Mr. President, the Guatemalan delegation considers it an honour to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly at its eighteenth session, an election which my country greets with joy, because, apart from your excellent qualifications as a jurist and diplomat, you are a citizen of our American continent, ever open to liberty and the great causes that benefit mankind. Speaking personally, I should like to offer you my sincere congratulations, for I am honoured by a friendship established during the time that I represented my country in this Organization.
15. It is with renewed confidence in the destiny of the United Nations that the Guatemalan delegation has come to this session. Strong in the knowledge that its policy adheres strictly to the lofty international standards of respect for other nations abroad and respect for man at home, it has come to reaffirm its devotion to the dignity and worth of the human person and to equal rights for men and women, without distinction on grounds of race or creed or between great and small nations, The sincerity with which the Guatemalan delegation expresses this feeling is a result of the recent events in Guatemala when the national army, responding to the appeals of the people, was obliged to depose a Government which was carrying the nation towards one of the greatest political, social, economic and moral crises in all its history and in which a fratricidal civil war, with all its bitter consequences, seemed inevitable. What was at issue was precisely the need to defend freedom, democracy and the right to a worthy, honest and secure life, principles on which the present Government of Guatemala bases its policy. Great evils require heroic remedies, and that was the path which the Government had to follow in order that the country should not sink into a situation similar to that which afflicts our brother nation of Cuba.
16. On behalf of the Government of Guatemala I wish to reaffirm on this occasion its belief in democracy, its respect for international commitments and its firm position of support for the Western democracies.
17. The faith and optimism of the Guatemalan delegation do not waver before the grave problems demanding the attention of this world forum, for at the same time it has confidence in the effectiveness of the United Nations and is convinced that the problems will be solved as respect, tolerance and understanding effectively make headway in the conscience and conduct of men and of the Governments that make up the United Nations. It is the Guatemalan delegation's fervent desire that this may come about and it hopes that this session will take place in such an atmosphere.
18. My delegation extends a cordial welcome to all those delegations representing peoples who have fought for their independence and who today, thanks to their courage and tenacity, have achieved the lofty status of Members of the United Nations. The awakening of the African continent is a lesson for mankind and a reaffirmation of its noble spiritual values.
19. I consider it my duty to refer briefly to one of the problems discussed here on many occasions, namely, colonialism and its new version of neocolonialism. The American countries take a just pride in the fact that they have maintained a firm position in defence of the liberty of peoples. Indeed, several decades before the United Nations was established the peoples of America had already declared themselves opposed to colonialism, regarding it as a negation of the most elementary rights of peoples. Many times the statesmen of the new world, honouring the libertarian tradition of its most illustrious sons and conscious of the situation prevailing in non- self-governing territories, reiterated their categorical condemnation of this political anachronism. Various resolutions of this type have been approved by the regional organization of the Americas, all designed to free the hemisphere from the system of subjugation imposed on defenceless peoples by the colonialist Powers solely in their own interests. This endeavour of the countries of the new world has not been in vain, since the revelation of the standard methods of colonialism touched the conscience of peoples. Nevertheless, this fine aim is far from being a reality. The colonial empires have hastily disguised the political dictatorship imposed on the dependent nations and presented the former colonies under the label —invented by them— of "independent within another system". In this way they conceal the survival of the old colonial system, making a mockery of the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. With this new formula, coined for the purpose, the same system persists, new in form but not in content.
20. Guatemala views with great satisfaction the efforts being made within the United Nations to bring certain territories gradually to self-government, provided this does not impair the territorial integrity of other States Members of the United Nations.
21. Our country has a grievous experience in its history: we have seen our sovereignty over a large part of our territory usurped by a colonial Power —the United Kingdom. I refer to Belize —wrongly called British Honduras— an establishment on the shores of the Caribbean which was founded solely on the basis of timber concessions granted to British lumbermen by the Spanish Crown which were later extended beyond their original limits and beyond the intentions of those who had granted them. The only rights which the British had in Belize before independence were as holders of wood-cutting concessions, sovereignty being expressly reserved by Spain. Guatemala, which, as the State succeeding to the Spanish rights in the region, inherited the territory of Belize, and consequently the problem of usurpation by the United Kingdom, embarked on a struggle against a powerful State in an unequal contest which has continued to the present day.
22. In the last century Central America was weakened by internal dissension and by the paucity of its resources and lost its political unity with the formation of new States. Nevertheless it made efforts to put an end to British usurpation in the region and managed to eliminate British colonial occupation in various places. Guatemala, however, could not expel the intruders from Belize; on the contrary, it was obliged to sign a treaty with them in extraordinary circumstances. The United Kingdom Government, pressing for signature, went to the monstrous lengths of using its own abuses and illegal actions as a weapon to convince the weak. It was necessary to establish the borders, it said, in order to prevent further incursions into the uncultivated and almost empty interior, which, with time, would give those who occupied that region rights of ownership. Incredible! A highly developed and powerful nation protecting its own marauders and adventurers and inciting them to usurpation, robbery and plunder. In other words, the treaty, according to the United Kingdom Government, was simply a means of self-defence for Guatemala! But they added, with incredible cynicism and insolence, that the treaty would help to preserve and increase the United Kingdom's friendship for Guatemala.
23. The advance of the British lumbermen continued undisturbed with the support of Her Majesty's Government. What a wretched situation, with no international courts or other bodies, the only law being that of the strong, against all reason, justice and morality! But in the midst of so much baseness, contempt and abuse on the part of the United Kingdom, one splendid detail stands out in contrast: the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala at that time expressed, in a written note, the desire of the Guatemalan Government that when the treaty with the United Kingdom was concluded provision should be made for the freeing of the slaves in Belize and for the abolition of slavery for ever, an action which Guatemala had taken immediately upon its independence more than thirty-five years before. Accordingly, here in the United Nations we must ask the real people of Belize in whom they have the greater trust: in the United Kingdom, which made them slaves, or in Guatemala, which asked the then colossus to free the slaves of Belize and to abolish slavery therefor ever.
24. The Convention signed on 30 April 1859 contained bilateral obligations. Guatemala carried out its part in good faith, but not so the United Kingdom, despite Guatemala's constant attempts to claim its rights. Because of this policy of non-compliance, Guatemala declared the Convention null and void, so that matters returned to the state they were in before the Convention was signed.
25. That, briefly, is the solid and incontrovertible legal basis for Guatemala's claim to the Territory of Belize. It is a claim that has been recognized by well-known international specialists and by the British themselves and which has also gained the official support of many friendly Governments. The British presence in Belize, an establishment which served in other days as a pirate lair, is maintained by force and against all law. This demonstration of what the colonial Powers achieved by rapacity and greed continues in mid-twentieth century. The backwardness of the Territory in every respect is obvious, its poverty notorious. But this must come to an end. Colonialism, as I said before, is doomed, it is dying every day, and we, as free countries respecting the law, shall never be able to relax our efforts until the last trace of this imposed, unjustified and unlawful domination disappears.
26. There are various means of achieving this. So far we have employed peaceful means based on law. For over a century we have tried to propose procedures, to find fair solutions to this old dispute, but unfortunately we have not been successful.
27. I had the honour to refer a moment ago to certain painful aspects of neo-colonialism. The unilateral reforms which the United Kingdom decreed in the Belize Constitution are a good illustration of the manoeuvres by means of which it seeks to deceive and dominate colonial peoples and, what is worse, international public opinion.
28. Under a pretence of giving the people of Belize a very small degree of responsibility for the conduct of their own affairs, the United Kingdom gave them a new Constitution, whose real purpose is to ensure the maintenance of British hegemony over this piece of Central American soil for ever.
29. Let us not be hoodwinked. The aim which the United Kingdom is pursuing in Belize, a poor territory with no chance of making its way in the turbulent world of today, is simply to perpetuate its presence, its dominion and its interests in a small corner of America, How else can one interpret the British manoeuvre of giving what they have persisted in calling the "last step before independence" to a people who lack adequate means for subsistence and development? My Government repeatedly warned the United Kingdom that it would never accept the so-called constitutional reforms which it was proposing to force on the people of Belize, an integral part of the Guatemalan nation.
30. But our warnings went unheeded: the Government of the United Kingdom pressed on with its unilateral procedures and in the face of these outrages the Government of Guatemala was compelled, as a first step, to break off diplomatic relations with it. We cannot see what advantage could accrue from continuing to maintain relations with a Government which systematically disregards our efforts and refuses to settle a dispute of this kind in accordance with international law and with the standards governing relations between civilized countries. Nevertheless, we have continued our efforts to settle this dispute peaceably. Our faith in right and justice will be maintained and we shall go on endeavouring to find a speedy, peaceful and equitable solution to this problem.
31. I should like to take this occasion to state categorically that my Government respects the principle of the peaceful settlement of international conflicts, that basic principle which is the raison d'être of this Organization and the reason for our presence here, but I must add that all Guatemala is prepared for any sacrifice, at whatever cost, that our interests and the defence of our country demand. Here and now, on behalf of the people and Government of Guatemala, I decline any responsibility for whatever may happen as a result of the damaging and dilatory attitude so long maintained by the United Kingdom in justification of its usurpation of the Guatemalan territory of Belize.
32. The case of Belize is not unique on the American continent. The case of the Islas Malvinas, which concerns the Republic of Argentina, and the case of British Guiana, which concerns Venezuela, are similar instances which call for solidarity between the Americas and all countries fighting against colonialism with a view to eliminating the last vestiges of British usurpation from our continent. We cannot speak of peace in the world as long as these injustices remain.
33. I turn now to the question of Central America, that group of countries which once formed a single nation and which will, we hope, do so again in the near future.
34. Because of their geographical proximity, the similarity of their historical backgrounds and their community of aspirations, the Central American Republics constitute a clear example of a regional grouping; twelve years ago they decided to take the steps recognized in modern international law to solve their problems and defend their interests through fraternal and collective action. As a result of this decision, the Central American Republics set up the Organization of Central American States (OCAS) and put into effect the Programme of Central American Economic Integration.
35. In the light of present-day requirements, the Governments of these sister Republics agreed on the need to reconstruct the Organization of Central American States so that by means of a co-ordinated development of integration programmes in the various political, economic, social and cultural fields, they could secure an immediate return to their longed-for unity. I am very glad to say that the instrument whereby OCAS was given a new structure with a view to its becoming an effective agent for bringing about the complete integration of Central America was recently ratified by the Governments of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador and it is hoped that the Republics of Nicaragua and Costa Rica will shortly follow suit.
36. The broad objectives set forth in the new Charter of OCAS have a solid foundation in the economic framework provided by the Central American Common Market, which is firmly buttressed by such agreements and agencies as the General Treaty on Central American Economic Integration and the Central American Bank for Economic Integration.
37. In pursuance of this task, a meeting of the Ministers for Economic Affairs, Communications and Public Works of the Central American countries was held in Guatemala at the end of August and beginning of September of this year, for the purpose of studying and resolving problems relating to the regional highways programme and the specific projects comprising it; there was also a meeting of the Executive Committee of the General Treaty on Central American Economic Integration with officials of the Government of Panama, for the purpose of examining the various matters relating to Panama's entry into our Common Market, which we regard with the greatest sympathy.
38. The Central American Republics, inspired by the deepest faith in the future of their indivisible destiny, are striving with steady determination for the progress and well-being of this region and are thus helping to fulfil the fundamental purposes of the United Nations.
39. Disarmament has been one of mankind's preoccupations for centuries. Unfortunately, the advances that have been made in this direction are limited —perhaps too limited— and the thought of the catastrophe that o nuclear conflagration would mean, fills mankind with anguish.
40. There are various items relating to this problem on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly: "Question of general and complete disarmament" (item 26), "Question of convening a conference for the purpose of signing a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons" (item 27), "Urgent need for suspension of nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests" (item 73), "Denuclearization of Latin America" (item 74), and others. This is still a burning question but unfortunately these items take up too much time on the General Assembly's agenda already and there is no prospect of a speedy solution. For the man in the street who is filled with horror at the thought of the possibility of a nuclear disaster, it is hard to understand how the United Nations, living in an age of incredible technical advances, does not succeed through courage, firmness and pertinacity in finding a definitive solution to this dangerous problem. Yet the man in the street sees one sign of hope in the distance, a hope embodied in the United Nations. It is true that very recently we have witnessed the signing of a treaty between the great Powers prohibiting nuclear tests, to which an impressive number of countries representing different ideologies have adhered. This is heartening but it is not enough. We regard it as the duty of all States, large and small, to unite their efforts to bring about new advances towards complete disarmament.
41. Before concluding, I should like to say how difficult it is for my delegation to understand some of the things which are happening every day throughout the world, in connexion with situations which seem to have become permanent because apparently no just and appropriate solution can be found. I refer to such problems as those of divided countries where the citizens of one and the same country find themselves forced to live divided from each other by shameful and hateful walls and boundaries. I refer also to those brutal practices of discrimination whereby, because of the differences in the colour of their skins, some people, the people who are in power, persecute those who are not, although they too are human beings, with the right to live and to breathe the full air of equality, freedom and dignity.
42. Lastly, I should like to affirm once again the faith of the Guatemalan delegation in the high destiny of the United Nations, which is also the destiny of mankind, whose damnation or salvation depends to a large extent on us —upon the United Nations— upon our courage, our tolerance and our understanding.