The eighteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly is meeting under favourable circumstances, when the fruits of the policy of peaceful coexistence between States with different social and economic systems are becoming increasingly manifest and when new and encouraging features are noticeable in the relations between States.
58. Mankind has assessed at their true value the prudent, wise and principled actions taken by the Governments of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Cuba and all those who contributed to the solution of the crisis in the Caribbean area. It appreciated the fact that peace-loving forces prevented a devastating thermonuclear war and managed to achieve a peaceful settlement of that dangerous situation.
59. The voice of reason now equally urges that all Governments face the realities of the present-day world and take account, in their actions, of the fundamental, vital expectations of their peoples. In the interests of those peoples, they must tirelessly strive to avert the danger of a nuclear conflict and to ensure that the enormous resources released through the contemporary development of science and technology shall serve only for the good of mankind.
60. At the time of the last group flight of Soviet astronauts, we saw very clearly how enthusiastically the broad masses of the people responded to the peaceful use of such resources. On the occasion of the recent visit to the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic of the world's first woman astronaut, Valentina Tereshkova, a citizen of the Soviet Union, the Czechoslovak people again expressed, to all who use the results of the work of human genius for the benefit and happiness of mankind, their warm admiration and best wishes for further magnificent successes.
61. Since the autumn of 1962, the great Powers have been carrying on with each other conversations and negotiations the usefulness of which has already been confirmed by tangible results, and in particular by the conclusion of the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water.
62. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, together with all our people, welcomed this Treaty with satisfaction and was among the first to attach its signature to it. This Treaty has already been submitted to the highest State bodies of the Republic for ratification.
63. So far, this Treaty has already been signed by an overwhelming majority of the world's States. This conclusively proves that the peoples see in it the success, and a confirmation of the workability and vitality, of the policy of peaceful coexistence actively and untiringly pursued by the Soviet Union, the other socialist countries and all peace-loving peoples of the world.
64. In the interests of peace, it would be desirable that all States should become parties to this Treaty. The Moscow Treaty brings benefits to all countries. Its immediate value lies in the fact that it prevents any further poisoning of atmosphere and water by radio-active fall-out, which threatens the health of present and future generations.
65. This Treaty again shows that, given goodwill on the part of all the States involved, agreement can be reached, through negotiation, on important current problems. All those who cherish the cause of peace cannot rest satisfied with the success achieved, but are in duty bound to use the favourable atmosphere created by the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty as a means to progress towards the solution of other urgent problems presented by the present international situation.
66. In the opinion of the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the work of the current session of the General Assembly must play an important part in that endeavour, as the peoples throughout the world expect. The most important task for the future remains the solution of the problem of general and complete disarmament. This is expressed also in the Moscow Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests, the signatories of which again reaffirmed the obligation to proclaim "as their principal aim the speediest possible achievement of an agreement on general and complete dis armament under strict international control [A/5488, annex I, document ENDC/100/Rev.1].
67. Similarly, the resolution adopted at the recent Summit Conference of Independent African States, at Addis Ababa, again stressed the importance of a settlement of this question.
68. We must, however, regretfully observe that nothing has so far been achieved in regard to a solution of this problem. The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, to which the drafting of a treaty on general and complete disarmament was entrusted as its main task, has during nearly two years on this matter done little but mark time. And this has been the case despite the fact that the Government of the USSR submitted a detailed draft treaty and a number of other proposals constituting a suitable basis for the reaching of an agreement. In its proposals, the Soviet Government on many of the main issues went half-way towards the position of the Western Powers. However, all attempts to achieve concrete results foundered on opposition from the Western Powers, which in reality were trying to use the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee only to conceal their unwillingness to agree on really effective measures of disarmament.
69. Such an unsatisfactory situation cannot be tolerated. The United Nations and all its Member States are in duty bound substantially to increase their efforts to find a way of reaching the speediest possible agreement on the implementation of general and complete disarmament, as the best possible guarantee of lasting peace.
70. The socialist countries have repeatedly displayed much good will and a readiness to reach a mutually acceptable agreement. A further proof of this is the new proposal of the Soviet Government submitted at the current session by Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, for the solution of the question of eliminating on the one hand the vehicles for the delivery of nuclear weapons and, on the other, the nuclear weapons themselves.
71. We welcome this new proposal as further proof of the sincere and constant efforts made by the Soviet Government to settle the question of general and complete disarmament. We would express the hope that the Western Powers also, in subsequent negotiations, will take a stand which will make agreement possible.
72. The importance we attach to general and complete disarmament does not, of course, imply that we underestimate the importance of measures which might be taken prior to general and complete disarmament and which might bring about an improvement in the international situation and a strengthening of confidence in relations between States.
73. Attention should be focused primarily on those problems the solution of which presents no serious difficulties and on which a mutually acceptable agreement might be reached within a short time.
74. The conclusion of a non-aggression pact between the parties to the Wars aw Treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty would, in particular, help to strengthen peace. We see no reason why such a step should not be taken. The proposed pact would be advantageous to both sides and would not require any impossible concessions from the parties.
75. The conclusion of such a pact would not only be of exceptional importance for an improvement of the situation in Europe, but would also be an effective step towards the removal of tension and the restoration of confidence on a world-wide scale. The parties to the pact, including all the nuclear Powers, would bind themselves not to attack each other but to solve all disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the use of threat of force. This would significantly strengthen efforts to ensure that universal effect was given to the purposes and principles of the Charter, since the obligations of the pact would also be assumed by certain countries which have hitherto remained outside the United Nations.
76. Another effective means of limiting armaments and reducing the danger of war would be the freezing of military budgets or the making of direct reductions in arms expenditure. Such a measure would have a directly favourable effect on future political and economic developments throughout the world.
77. That very substantial resources would be released following the implementation of such a measure is proved by well-known data showing the rapidity with which a number of countries are continually increasing their armament expenditures. These resources could be used both to accelerate the economic and social development of the countries which bear the heaviest burden of armaments, and to increase economic assistance to the developing countries.
78. Another important step would be the achievement of agreement on measures to prevent surprise attack. The reaching of an agreement on the reduction of the number of foreign armed forces on the territories of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic would also help to lessen tension and strengthen security in Europe.
79. In evaluating the significance of the Moscow Test Ban Treaty it has been correctly pointed out that this Treaty is merely a first, although an important, step towards the final objective. It does not solve the main question —that of disarmament and the final elimination of the threat of war. On the other hand it shows that, in the field of nuclear weapons, measures to reduce the danger of nuclear war may be carried out even before general and complete disarmament. It is therefore essential to continue striving for an agreement on further measures which would lead to that goal.
80. Everyone knows that the danger of nuclear war would be seriously increased by the further dissemination of nuclear weapons and by the creation of a situation in which the Governments of other countries which desire them, especially the Government of West Germany, would obtain possession of such weapons. It is therefore our urgent duty to take effective measures to eliminate this danger. Such measures could fulfil their purpose only if they excluded the possibility of disseminating nuclear weapons in any form, for example through military groupings of Western Powers.
81. A further important measure for reducing the danger of a nuclear war would be the creation of zones free of nuclear weapons. We, of course, are primarily interested in such a zone being created in Central Europe, for it is there that the danger of a nuclear conflict is particularly great. That is why we have repeatedly expressed our willingness to take part in implementing the well-known proposal of the Government of the Polish People's Republic concerning the creation of a nuclear-free zone which would include the territory of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Polish People's Republic and both German States.
82. Security in Europe and throughout the world would also be increased by the creation of nuclear-free zones in the region of the Mediterranean, in Scandinavia and in the Balkans, as the Governments of the socialist States and other European countries have proposed. We also welcome and support the request by the African States, approved at the General Assembly's sixteenth session [resolution 1652 (XVI)] and confirmed at the Addis Ababa Conference in May [22-25 May 1963], to the effect that Africa should be considered such a zone. The creation of nuclear-free zones in other regions of the world would also, undoubtedly, make a positive contribution to efforts at lessening international tension and reducing the danger of nuclear war.
83. We also welcome the proposed measures to prevent the nuclear weapons race from being extended to outer space. We would express the hope that the exchange of views between the Soviet Union and the United States of America on this question —to which Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting], and Mr. Kennedy, President of the United States [1209th meeting], referred at the present session— will produce tangible results and lead to an agreement prohibiting the launching of nuclear weapons into outer space.
84. We must make every effort to eliminate all obstacles to an agreement on these questions. We are convinced that their nature and importance requires that the highest representatives of the States concerned should take a direct part in their solution.
85. That is why we think that the Soviet Government's proposal to convene a meeting of the Eighteen-Nation Committee at the highest level in the first quarter or first half of 1964 is useful and wholly justified.
86. We are convinced that the participation of representatives of Member States at the highest level would give a powerful new impetus to the Eighteen-Nation Committee's work and might indicate an acceptable way of discharging the tasks before it. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has Instructed me to inform the General Assembly at its eighteenth session that it fully supports this proposal and is prepared to take part in a summit meeting of the Eighteen- Nation Committee.
87. The interests of the preservation and consolidation of peace require that, through the Joint efforts of States, everything causing international tension should be eliminated and that an end should be put to the policy of obstructing any improvement in international relations. It is especially in the countries members of NATO that forces operate for whom the prospect of a favourable development of the international situation is repugnant. We have seen that they not only obstruct the solution of disarmament questions, but keep alive or create hotbeds of dangerous tension and try to impair the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems.
88. This has above all been true of Europe, where a highly dangerous situation continues to prevail. I should like to dwell on this, not only because it directly affects Czechoslovakia as a State situated in the heart of Europe, but also because it concerns the question of war and peace in general. Today, hardly anyone seriously believes that a war which broke out in Europe would be confined to that continent and would affect only the peoples living there.
89. We must first of all keep in mind that, in this politically very sensitive area of Central Europe, two of the most powerful military groups —those of the Warsaw and the North Atlantic Pacts— are in contact. Both sides have at their disposal most modern and immensely destructive military techniques.
90. It is now many years ago that Hitlerite Germany met utter defeat and surrendered unconditionally. But all traces of the Second World War have not yet been removed. No peace treaty has been signed with Germany, and an occupation regime is artificially supported and maintained in West Berlin.
91. Such a situation suits only aggressive forces, and in the first place the West German militarists and revenge-seekers, whom the present Bonn Government serves by its policies. The basic aim of that Government is a revision of the results of the Second World War. This aim determines its approach to all present- day international problems. Everyone knows how the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany strives for access to nuclear weapons, how It does everything in its power to oppose any measure for improvement of the atmosphere in Europe and in the world, how insistently it ingratiates itself with its allies and how it would welcome continuing deterioration in their relations with the socialist countries.
92. This reprehensible attitude, inimical to peace, displayed by the Bonn Government is particularly evident in connexion with the signing of the Moscow Treaty. At a time when all men of good will welcomed this Treaty with great satisfaction and hope, as a spur to redoubled efforts for a further lessening of international tension, governmental circles in Bonn, fearing that the prospect of favourable international developments might be frustrating their plans, have been feverishly working to nullify the results achieved and to prevent any further improvement in relations between States.
93. The decision of the Federal Republic of Germany in regard to signature of the Moscow Treaty banning nuclear tests Is eloquent enough. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany affixed its signature to the Treaty only in deference to pressure of public opinion within the country and abroad, and more particularly after the Treaty had been signed by the German Democratic Republic. At the same time, it made a special statement in which it represented itself as spokesman for the whole of Germany; this can only be considered a clearly aggressive attitude. The Government of West Germany represents only the Federal Republic of Germany, and no one else. This must be perfectly obvious to anyone who is not totally blind.
94. The policy of the Government of the German Democratic Republic is diametrically the opposite of the policy of the ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany. The Government of the German Democratic Republic, without hesitation or reservation was one of the first Governments to sign the Moscow Treaty and become a legal party to it. In this way it gave further proof of the peace-loving nature of its foreign policy.
95. The German Democratic Republic is one of the two States on German soil. This is a fact which can in no way be changed. To deny this is completely unrealistic, unreasonable and dangerous to peace. It would help the cause of the Germans themselves if all States drew the appropriate conclusions from this fact, and if they supported the proposals of the German Democratic Republic for a rapprochement between the two German States and the development of fruitful cooperation and peaceful coexistence between them.
96. Czechoslovak foreign policy, out of concern for the interests of peace, will continue to oppose the dangerous policy of the West German militarists and revenge-seekers, and to strive for the removal of the remaining traces of the Second World War through the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany and the normalization, on that basis, of the situation in West Berlin.
97. We shall continue to strive for an improvement in our relations with the people of the Federal Republic of Germany. The President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Antonin Novotny, said in this connexion on 31 August 1963:
"We harbour no feelings of hostility towards the working people of the Federal Republic of Germany; on the contrary, we extend to them a friendly hand, because we are bound to them by a common interest in the preservation of peace. We appeal to all working people and to all peaceful and democratic forces in the Federal Republic of Germany: let us draw a line under the past, let us rid ourselves of everything that divides us, and let us unite in a common peaceful struggle to frustrate all revengeful plans which menace peace in Europe and especially the people of West Germany."
98. The Czechoslovak people and the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic again affirm their determination to strive in every possible way for the consolidation of the situation in Europe in the interests of peace, security and co-operation between peoples.
99. We proceed from the premise that a lasting peace can be preserved only if the principles of peaceful coexistence are consistently applied in relations between all States, great and small, in all regions of the world. Unfortunately, we must note that this Is not what is happening.
100. The increasing number of acts of sabotage and piratical raids by foreign aircraft and ships, as well as other hostile actions, against the Republic of Cuba are again alarming peace-loving peoples. Such actions constitute a threat to peace and are a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter. The Cuban people, with which our people has warm sympathy, has decided to follow the road of socialism and no one has any right to prevent it from doing so.
101. It is important, in the interests of all the concerned and in the interests of peace, that the well- known pledge of non-aggression against Cuba should be observed and that Cuba's neighbours should develop with it relations, based on the principles of peaceful coexistence.
102. The attention of the General Assembly has rightly been drawn to the increasingly alarming and dangerous situation in South Viet-Nam, due to the violation of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 as a result of the undeclared war which is being waged against the freedom- loving and peaceful people of South Viet-Nam. The world community has rightly expressed its growing indignation with the dictatorial puppet regime of Ngo Dinh Diem, which maintains itself in power solely by external support, methods of sanguinary terror, and the most flagrant violation of the people's fundamental rights,
103. The present situation in South Viet-Nam is a graphic example of the results which a policy of neocolonialism, blind anti-communism and export of counter-revolution, disguised under the banner of the fight for freedom and democracy, brings in its train.
104. We fully support the demand of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam for the implementation of the Geneva Agreements and the establishment of conditions enabling the Viet-Namese people to live in unity and peace.
105. Three years ago, on the initiative of the USSR delegation, the United Nations General Assembly adopted at its fifteenth session the historic Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. This Declaration created favourable conditions for the peaceful liquidation of the colonial system, provided that the colonial Powers fulfilled its provisions without further procrastination. However, the colonizers refuse under various pretexts to comply with the requirements of the Declaration, and in many cases are even intensifying terror and repression against populations struggling for independence and recognition of the fundamental human rights.
106. The peoples of Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, South West Africa and other colonies have up to now been subjected to crude oppression, The Portuguese colonizers behave with especial brutality and barbarism. They have flouted all their obligations under the Charter and the provisions of the 1960 Declaration, and follow in their colonies a policy of systematic extermination of the peoples revolting against their rule. No less serious is the position in the Republic of South Africa, where the African population is undergoing ruthless racial oppression. The Portuguese colonizers and the South African racists can continue to pursue this policy, which is a threat to peace and security on the African continent, only because they receive help of every kind —military, economic and diplomatic— from the Western Powers.
107. Particular zeal and initiative in this respect is shown by the Federal Republic of Germany, which is intensifying and widening its co-operation with the existing regimes in Portugal and the Republic of South Africa. According to the Western German press, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has ostentatiously granted the racist South African regime a credit of 120 million marks just when the African countries are insisting on the adoption of effective measures against the Republic of South Africa. At the same time, Mr. Jaeger, a Vice-President of the West German Parliament and a representative of the party now in power, who visited Angola and Mozambique at the invitation of the Portuguese Government, made statements in which he praised the policy of the Portuguese colonizers in the so-called provinces. He called the Angolan freedom fighters terrorists, and addressed a warning to the African countries not to expect NATO to betray the loyalty to Portugal, to which it was bound both morally and by treaty.
108. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic condemns the racist policy of the South African Government, It also stated its position of principle in support of the United Nations General Assembly resolution adopted at the seventeenth session calling for the severing of diplomatic, trade and transport links with the Republic of South Africa. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is executing this resolution consistently, and has also expressed its uncompromising view on racial discrimination in the Republic of South Africa especially by closing its Consulate-General in Johannesburg.
109. The Czechoslovak delegation is entirely in favour of effective support by the United Nations General Assembly at its present session of the peoples of the Portuguese and other colonies, and also of the people of the Republic of South Africa, in their just struggle for freedom and the fundamental human rights. Colonialism must be terminated rapidly wherever it still persists. The year 1965, the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, should see the final liquidation of the last remnants of colonialism.
110. The Czechoslovak Government has a high regard for the significant results of the national liberation movement. In this connexion it reiterates that the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has always done its utmost to support and will support in the future the struggle of the oppressed peoples for freedom and the efforts of the young States to strengthen their independence.
111. The United Nations should also consider how to eliminate the shameful colonial system in the economic and social fields. The United Nations assistance programmes for the developing countries will fulfil their purpose if they aim at a constant rise in the level of productive forces in the developing countries, and at the development of modern industry and intensive agriculture.
112. Amongst the matters considered by the United Nations, economic matters have rightly come to the fore. Present developments in the world require that economic and trade relations should be completely normalized and that positive measures in this field should contribute their share to improving the international atmosphere.
113. In this respect an important part can be played by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which in the opinion of the Czechoslovak Government should deal with all the vitally important questions of world trade, and particularly with the elimination of barriers hampering the all-round development of mutually-advantageous trade relations between countries at different levels of development and with different social systems.
114. It would also be desirable for a universal international trade organization to be established in which all countries would be represented. Such an organization has become essential because of the growing need for a systematic, co-ordinated and purposeful solution to the urgent problems of world trade, and is needed to ensure that the decisions of the conference are put into effect.
115. All peoples wish to live in peace and friendship and to use the fruits, of their work for economic and social improvement. They see the peaceful coexistence of States as the only path which can offer mankind the bright prospect of life without war.
116. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has made the policy of peaceful coexistence and co-operation the cornerstone of its relations with countries possessing different social and economic systems. In pursuit of this policy it is taking practical and positive steps, in its relations with other States and in the international organizations, in particular the United Nations, to strengthen co-operation among States.
117. It is clear that in carrying out a policy of peaceful coexistence there can be no talk of ideological compromise. But we do want the contradiction between socialism and capitalism to be decided without the use of arms. We are convinced that in peaceful competition the superiority of socialism over capitalism will be proved beyond doubt.
118. The Czechoslovak delegation voices its conviction that the United Nations will play an active part in efforts to apply in full the principles of peaceful coexistence in relations between States, and will direct the activities of its organs to a solution of urgent questions, These undoubtedly include the question of the codification and proclamation of the fundamental principles of international law which support peaceful coexistence among States. On the proposal of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic this question was taken up by the United Nations General Assembly at its seventeenth session; and it is also on the agenda of the current session.
119. Since the beginning of the United Nations, considerable changes have taken place in the world and have been reflected in the increased membership of the Organization. Many new States which have arisen as result of the disintegration of the colonial system have become Members. Also, the number of socialist States in the United Nations had doubled. The influx of new members has undoubtedly increased the prestige of the United Nations in the solution of important international problems.
120. It is essential that the real balance of forces in the world should be duly reflected in the structure of the United Nations.
121.In the United Nations, however, an abnormal situation still persists. One of its founding Members and a permanent Member of the Security Council —the People's Republic of China— continues to be denied the place which belongs to it. The violation of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China diminishes the authority of the United Nations and detracts from the part it can play in settling the cardinal questions of our times. The absence of the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China, who alone can represent China, places the United Nations in a position where it cannot entirely fulfil its aims. Therefore the settlement of so important a question as the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations cannot be postponed any longer. At the same time we must exclude the representatives of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, who have no place in the United Nations and who represent no one.
122. In a few days the world will commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of events which are deeply etched in the memory of all peoples, and particularly the peoples of Czechoslovakia. I have in mind the shameful Munich “Diktat” of 29 September 1938. At that time the Governments of the Western Powers, blinded by anti-communism, refused to co-operate with a socialist Power —the Soviet Union— in order to safeguard peace. They embarked upon the road of appeasement with the fascist aggressors and abandoned their ally, the Czechoslovakia of that time, for Hitler to tear to pieces. They tried to persuade Czechoslovakia and the peoples of Europe that peace could be preserved by this sacrifice. In fact, however, they cleared the way for Hitlerite fascism to unleash the war. In this way they condemned many European peoples to the fate of occupation and barbarous annihilation in the years from 1939 to 1945.
123. This historical lesson Is often forgotten by those circles in the West which have repeatedly attempted to revive the Munich policy directed against peaceful coexistence with the socialist world. In the name of anti-communism they create alliances with the forces of fascism and militarism in various regions of the world. They make all-round concessions to those forces, strengthen them and provide them with resources, arms and ability to endanger the peace and security of nations. At the same time, just as in the past, they try to blunt the nations' vigilance.
124. This new version of the Munich policy has played an infamous role, particularly in the revival of militarism in Western Germany. It is indicative that, as is widely known, the Bonn Government is the only one that has not so far repudiated the Munich Agreement and indeed is trying to harness its allies to its revanchist intentions.
125. We bring this lesson up from history only to draw attention to the serious consequences which Munich had in the past, and which a repetition of the Munich policy threatens for the future, particularly to the peoples of those countries whose Governments pursue and approve it.
126. The peoples of Czechoslovakia who were the immediate victims of Munich have drawn their conclusions once and for all from this bitter experience and made sure that no one could repeat what happened to them in 1938. They have built their freedom and independence on the granite base of socialism and strengthened it through an indestructible alliance with the USSR, which alone carried on a consistent struggle against Munich and did not desert our peoples in their darkest hour, but saved them from the destructive plans of the Hitlerite occupation forces by their historic victory over fascism.
127. Twenty years ago, during the Second World War, Czechoslovakia concluded a treaty of friendship, mutual assistance and post-war co-operation with the Soviet Union, Over the past twenty years the common struggle and labour of the Czechoslovak and Soviet peoples have created entirely new relations, imbued with mutual confidence and brotherly friendship, which may serve as an example of the best possible relations between States.
128. The Czechoslovak people, in the closest cooperation with the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, have achieved vast successes in all fields over the last twenty years. They are now following up in a practical way the course set by the twelfth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the course of further construction of a socialist society in Czechoslovakia. They are guided in this task by a reliable compass —the ideas of scientific socialism.
129. The people of Czechoslovakia, like the peoples of all the countries in the world, need a strong and lasting peace in order to fulfil their aspirations and achieve their ends.
130. The Czechoslovak Government is convinced that the present conditions allow a major step forward, through the common efforts of all peoples, in the solution of outstanding international problems. We therefore invite all who think a happy future for mankind important to devote all their efforts to the struggle for a durable peace and peaceful coexistence and friendly cooperation among nations.
131. The Czechoslovak delegation wishes to devote all its efforts to this end at the eighteenth session of the General Assembly.