Mr. President, I should like first of all to convey to you on behalf of my delegation and myself our very sincere congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly for this session. It is an honour not only for you yourself, in recognition of your outstanding qualities, but also for your country, Venezuela, cradle of the Liberator, and for all America. We are sure that in discharging the responsibilities of your high office you will guide the discussions with your characteristic wisdom, intelligence and energy. For all these reasons, Mr. President, accept once again my heartiest congratulations.
135. It is a great honour for me, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Peru, to come to this rostrum, for the United Nations is a magnificent embodiment of the international democratic spirit and an expression of the desire for peace felt by all the peoples of the globe. I bring to this forum both an assurance of Peru's heartfelt friendship and the news of profound economic and social changes being wrought in my country by the Government of President Fernando Belaúnde Terry. This new administration is striving to overcome, by legal and democratic means, the excessive and increasing inequality which exists in my country, as it does in other developing nations, between the haves and the have-nots. That, to us, is the meaning of democracy. It consists not only in respect for legal forms, but also in respect for the legitimate ideals and aspirations of the people, who are desirous of achieving full social justice.
136. I have not come to make these remarks in the general debate as a mere formality demanded by tradition, and I trust you will not regard them merely as a customary gesture, but will see that my desire is —in moderate but unambiguous language— to go to the very heart of some of the basic problems relating to the social and economic structure of my country and to convey with all the clarity of which I am capable my Government's firm intention to overcome them. I feel, however, that I would be failing in another of my duties to the General Assembly if I did not also place these problems in the world context of the United Nations, with a view to sharing with countries and regions similarly afflicted the experience we are now acquiring in the process of facing up to our difficulties. And as I speak of our own affairs I wish to ask you all for understanding and help, for it is only through international solidarity that we can lay the groundwork for a new and more humane world order, with greater justice for all.
137. It is not therefore my intention merely to analyse an international policy with which the Assembly is already familiar, since —with Peru's contribution— the United Nations has written its own history; I have come to this rostrum to say that my country, in accordance with the will of its people, of which the Government is the interpreter and which the Government is prepared to carry out, has started on its march to conquer the future. In this endeavour it hopes that it can count, like other countries in a similar position, on the collaboration of the industrialized countries, a collaboration which is indispensable if Peru is to progress beyond its present level of development and overcome within a reasonable space of time its worst ills, which are bred by ignorance, disease and poverty.
138. This, I believe, is the very place in which we should speak of these matters and in which we are entitled to be heard when, as in the present case, we have a vital message to convey. The Charter signed at San Francisco recognizes the legal equality of all our nations and, in a lofty spirit and in beautiful language, calls for social justice. At its third session held in Paris, in 1948, the United Nations proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [resolution 217 (III)]. But as we look at reality we see that this is not enough. Entire continents —represented with distinction in this hall— are a prey to poverty and illiteracy. There is a stark contrast between the ideals enunciated in the Charter and the Declaration, and the brutal reality which we cannot deny and which we are pained by and ashamed of. We have attained legal equality, but no more than that; and we cannot rest content with this achievement because we are dedicated to an unremitting struggle against injustice —for human rights look beautiful on paper and are comforting as an ideal, but to try to implement them can be most discouraging.
139. We cannot achieve peaceful coexistence on the international plane as long as we allow profound inequalities to exist within our countries. We shall not have world peace unless we first achieve peace within our own boundaries, where it is directly threatened by economic imbalances and social injustice, We cannot possibly expect brotherly relations among the nations unless we first develop them within each nation. Such national brotherhood will not emerge until the day on which we guarantee to every person, his inalienable right to education, health, housing and paid employment, and a practical possibility of satisfying at least his minimum needs in that regard.
140. We do not expect the solutions to come entirely from abroad, for we are aware of our own obligations and of the need to discharge them. But we require help, for our economy is not strong enough to cope single-handed with the great problems we must resolve. We are suffering from the impact of a population explosion which has some alarming aspects. For reasons rooted in the distant past, the obstacles in the way of our economic development can hardly be overcome with our own limited economic and technical resources alone. We need help —help which takes the form, not of a largess, but of sincere, whole-hearted and generous co-operation, since we have sufficient natural resources successfully to overcome our difficulties. We realize that backwardness —a condition from which all the world's nations suffer in one way or another— is essentially a many-sided problem and must be attacked from many sides. Consequently, each nation must undertake its share of the common task, playing its strategic role in the campaign against the ills which beset us all. Peru is ready to do its part in a vast co-operative effort. Now that its entire people has expressed its will to be the master of its own destiny and the architect of its future security, my country hopes to receive such help in order to meet its acute and urgent needs and to be able to contribute its due share to the collective endeavour for world peace.
141. While at first sight these might seem to be political principles, they are actually ethical concepts, valid throughout the history of mankind and through the length and breadth of the world.
142. It is the purpose of the United Nations, in accordance with its Charter, to achieve justice through international solidarity and peace through spiritual and material progress. Having thus briefly summarized the main objectives of the Organization, I should like to digress for a moment to tell you that in Peru, one of the founding Members of the United Nations, there has recently been established a new order which seeks to attain the same goals and which in so doing may cause profound repercussions in States with a similar economic and social structure.
143. The newly constituted Government of my country directs its policy towards the elimination of an evil which we consider one of the most serious in the world today: the excessive and growing inequality between the rich and the poor. To meet our people's legitimate desire, which brooks no delay, we are seeking to correct this imbalance and to bring about true, genuine social justice. But we shall not change this situation or combat this great evil by violent or arbitrary means. We are a law-abiding State, a sound democracy. In attacking it, we shall scrupulously observe the rules of law and ethics, and we are therefore engaged in carrying out basic structural reforms in the organization of the State, the machinery of government, the methods of production and the system of land tenure and cultivation.
144. We appreciate the fact that every nation in the process of development must mobilize all the forces within its territory, both in the public and in the private sector, in order to do away with poverty in all its forms and manifestations. That is what we are doing in Peru, and our effort must surely be of interest to a world organization created for that same purpose. Continuing a tradition bequeathed to us by one of the two great civilizations which between them have shaped the Peruvian people, we are organizing work on a community basis for the general benefit. Turning to our past for inspiration, and using modern techniques, we have revived in our country that collective activity, that popular action, which made the Inca Empire great and to which, in large measure, it owed its remarkable triumph over its hostile and forbidding natural surroundings. This is no passing whim; we are guided by the need to turn the wise lessons of history to good account, so that a future full of hope and glowing prospects may open up before us.
145. With this end in view, it has been decided to organize in the provinces of the Republic central stations for machinery, tools and equipment, to be used by the people on a co-operative basis. There will be shoulders put to the wheel, for the benefit of the community. There will be a fine collective effort, to which the State will contribute technical guidance and supplies in the exact amounts needed to make the most of the labour supplied by the people of villages, hamlets and towns.
146. Local roads, aqueducts and schools will be built, and a multitude of other projects will be carried out which the central Government, were it forced to rely on its own scant resources, would take years to complete. The people themselves are asking us for work, for useful undertakings, for culture. They show a desire for progress which is deeply moving, palpable and full of promise. Crushed by poverty and bogged down in ignorance, they do not ask for weapons in order to revolt, but for tools in order to work for a better and more just fatherland. Can it be that Peru, with its traditional customs and its common problems, is the only nation eager to solve its difficulties in this manner? I wonder whether this idea does not bear within it the seeds of progress and collective wellbeing which should be harvested by the United Nations and then broadcast to the vast under-developed regions of the world? We are discharging a duty of international solidarity in bringing these plans before the General Assembly so that, through its agency, they may be communicated to other nations at a similar, or lower, stage of economic and social development.
147. Progress in agriculture is a sine qua non for the improvement of national levels of living. Peoples living under archaic land systems cannot be expected to advance. For this reason Peru, which for centuries has suffered from the ill effects of just such an antiquated
system, is now shaking off this dead weight which hampers its progress and is embarking, with an unshakable resolution, on a country-wide land reform.
148. It should be noted that Peru intends to carry out this reform by lawful and democratic methods. Neither violence nor arbitrary rule —let me repeat— are instruments of good government. To effect substantive changes in the system of land tenure and cultivation, adequate provisions have been adopted, worked out in technical detail and peacefully implemented. The Government has formulated administrative measures which are to be carried out at once, and has prepared a land reform bill which awaits the approval of the Parliament. It believes that it will thus take a long step towards rescuing the masses from the pauperization in which they have been held by exploitation and ignorance for many years.
149. This reform is not an end in itself, but a sound method of raising the people's level of living, giving them back their dignity and making of them a determining factor in the nation's economic activity. A process of accelerated industrialization is out of the question unless we first, or simultaneously, develop a population of consumers, whose purchasing power will give impetus and a raison d'etre to the industries we develop. That can be achieved only through a radical alteration of the land system, a first step in the search for a better life and in the moral and material advancement of man.
150. We shall attempt at the same time to reform enterprises, that modern means of channelling commercial, agricultural and industrial investment capital for purposes of collective progress. We deem it essential to humanize them, to improve relations between capital and labour and to give adequate participation to the technicians, employees and workers whose skills and exertions contribute to the process of production and the creation of wealth.
151. We believe in the system of free enterprise, so long as circumstances permit, and our legislation protects and safeguards the domestic and the foreign investor. We shall improve our laws in this regard, inasmuch as a country such as Peru, starved for development capital, needs to attract and stimulate industrialists with a sense of social responsibility and progressive views.
152. But we believe also that, precisely because they hold such views, foreign investors must understand the new role they will be called upon to play in the economic and social evolution of the communities which welcome them with open arms. It is no longer enough that foreign enterprises in the developing countries should comply with fiscal and social legislation. If they are to play their proper role, they must go further; they must, in the broadest and most positive form, engage in reinvestment and diversification of activity, especially when, as is true in most cases, their present scope of activity is limited to the exploitation of non-renewable resources. While an industrial process which exhausts natural resources may benefit the State, in essence it despoils the heritage of future generations. We have no right to engage in it unless we replace by other means the wealth we thus extract.
153. Let us who live today merit the blessings of our descendants by the wisdom of our policy, the fore sightedness of our actions and the justice of our laws! It is within this Organization, upon which centres modern man's desire for justice, that we must make this appeal, and we make it without any mental reservations or misgiving, with the sole intention of recommending, for the good of all, what we have learned from the inexhaustible store of our own experience.
154. Taxes are not, and should not be, solely a means of raising for the Treasury the funds it requires. They are also a means of securing justice by distributing the burden fairly among the various groups which constitute society. Moreover, taxation is an effective means of economic development and social improvement, since it can be used to organize production, to stimulate activities which are in the public interest and to discourage activities which promote the interests of individuals or single groups. In the process of national economic development, tax reform is of paramount importance because of its social significance. Aware of this, the new Government of Peru has also undertaken a reform of the national tax structure. The purpose is, without slowing down the normal activities of industry and trade, to promote justice in the private economic sector which has so powerful an effect on the life of a nation.
155. In addition, with equal resolution and with the same desire for justice, the Peruvian Government has started what it calls a "credit revolution" —a policy of democratizing credit by bringing it within the reach of the needier classes for important social purposes. Hitherto in our society money, in the form of credit, has been a privilege of the few. In these circumstances, it was impossible to launch a policy of economic development for the benefit of the underprivileged; consequently, the "credit revolution" has the merit of restoring a natural order of things by making credit, through a reform of banking resources, accessible to the great masses of the people who urgently require State assistance in order to be able to satisfy their basic needs for family comfort and a better life. This is an important part of the message I have come to convey, one I could not omit from my statement in the general debate, since it shows the Peruvian Government's determination to effect a peaceful revolution, in conformity with the principles which are enshrined in the United Nations Charter.
156. To sum up this portion of my statement —before I turn to the system of outside aid which will have an enormous influence on the evolution of our economic development policies— permit me to say that in our view the resolution of our crisis depends in large measure on the new spirit with which the peoples of America and, I would venture to say, all non-industrialized nations, are imbued.
157. This new spirit depends on three factors: (a) a realistic, courageous, prudent and dynamic programme of changes that must be made; (b) resolute, intelligent, patriotic and generous co-operation of the moneyed and educated classes, conscious of their duty in the world of today and of the imperative need for structural changes; and (c) the co-operation of the people, such as I have described, consisting in the mobilization of all the inhabitants of the country, in all regions and in all occupations, to work shoulder to shoulder for the common good, under the slogan dictated to us by our pride in our ancestors: popular action.
158. We are confident that, because of Peru's traditional culture and patriotic unity, we can rely on the help of the classes which have been in the past and are today responsible for the development and the economy of our fatherland. This joint effort would represent a genuine response of the soul of the nation to the exigencies of these historic times. In the past few years, in an endeavour unprecedented in our political history in this century, our present Chief of State visited every village in Peru, with its grim, desolate and inhospitable terrain, in a pilgrimage the purpose of which was educative rather than political, the object of which was to spread the truth rather than to gain political adherents. The self-abnegation, the sincerity and the constructive spirit of that campaign fired the people with enthusiasm, and they responded nobly, offering their labour and their energies to build a better and more prosperous country under the leadership of a new, revolutionary, and deeply Christian administration. It is an honour for me to say these things on this solemn occasion so that the world may have a better understanding of the meaning and scope of a regenerating movement, the admirable effects of which are destined to make themselves felt beyond our national borders.
159. Passing to the international plane, I must state that my Government considers the extensive cooperation between the industrialized and the developing countries to be the best way of preventing the benefits of the astounding triumphs of science and technology from being concentrated in a few privileged and prosperous areas with a low birth-rate. That would increasingly worsen the plight of the poor regions which, paradoxically, have the world's highest birth-rates. Unless something is done along these lines, the multiplication of the human race which, according to the canons of religion, may was called upon to undertake, will become a malignant growth, like cancer which multiplies the morbid cells in an ailing organism. And this cannot be allowed to happen.
160. History teaches us that the magnificent Graeco- Roman civilization was destroyed by struggles between rich and poor in the republics of antiquity. It would be blind stupidity not to bear this lesson in mind and to prevent any recurrence of this phenomenon, at the international level, resulting from the contrast between the abundance enjoyed by some and the backwardness besetting others. International co-operation is certainly one of the noblest undertakings of our times, but it is also the most beneficial for all. It cannot be said to operate in one direction only and to benefit only the needy. International co-operation, which benefits the developing nations, also contributes to the progress of the other nations and serves to strengthen world peace, which is an unqualified blessing for all mankind.
161. The division of labour, in the sense that certain peoples always act as suppliers of raw materials for others who produce manufactured goods, is now an unfair, obsolete and unacceptable concept. As a country becomes industrialized, it increases its capacity not only to produce but also to consume a larger and more varied quantity of goods and services. This means that in due course there will be greater and more efficient economic activity in the other countries which preceded it in the industrial stage of evolution. The examples of Canada in relation to the United States of America, of Australia and New Zealand within the Commonwealth, and of Europe as a whole within the Common Market prove that it is in the interest of the powerful countries to have prosperous instead of indigent or wretched customers. No one can be happy when surrounded by others who are unhappy, and no one can live in safety close to explosive areas. Hence co-operation for economic development is one of the major guarantees of world peace.
162. This co-operation is feasible and desirable only if the country which needs it most has made the necessary effort and taken the action required to overcome the difficulties created by its under-development. Only when it has shown its will to do so can it, in all decency, expect international co-operation without jeopardizing its complete independence. In America a great regional plan has emerged —the Alliance for Progress— to which the United States, in accordance with its well-conceived policy, is contributing its financial and technical assistance. The Head of the Peruvian Government, recognizing the merits of this endeavour, has, however, expressed the friendly but frank opinion that it is essential to divest the Alliance of the excessive red tape in which it is caught up, and to dispense with the rather exaggerated desire for perfection, typical of commercial banking, which has so far impeded assistance and the financing of development. It is essential to ensure that this great joint undertaking has the dynamism and technique which the urgency of Latin America's problems requires.
163. Our Government has also drawn attention to the desirability of planning economic development at the regional level, without prejudice to the aid given to certain individual projects, because, while there are circumstances peculiar to every nation, there are also requirements shared by all of them which could and should be faced together in order to avoid the dissipation and squandering of economic and technical resources. In this connexion, it is our view that spreading economic assistance to an excessive degree over projects which sometimes compete with each other might lead, among other harmful consequences, to the wasteful dispersal of the limited resources available to the international credit agencies.
164. Let me refer to one important example to clarify my ideas on this subject. A few moments ago I spoke about land reform. Now this aspect of economic and social development offers an excellent opportunity for planning on the regional scale and for assistance in the form of international credit. For the Latin American nations the agrarian problem is a common denominator which enables them to think of common solutions. If land is to be expropriated in order to correct the defects of the ownership system, then fair compensation must be paid to the owners. This is proclaimed in our constitutions. But it is difficult to pay the price in cash because of the magnitude of the expense involved and because of the danger of inflation which it would create. Payment in bonds is the solution generally adopted in the poor countries. However, a bond is a security which is subject to the many vicissitudes of depreciation which may convert the original fair price into a final unfair price. And that is not the intention of the law. Thus mistrust of payment in bonds weakens the effectiveness of the reform, because our countries have fragile economies in which the risk of devaluation is always present owing to unforeseeable political or financial factors. Here is where international co-operation should play its part, and for this purpose we have proposed the establishment of an international institute of regional credit, the purpose of which would be to organize the joint backing of all countries of the continent for the national bonds issued in respect of each land reform; and we also propose, if this is feasible, the exchange of national bonds for international bonds which would, in their turn, have, as a guarantee that the obligations of the issue would be complied with, the collective backing of a system of great economic capacity, namely, the Alliance for Progress. In this way, on the basis of credit and without the movement of capital, the Latin American countries as a whole, intent on solving the common problem of land reform, can have recourse to an effective method of international co-operation which does not involve the fragmentation of the credit agencies' resources thanks to the material and moral solvency of an international organization established for the purpose.
165. The foregoing explains our position as regards the need to ensure that economic development plans are financed, to an increasing degree, at the continental or regional level, in order to avoid, as far as possible, the dispersal of funds. We also think that assistance in the form of credit should, in the light of national experience, be provided in various ways and assume different forms. Thus, for example, the financing of local projects through municipal authorities enables us Latin Americans to make use of bodies with which our people are closely familiar, Again, in a given country regional requirements which cover a wider radius have in modern times led to the establishment of governmental or semi-govern- mental organs with a large measure of autonomy, their own juridical personality and wide executive powers. They are therefore eminently suited to supervise the execution of regional economic development projects efficiently and at less expense. Lastly, projects of national proportions and scope call for planning at the State level, and credit should therefore take the form of loans to the Government, or to bodies recommended or vouched for by the Government because of their competence and wide fields of action.
166. But we must not speak of projects for material progress as if they were the sole factor contributing to human advancement. We must also devote attention to the raising of cultural and educational levels through international co-operation. An example of this would be the campaign to eradicate illiteracy, a monstrous evil which spreads over most of the world, the elimination of which should be tackled like a world crusade through the United Nations. We ought to plan an aggressive campaign for this purpose, a campaign against ignorance, in which we could pool our efforts in the ruthless struggle to stamp out this blight. There are, of course, specialized bodies of the United Nations already dealing with the problem, but we still fail to see, and perhaps it is partly our own fault, the giant strides forward that we all expected from the dynamic action of these bodies.
167. As regards the financing of development and technical assistance to the developing countries, cooperation on a much vaster scale must be forthcoming from the European countries, the creators of a great universal culture and the instigators of the technological revolution which has, for the last two centuries, led man to triumph over nature. The present wealth and astounding success of these nations, after the catastrophe of the war, show how much mankind can expect from such a vast reservoir of energies and skills.
168. But neither the United States of America, nor Europe, nor the highly industrialized countries of the world in general will provide effective assistance unless, at the same time, they eliminate from international trade the factors which depress the prices of raw materials and restrict the markets for them. Statistics show conclusively that the tremendous losses sustained by Latin America in the last few years owing to the deterioration in the terms of trade are far greater than the amounts received as credit for development. This being so, it must be stated in all frankness that the assistance is unrealistic, false and misleading. What will it avail the so-called recipients if, at the same time, they are impoverished by falling prices for their primary commodities or if fluctuations in these prices undermine their economies? Nor is assistance of any avail to them if the marketing of these commodities is prohibited or hampered by customs duties, quotas or discriminatory practices of a similar nature. Under a plan for international co-operation, these and other practices, such as dumping and special privileges to the detriment of third parties, are inconceivable. This must be said very loudly and very clearly: if the industrialized countries genuinely wish to further the economic development of the developing countries, in the interest not only of the latter but also in their own interest, they must help to liberalize international trade and to stabilize prices generally. Otherwise, whatever may be said concerning the economic development of the poor regions of the world will be meaningless.
169. In conclusion, allow me to set aside economic questions for a moment and to refer briefly to some political and legal problems with which the United Nations is confronted. The United Nations is on the verge of achieving the universality which Is its very essence. The family of nations must be all-embracing and cannot exclude any countries other than those which do not have the moral qualities demanded by the Charter: that they be peace-loving and able and willing to carry out their international obligations.
170. There are three nations which are divided today: in Europe, there is Germany whose tremendous contribution to culture and economic development is common knowledge; in Asia, there are two countries whose culture goes back thousands of years —Korea and Viet-Nam, There is a general desire to bring about the unification of these nations; this unification can be achieved only by an honest democratic process which reflects the true feelings of their citizens. We have the moral obligation to promote the self-determination of peoples. Our organization, exercising its high authority and offering its technical services, could co-operate in the democratic processes which would lead to the unification which all proclaim they desire. Once unified, these nations would immediately be admitted to the United Nations to play their appointed role.
171. The primary objective of the United Nations, as I said at the beginning of my statement, is to maintain international peace, Peace does not consist simply in the coexistence of the various sovereign Powers and in refraining from acts or threats of violence. There is more to peace than this negative aspect. True peace demands mutual understanding and effective co-operation in the pursuit of common objectives and interests. There is also something else which is fundamental: scrupulous respect not only for the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of every country, but also for its economic structure and culture. This concept of peace is of interest not only to the great Powers, which must develop their economic structures, adapt them to the needs of the times and, of their own volition, express their personalities in the family of nations, but also to the other nations of the world.
172. The United Nations Charter has considered the reduction of armaments as a means of achieving general and complete disarmament. In recent years, noteworthy debates have clearly established that disarmament cannot come about miraculously by a fiat capable of immediate execution. Disarmament entails a step-by-step process, which ensures that the necessary balance is maintained between the Powers, and the stages or steps necessitated by a form of control which involves strict inspection both of the items which are eliminated or destroyed and of those which remain for a later stage. The General Assembly, in adopting the resolution setting up the Committee on Disarmament, has laid down the principle that, in applying the step-by-step procedure, no country may gain an advantage over the others.
173. Trust is essential for disarmament, but it can only emerge from facts which create or justify it, such as the existence and effectiveness of a control body. Trust should not precede control; on the contrary, it is the guarantees of the efficacy of control which breed genuine trust.
174. An important step forward has been taken with the nuclear test ban treaty signed at Moscow, which, in addition to halting the frenzied competition which could have led to conflict, will also spare mankind from the effects of radiation which threaten the health of this and future generations.
175. It is with legitimate satisfaction that Peru recalls the position adopted by its delegation in the Disarmament Commission in 1956, when it was a member of that body by virtue of its membership in the Security Council. At that time we drew attention to the grave dangers which these tests constituted for mankind and stressed that they must be prohibited by law. Accordingly, when the tests began again, Peru reiterated its condemnation on humanitarian grounds and because of the increase in international tension. In pursuance of this policy, my country has signed the treaty, concluded in Moscow, which, it is to be hoped, will create a new international atmosphere. The procedure to be decided on for avoiding surprise attacks will also contribute to the same objective, as will any agreements which are indicative of a closer proximity of views, which will be hailed by the world at large.
176. The banning of nuclear weapons from certain areas or continents constitutes gradual progress towards an agreement for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. A nuclear ban, laid down in a regional or continental agreement, provided that the treaties already in force are respected, demands an undertaking on the part of the nuclear Powers to respect the legitimate inviolability of the territory, territorial waters and air space of the regions concerned and of their ways of life. This reciprocity is not only logical but also strictly based on law.
177. The exploration of outer space is one of the great triumphs of modern science. Incalculable benefits may derive from the peaceful application of the discoveries which are now being made but which may also involve the danger that international competition may emerge aimed at gaining supremacy in space and using it as a base or centre for an ultimate weapon. The General Assembly, aware of this dilemma, established a committee under resolution 1472 A (XIV) to study the peaceful uses of outer space and formulate the legal principles which should govern this matter. That resolution proclaimed the principle that outer space should be used only for the benefit of mankind.
178. The delegation of Peru has explained its position in these discussions and has emphasized that, while all States should be free to explore outer space, they should all be prohibited from claiming dominion over it. Outer space, thus open to all countries for exploration, should therefore be subject to an authority which only the United Nations can exercise.
179. It has been rightly said that the present stage in the history of the United Nations is characterized by the inclusion in its membership of the young countries of Africa and Asia. The Latin American countries have hailed this event in a spirit of fraternal solidarity and filled with hope. The principle of self- determination, a doctrine which dates back to the dawn of our independence, triumphed in Latin America in the nineteenth century and in Africa and Asia in the twentieth. The delegation of Peru cordially and fraternally welcomes the new countries and looks forward with every confidence to the positive contribution which they will make to peace, co-operation and justice. It is only fair that they should find in the United Nations a forum and environment in which to express their personalities in the family of nations.
180. Peru has the classic prerequisites for economic development: natural resources consisting of a rich sub-soil, a bountiful sea, fertile land and luxuriant forests, as well as human resources, amounting to ten million human beings who want the implements with which to work and uphold the peace. But my country —proud and dignified, independent and peace- loving— also has moral resources, to which its history and international conduct bear witness. With its civilization, dating back thousands of years, and its admirable culture, it needs only capital resources and technical assistance. It confidently expects to receive them from the powerful nations which, in giving them, will be protecting themselves. With these resources, and respecting these nations but demanding the same respect and consideration in return, it will create its own greatness, as other now more fortunate and prosperous peoples have done.
181. Once the causes and effects of the evil have thus been overcome, the republican system of government and democratic principles, which we so steadfastly uphold, will cease to be threatened, as they are, by the violent and justified resentment which poverty breeds, and by the political doctrines exported from many latitudes, and we shall be able to work, as the United Nations Charter and the Bogota Charter enjoin us to do, for a fruitful peace and Christian brotherhood.