdom has chosen in your person so competent and distinguished a diplomat to fill the high office of its Presidency. This is a sign of honour not only to you personally, but to your great country which shares with our own a common interest in the growing and marketing of coffee. We hope and trust that the promise and opportunity which marked the inception of our business here will culminate in the success which we are entitled to expect at the conclusion of our endeavours. To this end, Mr. President, I hasten to as sure you that you can rely upon the ready and constant co-operation of the delegation of Tanganyika.
2. The issues before this eighteenth session of the Assembly might be reduced to three broad categories. First, the general disengagement of international tension and cold war politics; secondly, the continuous and rapid liquidation of colonialism in a manner consistent with the United Nations historical Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples; and thirdly, the satisfaction of the expectations of our respective populations that the great wealth of the world, actual and potential, will be used to secure maximum development, increased social and economic benefits and a richer and fuller life for all,
3. In a certain sense, disengagement of International tension in all its manifestations must be the primary objective of this Organization. This must be so because we are pledged, in the language of the Charter, to practise tolerance and to live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. If we are able to dwell together in peace, avoiding areas of conflict as much as we can, then I submit we shall bring within the realms of possibility the first article of faith enshrined in the Charter of our Organization, that is, "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind".
4. Since its Inception, Tanganyika's policy has been one of non-alignment. We prefer this description to the term "neutralism", because the latter carries a connotation of not caring. In these times of shifting friendships and agonizing reappraisals of former policies, it seems wisest for us —and, to tell the truth, it accords most with our national character— to be friendly towards all and to be the enemy of none. This does not mean, however, that we have no position on the great issues that at present divide mankind.
5. "We do care passionately", as our President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere said on another occasion, "about the development of justice, of well-being and of peace throughout the world. We do care about the rights of man, about the independence and self-determination of nations or groups of nations. And we do care about having peace, both in Africa and in other parts of the world".
6. For these reasons, my Government welcomes the almost daily news bulletins announcing further agreements by the nuclear Powers on the restriction of the use of nuclear weapons. Since the beginning of the summer and the signing at Moscow of the test ban treaty on 5 August 1963 the atmosphere of concord has been indeed encouraging. It might be well to recall that there have been serious warnings for years about the dangers of nuclear fall-out, including strong protests by the peoples of Africa during the times of nuclear testing in the Sahara by France, as well as scientific pronouncements by the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation. We congratulate the major nuclear Powers on taking this first step in the interests of the peoples of the world, and we call upon France to be guided by this present trend against global suicide.
7. While we are very pleased about these initial steps towards the abolition of nuclear war, my Government's favourable reaction is modified somewhat by several disquieting thoughts which others have already mentioned but which, we feel, need definite re-emphasis.
8, In the first place, those people who experienced obliteration bombing in Europe during the Second World War, those people in Africa and Asia who have had their villages bombed and faced Saracen tanks even up to the present day have learned, at a tremendous cost of suffering, that nuclear warfare is not the only military horror facing mankind. Therefore, we respectfully urge the Member States of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament to intensify their efforts to reach decisions on general and complete disarmament, thus reducing the possibilities of aggression by armed might to the absolute minimum. Secondly, there are murmurings in the background that the new spirit of accord now in evidence among the nuclear Powers does not represent a genuine trend towards world peace, but rather a new alignment of military Powers within the United Nations to overwhelm an external Power.
9. When we recall that experts from many nations have been trying for so many years to abolish the threat of war by achieving general disarmament, and when we consider the events that have taken place in the world during that period, we might well remember how much remains still to be done. Some of the newly emerging nations and the people of countries not yet free are experiencing their own disturbances and conflicts, which makes us realize that great patience and long-term effort are necessary if people are to achieve the lofty goals to which they aspire.
10. However, lest anyone should point to the troubles within less developed countries as evidence that the people are not ready to rule themselves, in order to put such a fatuous observation in its proper place it is only necessary to recall which Powers have caused the havoc, chaos, brutality and destruction In two world wars and in Innumerable colonial expeditions.
11. No, this is not the time to snipe at one another. It is a time for each country to be ready to sacrifice, to pay the greatest possible price in prestige, sovereignty, or whatever is necessary to achieve world peace. To this end, my Government is prepared to see the implementation of a resolution on the denuclearization of Africa by means of the establishment of a supervisory authority for this purpose such as the International Atomic Energy Agency. For the same reason, we would support proposals for the denuclearization of Latin America.
12. We realize, of course, that disarmament poses far more complex and serious problems for some nations than for others. Special devices and arrangements may be required to deal with particular situations, and we believe that in certain areas, for example, Viet-Nam and Korea, disarmament coupled with guaranteed neutralization may ease problems which hitherto have proved intractable.
13. My delegation welcomes the partial test ban treaty for another very important reason. We hope that the spirit which enabled it to come into force will prevail to bring about further treaties abolishing all tests and the manufacture of nuclear armaments. By so doing, we hope too that the energies, finances and human resources thereby released will be converted into peaceful uses for the constructive advancement of the welfare of mankind on this planet. For every one of us is agreed that there exists a gap between developing and developed countries. Everyone is agreed that this gap is widening and that something must be done to correct this trend. My country believes that, in this respect, both the developed and the developing countries have specific parts to play. The initiative must come from both the developing and the developed countries.
14. The developed countries must create conditions which will make it possible for this gap to narrow. The developed countries must make sure that in their dealings with their less developed partners they will show justice and fairness. Indeed, since they are developed, they have a duty towards the developing countries.
15. There are very few developed countries that can say in honesty that they have reached that position without the help of the developing world —Africa, Asia and Latin America— either through the slave trade or through colonial exploitation or neo-colonialism. As was noted by the representative of the USSR when quoting the learned leader of the British Labour Party, Mr. Harold Wilson [1208th meeting], the entire expenditure of the Western Powers on "assistance" during the last ten years has been more than compensated by the reduction in export earnings of under-developed countries as a result of falling prices of primary commodities. This is only one aspect in illustration of my contention that most of the developed countries, where development means a high degree of industrialization, owe their position to the developing countries. Especially do they owe a debt to Africa, as well as to Asia and Latin America.
16. May I tender a few suggestions which I hope might help the developed countries in their endeavours directed towards uplifting the lot of the developing countries? First, the practices of the mercantile system must come to an end; secondly, we need capital for development. But very often the donors of capital say: "I am making you the loan. You must not only repay the loan, plus Interest on it, you must also use the loan to buy my goods." Sometimes the donors go so far as to say: "I want your vote in the United Nations." This is neocolonialism.
17. The danger of neo-colonialism is also present when private investment is entirely relied upon to provide capital for development. Because of preoccupation with a satisfactory return in profits, and apprehension concerning possible expropriation or nationalization, private investment is not a sure source of capital for development. Government-to-government capital agreement is more respectable, more secure and free from the uncertainties that go with private capital,
18. It must not be understood from anything that I have said that the poorer nations are relying exclusively on grants-in-aid from the richer nations. Far from it. The poorer nations on their initiatives are constantly trying to improve their method of agriculture and raise their rates of agricultural productivity. By specialization and improved methods of husbandry and marketing, the developing nations are trying to produce more raw materials and semi-manufactured goods at lower production costs. But the greatest danger of all to the primary producing countries is a lack of stabilization of the prices of their primary products. Falling prices and production costs remaining constant present a continuous threat to our agricultural economies, not to mention the danger of over-production, the building up of surpluses and price-cutting. The industrial countries must be prepared to pay more for their raw materials and to reduce the levels of their profit margins on their manufactured goods. This would help in due course to stabilize prices of the primary products, or at any rate to move to a position of minimum price levels for these raw materials. To this extent we welcome the recent United Nations Conference on Coffee which resulted in the International Coffee Agreement between producing and consuming countries. But we feel that both the Conference of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, due to convene next year, must pay special attention to these problems which are peculiar to the developing countries and tend to delay their ascent into the realm of industrialization.
19. Considering the importance of the problems of world peace and disarmament and of measures to secure the social and economic well-being of all peoples, it will readily be understood how my delegation feels about the present inequitable composition of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. This deplorable state of affairs was considered at the Summit Conference of Independent African States meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 22 May to 25 May 1963. Among the resolutions passed by the Conference was the following relating to this inequitable representation: "Believing that the United Nations is an important instrument for the maintenance of peace and security among nations and for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,"Reiterating its desire to strengthen and support the United Nations, "Noting with regret that Africa as a region is not equitably represented in the principal organs of the United Nations .... "1. Reaffirms its dedication to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and its acceptance of all obligations contained in the Charter, including financial obligations; "2. Insists that Africa as a geographical region should have equitable representation in the principal organs of the United Nations, particularly the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council and its specialized agencies ..."
20. My delegation had occasion to state its views quite firmly regarding Africa's representation in the Security Council during the Fourth Special Session of the General Assembly. There we argued that African States had very good reasons for being disenchanted with the Security Council as it is currently composed or by its method of composition. The fact that today no provision exists for the participation of thirty-two African Member States, in their own right, in the deliberations of the Security Council eloquently explains the inequitable imbalance of the Security Council itself and the grave injustice that the big Powers intended towards the continent of Africa by failing to contemplate that Africa should ever be represented as such on the Security Council. A completely new world has emerged since the London Accord of 1946. Africa has a right to demand its rightful place in the new scheme of things. We make that demand now.
21. We appeal particularly to the Western Powers and to the Soviet Union to assist us in removing this inequity. Many of us in the African countries remember with appreciation particular countries which gave us great support during previous years when our struggle was for the independence of our countries. Now that that struggle has been successful for us, we expect, and would find it strange not to receive, the same sympathetic support for our equitable proportion of representation.
22. In the view of my Government, the Assembly would have failed in its duty, if, at the conclusion of our business here, we did not succeed in redressing this grave injustice which had been deliberately perpetrated against the continent of Africa in the Organization for the last eighteen years. My delegation appears to detect a certain attitude prevailing among certain Powers. They would appear to agree publicly in principle with the view that our representation on the Security Council should be increased, but they are not prepared to agree to that increase in the Assembly, nor to allow that increase to reach the proportion in our representation on the Security Council which would be consistent both with our membership in the Organization and the millions of people which we represent.
23. My delegation does not envisage that a comprehensive review of the Charter is necessary to repair the damage that has been done to the continent of Africa throughout the whole life of the Organization. We can amend the Charter, during this session, to ensure that the continents of Africa and Asia, in their own right, will have permanent seats and non-permanent seats in the Security-Council, and that there will be an appropriate extension of the Economic and Social Council.
24. Two methods have been canvassed for effecting this. The principle of redistribution has been advanced on the one hand, and the more equitable doctrine of extension has been put forward on the other hand. My delegation prefers the principle of extension mainly for the reasons I have alluded to above, but more particularly because Africa, as a continent and with the largest single regional membership in this Organization, is entitled to be recognized as such by its proper representation on all the Important Councils and agencies of the Organization. The principle of extension places the purpose of extension unmistakably in sharp focus. The whole world must know why we extended the membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. This position is consistent with the mood of the historic decision at Addis Ababa in May of this year, which saw the birth of the Organization of African Unity.
25. The principle of redistribution, on the other hand, contemplates the reduction in representation, indeed the replacement, of the representation of certain other regions of the world by two seats for Africa. But we reject this argument, because we do not feel that Africa should attain its lawful rights by the creation of injustice to other regions of the world, except in the particular case, where those certain other regions are in fact over-represented on the Councils. So that if redistribution, for one reason or another, becomes the acceptable principle, then my delegation would agree with the position taken by my colleague, the Foreign Minister of Nigeria, Mr. Wachuku [1221st meeting].
26. My delegation still adheres to the view that the Security Council itself might be effectively extended by three non-permanent seats for Africa without unduly impairing the regional balance of the Council, and Indeed it would be improved. Nor could there be an argument that extension would make the Council unwieldy.
27. Another argument against extension has been canvassed: the argument that no amendment of the Charter can be contemplated without at the same time contemplating the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. Sympathetic though we are to the restoration of the lawful rights of the Chinese people, I venture to submit that this is a separate argument. The two positions can and do exist apart. They are not necessarily interrelated. The restoration item has been on the agenda of the Assembly for several years, long before any Member State thought of raising the question of the lawful rights of Africa on the Security Council. My delegation can see no justification for linking these two items. They are separate and distinct. Here we are arguing for the legitimate representation of Africa on the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. In the other case, some would argue that the People's Republic of China is the effective Government of China and succeeds to the rights, privileges and duties of the Chinese Government. We have no quarrel with this argument. Indeed we support it. My own Government and delegation have consistently held this self-same position whenever this matter has been raised. The existence of the People's Republic of China is a fact which neither legalisms nor arguments based on ideology can refute. Sooner or later all ostriches must raise their heads from the sand and face the existence of approximately 650 million Chinese inhabitants, occupying an immense portion of the world's land mass, over which the present Government has exercised effective dominion for the past decade or more. The Government of my country has recognized these facts and enjoys trade, diplomatic and cultural relations with the Government and the people of the Chinese People's Republic.
28. But this item, I repeat, is not directly connected with Africa's and Asia's representation on the Councils. We are asking for an amendment of the Charter through a resolution passed by the requisite majorities, as provided in the Charter, which would enable an extension of the Security Council by three seats for Africa and three seats for Asia as well.
29. In this General Assembly there is a concert of powerful forces for the final assault on two of the greatest causes of international tension. The universal condemnation of colonialism and apartheid has acquired living expression through the Special Committee of Twenty-four and the Special Committee on apartheid as well as other related Committees, through the unflinching dedication of the independent African States meeting at Addis Ababa and the formation of the Organization of African Unity, and through representatives of those nations which have taken an unequivocal stand on these basic issues affecting human freedom and world peace. The Tanganyika delegation has confidence in, and will remain faithful to, this great concert of forces which is gathering momentum every passing day and which will soon uproot the remaining pockets of colonialism and apartheid and completely wipe them out from the community of nations.
30. After many decades of bitter experience under colonial and racialist oppression, Africa has rediscovered itself, and it spoke its mind on these issues in clear terms during the Summit Conference of Independent African States held at Addis Ababa in May 1963. This rediscovery was admirably expressed by His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I In his address to the Assembly last Friday, 4 October 1963 [1228th meeting]. At Addis Ababa, His Imperial Majesty had spoken equally inspiring words —and I quote from his speech at the Conference: "Africa has been reborn as a free continent and Africans have been reborn as free men. "The blood that was shed and the suffering that was endured are today Africa's advocates for freedom and unity. Those men who refused to accept the judgement passed upon them by the colonizers, who held unswervingly through the darkest hours to a vision of an Africa emancipated from political, economic and spiritual domination, will be remembered and revered whenever Africans meet."
31. We in East Africa are at present engaged in serious discussions for the establishment of an East African Federation, which we believe will, if realized, serve as a further practical demonstration of the march to full African unity.
32. A Committee of Nine was formed at Addis Ababa to co-ordinate the liberation movement in the whole continent. Tanganyika was honoured to be a member of that Committee, whose headquarters is now at Dar-es-Salaam. Let no one make a mistake about our determination to see the final and prompt liquidation of colonialism and its associated demon of racial discrimination or apartheid not only in Africa but everywhere in the world. It would be most welcome, if these evils would disappear by the time this Organization celebrates its twentieth anniversary, as proposed by Mr. Gromyko, Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting].
33. My delegation congratulates the Government of the United States on its current efforts to end racial discrimination. By the response of the American people to these efforts the people of Africa judge their commitment to democracy.
34. The Special Committee on apartheid, established by the General Assembly under resolution 1761 (XVII) and so ably presided over by our friend and brother. Ambassador Diallo Telli of Guinea, has worked out a coherent programme for the abolition of apartheid. My delegation pays special tribute to the work of that Committee and will call for the endorsement of its recommendations.
35. On behalf of my delegation, I also wish to put on record our great admiration for the bold steps taken recently by the Scandinavian countries and peoples directed against apartheid in South Africa. The declarations of the Foreign Ministers of the Nordic countries deserve appreciation for the service they render, not only to Africans, but to the whole human race. It is my sincere hope that these courageous measures against apartheid will convince the partners of South Africa to withdraw from that unholy alliance.
36. Free Africa, now consisting of over two thirds of the continent, will not remain Indifferent to the perfidious actions of certain States and Interests which aid and abet the Government of South Africa in the commission of this crime against humanity. Mr. Verwoerd and Mr. Salazar no more speak for Christianity or civilization than Hitler spoke for socialism. The lessons of history are there for all of us to heed. The United Nations cannot afford to ignore the warning on colonialism and racialism, as symbolized by apartheid for South Africa.
37. Some arguments have been advanced to the effect that we should not envisage the expulsion of South Africa from the world Organization. While not wishing to embark on a detailed debate on expulsion at this moment, my delegation strongly submits that the Organization was created for high purposes and aspirations which are clear and unambiguous. The Preamble to the Charter states clearly that we are determined: "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small." It would be the highest form of hypocrisy and folly to allow membership to a State which is determined to undermine the high- principles of this Organization.
38. The Republic of South Africa has stubbornly flouted the world conscience and has defied decisions of the Organization on the question of apartheid. It is illogical and repugnant to argue that South Africa should be retained here indefinitely in spite of its wicked pursuits aimed at destroying the United Nations itself and the principles of the Charter from within. The supporters of South Africa base their arguments on a narrow concept of universality. They forget that the universality to be defended is that contained in the Charter and the principles of the United Nations.
39. The United Nations has a limitless role and destiny in the movement for human freedom. The Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights contain the embodiment of the highest ideals of mankind. The people of Tanganyika deeply appreciate the advantage which their struggle for freedom derived from the fact that Tanganyika was a Trust Territory of the United Nations,
40. The historic Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples adopted by the General Assembly in resolution 1514 (XV) has enhanced the role of the United Nations in the liquidation of colonialism.
41. Tanganyika was highly honoured to be a member of the Special Committee of Seventeen established under resolution 1645 (XVI), and later of the Special Committee of Twenty-Pour established under resolution 1810 (XVII), charged with the implementation of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Tanganyika was privileged to be host to the Committee during its African tour last year. My delegation has found the work of the Committee to be challenging, inspiring and fruitful. In its two years of existence so far, the Committee has compiled an irrefutable indictment of the colonial system. The Committee has passed various resolutions and recommendations on many territories which form the last vestiges of colonialism. The appeal by the victims of the Portuguese colonial and military dictatorship in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea has been put in clear black and white for representatives to heed, so that they may rally the support of their respective States to the cause of human freedom.
42. The Security Council has already been called upon to act on the real threat to peace and security created by the convulsions of colonialism in Portuguese territories and in Southern Rhodesia, where a tyrannical European settler regime is being heavily armed by the United Kingdom, in defiance of the warnings of free Africa and after having applied the veto to the request of the Security Council when it was recently asked by the African States to act on the explosive situation in Southern Rhodesia.
43. Here I wish to refer to the statement made from this rostrum by the representative of the United Kingdom [1222nd meeting] that his Government intends to build societies in which majorities rule. I take this opportunity to invite Her Majesty's Government to confirm that this principle of majority rule will also apply to Southern Rhodesia.
44. The present Government of South Africa, with its diabolic doctrine of apartheid, has extended this repugnant doctrine to the international territory of South West Africa and has turned the inhabitants of that territory, like those of South Africa, into virtual prisoners or slaves in their own country —and this in 1963. That Government is also showing evidence of designs on the three British High Commission Territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland. As the nominal protector, the United Kingdom has the primary responsibility for ensuring the security of those Territories until they attain independence. But in case there is an impossibility or an unwillingness for this primary responsibility to be discharged, the United Nations should reaffirm and safeguard the right to independence of the peoples of these High Commission Territories, if necessary by establishing its presence there. Many of our brothers from these pockets of colonial European settler regimes continue to come to Dar es Salaam, which is a haven of peace to them, and to other independent African States in order to obtain refuge or further support for their struggle,
45. The Government and people of Tanganyika rejoice at seeing that their brothers and neighbours in Kenya, Zanzibar and Nyasaland are now on the threshold of independence. Indeed, my delegation looks forward happily to the admission of some of those countries to the United Nations during this session. In Northern Rhodesia, too, the African peoples have organized themselves and are determined to achieve independence, following the dissolution of the obnoxious European settler Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, To these and other freedom fighters, Tanganyika will continue to do its utmost to lend brotherly assistance in their struggle until they are free.
46. We know that these issues will receive the earnest consideration of the representatives here assembled. The Tanganyika delegation, for its part, will continue to work for the fulfilment of the high aspirations of marking embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.