Mr. President, I wish at the outset to offer you the warm congratulations of my delegation, to which I add my own. At this time when the world and the General Assembly face a critical situation attended with many possibilities forpeace.it is highly appropriate that a distinguished son of Latin America should preside over our deliberations, I should like to offer you, Sir, my good wishes for your success.
64. It is not often that the United Nations General Assembly can be said to have the good fortune of meeting in a climate of comparatively relaxed international conditions. Usually it is the other way around; and most sessions that we can remember were convened either under the threats of an impending crisis or in a heavy atmosphere of strained relations among nations. Indeed, one has to trace back some four years to recall a comparable easing in international tension. Then the Assembly gathered soon after the Heads of the two great world Powers got together in a Maryland farmhouse and were reported to have reached a vague understanding on some major world issues. The Assembly then was pervaded with what was known as the spirit of Camp David, which, unfortunately, vanished as quickly as it came about, and the euphoria with which the world, for a brief while, was bathed was soon replaced by the usual grim threats of disagreement and conflict.
65. However, the turbulent international conditions reached their climax last year when the seventeenth session was still in process. A storm which gathered in the Caribbean over Cuba threatened to break loose and even plunge the world into an unprecedented catastrophe. Thanks to the sustained efforts of the United Nations, its able Secretary-General and many others, the world was spared a devastating collision between the two major world Powers.
66. As a blessing in disguise, the storm cleansed the international atmosphere of some elements of dissension and conflict, and from the brink of the precipice to which some had inched so close, the lesson seemed to have been learnt that it would be to no one's advantage to confront another with a dire threat to his national existence. The outcome would have been inevitable, and disaster then would have ensued.
67. Once a way out was found, the international situation steadily, if slowly, improved. In the Congo, the scene of grave clashes of various interests, the situation took a better turn. Then on 5 August 1963 the first treaty of some international significance was agreed upon between the great Powers. Three nuclear nations undertook not to engage in further tests of nuclear weapons in the air, on the ground and under water. Although this Treaty is limited in scope and relatively simple in nature, it carries with it nevertheless a political meaning which should not be overlooked.
68. From the international standpoint, it may mean that nations of the two camps into which the present world is divided have agreed, at least for the time being, to call a truce in the development of their nuclear arsenal which represents the source of their might and power. They may do so under the pressure of international public opinion or simply because they realize that the accumulation of radio-active particles in the air enveloping their countries is not far from reaching a danger point. On the other hand, even highly industrialized nations may begin to feel the increasing strain on their resources, which have been taxed heavily by the cost of nuclear experiments. If these could be halted, a great deal more could be done for the material living comfort of their people whose demands for more consumer goods at reasonable prices have been growing lately. For some nations it has become plain that it is increasingly difficult, if not entirely impossible, to have both the most advanced missile weaponry and at the same time an adequate standard of living. But the most important consideration of all is perhaps a more acute realization that a continued arms race, especially with nuclear armaments and their proliferation, constitutes a grave danger to the preservation of peace. Somehow or other, a conflict may be ignited either on purpose or by miscalculation, and nuclear Powers are probably better placed than any others to know that the results would be utterly disastrous for themselves as well as for the rest of the world. In any event and whatever motivations have prompted the nuclear Powers to conclude the said limited test ban treaty, their agreement has undoubtedly contributed to the easing of international tension and appears to be of a more tangible nature than any other spirit of understanding and conciliation which might have appeared in the past,
69. In this respect, Thailand has joined scores of other nations to endorse that treaty with the hope that this first step, however small, may be followed by others which will tend to consolidate still more positive evidences of international harmony and concord. My country for one sees no advantage in watching those who have the wherewithal to wage devastating warfare locked in an ominous struggle and engaged in a deadly race to produce the most lethal and destructive weapons. We certainly do not profit, nor do we expect to profit in the future, from the present division of the world. Indeed, we abhor dissensions either among others or between ourselves and other nations. Our aim is to support and promote efforts to bring nations closer together so that they may join hands in constructive endeavours for the benefit and welfare of their respective peoples.
70. While we may agree that the relationship between great Powers and, as a result, the world situation in general has witnessed some improvement which has given rise to a cautious optimism, we cannot and should not be carried away by premature enthusiasm. Experience of tile past has shown that signs of amelioration in the international situation may be only ephemeral. On the other hand, the other aspect of the problem, namely the relationship between the larger Powers and others, still represents a cause of concern. In fact, the danger to smaller nations has in no way decreased, still less disappeared. Such a danger to their free existence comes not so much from a nuclear or global war as from other insidious means which have been and are still being employed to sap our strength, to undermine the structure of our society and ultimately to reduce us to dependence and subjection. Even at this time when the tensions among the great and powerful countries show signs of reduction, other activities of lesser scope and import continue unabated, causing loss of lives and property.
71. It is certainly welcome news to hear that no further nuclear tests from the three Powers will pollute the air we breathe. It will be even more satisfying if we are assured that the guns are silenced in the swamps of South Viet-Nam or in the high plateaux of Laos. That is, unfortunately, not quite the case. On the contrary, military clashes continue to take place in Laos with the active penetration and intervention from its aggressive and expansionist eastern neighbours. In spite of the 1962 Geneva Agreements, which gave the rebelling faction, namely the Pathet Lao, legal status and participation in the Government of National Union, the country remains divided and enjoys no stability. The coalition Government has not been able to carry out its task because of the obstructive tactics and intransigence of the Pathet Lao, which refused to carry out the terms of the Agreements. The International Control Commission, hamstrung by one of its members and receiving no co-operation from the Pathet Lao, which controls a good part of the territory, has not been in a position to perform its taskfully and effectively. Then recently, not satisfied with the results of its obstructive efforts, the Pathet Lao resorted to political murders and even armed actions to place more territory under its control, thus bringing back to that unfortunate land chaos and turmoil. Moreover, from its bases in Laos, the Pathet Lao has tried to send its agents into Thailand to carry out its nefarious activities of infiltration and subversion and even to prepare the way for eventual insurgency with outside support. Facing this insidious threat, my Government has had to devote a great deal of effort and resources to war doff the danger that Is likely to imperil our security and freedom. The struggle is going on in spite of relaxation in the general world situation, and the new understanding which appears to have been reached between the major Powers has little, if any, effect on the local conditions in our part of the world.
72. Likewise, in South Viet-Nam sporadic fighting continues to ravage the country. There again the aim of the neighbouring North Vietnamese regime is no less than to take over the whole country and to annex it under its domination. Although these efforts have yielded little result, thanks to timely help extended to South Viet-Nam by friendly countries, the war is still going on exacting a heavy toll in life and resources.
73. For these reasons, while we applaud and wholeheartedly endorse the mildly successful efforts made by the great Powers to bring about better understanding between themselves as embodied in the recent nuclear test ban treaty, our hearts and minds are still filled with concern and apprehension about the dangers which lurk around our towns and villages and which are even more real and immediate to our simple folk than those of a nuclear or global war. Therefore, while projects of great vision, such as the one suggested by the President of the United States, to plan and carry out a joint expedition to the moon with the Soviet Union, will undoubtedly enhance co-operation between the major Powers and represent a notable advance in the field of science and human progress, we wish it could also be possible for parallel efforts to be made to rid this earth from the scourge of subversive activities and insidious aggressions so as to make the simple life of our grassroots people in the less developed countries safer and more worthwhile. The day when a treaty banning subversive activities of every kind is signed by all the countries in the world will be the day of triumph for all humanity.
74. This attitude will be readily comprehensible for those who know the complex problems the nations of Asia have to face. For not only are the dangers of aggressive expansionism constant and pressing, as has been seen in the case of Laos and Viet-Nam, but a great many other difficulties have also been added to complicate the situation further. In South Viet-Nam, for instance, in the midst of a life and death struggle, religious discontent broke out which could have been satisfactorily resolved with sufficient understanding and tolerance. Nevertheless, because of the lack of realization of the magnitude of the problem, the difficulty got out of hand. My country deeply deplores the unnecessary losses of lives and hardship suffered by the Buddhists in that country and hopes that the authorities concerned will take appropriate measures with greater wisdom and compassion so that complete freedom of worship will be recognized for Buddhists in equality with the people of other faiths.
75. Another unsatisfactory situation is that which prevails between Cambodia and Thailand. The relations which were broken off by Cambodia for the second time in 1961 have not been re-established despite the valuable good offices provided by the Secretary-General and his special representative, Mr. Nils Gussing of Sweden, as well as Mr. Narasimhan of the Secretariat, for which the Thai Government feels deep appreciation and gratitude. Thailand, for its part, is also willing to forget and forgive the destruction and depredations wrought in the past upon the towns and homes of the Thai people, as well as the treacherous actions of a certain Phya Lawaek.
76. Cambodian leaders would do well to realize and appreciate the sustained efforts made by my country to promote greater solidarity and co-operation among the nations of South-East Asia and, if possible, to contribute to this historic trend of regional co-operation, rather than stay out of it and even aggravate it by the recent decision to cut off official ties with South Viet-Nam, thus adding further disunity and instability to the region. For the sake of South-East Asian solidarity alone, if for no other reason, my Government has made it clear that it is prepared to meet and discuss with Cambodian representatives matters of mutual interest and concern. On various occasions, we have stated that Thailand entertained no animosity towards the Cambodian nation. We do not have any ill design against them, nor do we covet anything that rightfully belongs to them. We may be old-fashioned enough to believe in the sanctity of international treaties and agreements as well as the obligations which may result therefrom. If Cambodia could do likewise there would be no problem between our two countries. We wish them well, as we wish all our South-East Asian neighbours well. However, these good intentions must be reciprocated and Cambodia must treat relations between sovereign nations as a matter of importance, and not lightly as something which it can turn off and on. If such an attitude is adopted by Cambodia, then the present difficulty is likely to be resolved.
77. However, amidst the clouds which have descended upon our region, there has, fortunately, been a bright spot. A new nation, Malaysia, has emerged in South-East Asia with the accession of the territories of Singapore, Sabah or North Borneo and Sarawak to the previous Federation of Malaya. Thailand welcomes this friendly nation and wishes it continued success and prosperity. Malaysia, as one of our closest neighbours to the south, is certain to bring an important contribution to the peace, progress and prosperity of the region.
78. Although the birth of Malaysia has been accompanied by unfortunate events resulting in the rupture of relations of two of its neighbours, we firmly hope that the difficulties will be only temporary. After all, these countries have many affinities with one another. They belong to the same region and it is an inescapable fact that, somehow or other, they will have to live with one another not only as friends, but even as brothers and sisters. My country will certainly not be derelict in its duty and will assist them in every way it can to bring back good understanding and harmony among all its friends.
79. As may be seen from the above, the problems which beset the world and its many regions are multifarious. Although in the past, the United Nations and most of the nations of the world have had to concentrate their efforts in order to handle crises, it appears that our attention and preoccupation from now on may have to be devoted to the even more difficult task of handling the complicated problems of peace, or at least improving the international situation. The question that presents itself seems to be, how can the United Nations and the world at large employ their resources and energy to improve further the international situation? What steps should be taken to consolidate the small gains already made, to move ahead towards more concrete and substantial achievements and ultimately to reach more secure and peaceful conditions of international life?
80. It seems obvious to us that renewed efforts should be deployed to expand the scope of the limited nuclear test ban treaty so that it will encompass all dimensions of nuclear testing, including those conducted underground and, at the same time, to ensure proper safeguards, inspection and control. Following this, disarmament negotiations on nuclear as well as conventional weapons should be vigorously pursued until tangible results are achieved. In this connexion, a number of proposals have already been put forward in this Assembly, in particular, the one presented by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting] who advocated a summit meeting of Heads of Government or State represented in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. Such a proposal, like others, deserves careful consideration. Although the tasks of that Committee are mainly technical and only partially political, that fact should not be an obstacle to the transferring of the responsibility to those high personalities, if we all come to believe that they can perform such a task in a more effective manner than technicians and diplomats. I feel certain that the Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors who, up until now, have had to shoulder that heavy burden will be greatly relieved in handing it over to their superiors.
81. On the other hand, and so far as the United Nations is concerned, concrete measures should be devised for setting up peace-keeping machinery. Among them, the United Nations peace force project, which has existed for some time in blueprint form and was recently improved upon by the Scandinavian countries, should be taken off the shelf for further study and implementation. Such United Nations peace units may well prove highly useful in cases of limited local incidents which, if not dealt with promptly, may spread further and develop into conflicts of major proportions.
82. This Organization should also give its attention to setting up instruments and institutions for settling disputes between nations. Two years ago I had the privilege of suggesting from this rostrum [1027th meeting] the creation of what I might call a "service for peace committee". I believe that now more than ever there is a need for such an international organ which could be called upon to move quickly into an international difficulty or dispute so as to prevent it from endangering the peace and harmony between nations. If this idea, which has already been in the air for some time, should present an appeal, the details for developing it further should not be too difficult or complicated. It may. be expected that, owing to the great variety of existing and future divergences, clashes of interest and even disputes, such a machinery, if one can be established and given adequate means to function properly, will undoubtedly prove to be of some usefulness. It will not in any way supplant the services which may be rendered by the Secretary-General and which have already demonstrated their high value. It will rather supplement the role of the Secretary-General, whose good offices and intervention will always be needed in more delicate situations where what is known as "quiet diplomacy" is particularly suitable. The organ which we have in mind will be working more in the open incases which do not require strictly discreet negotiations or which have become a matter of general interest and knowledge.
83. It has been said that such a committee would be within the United Nations framework but not necessarily a part of it. The committee will, however, keep close contact with the United Nations, other international agencies and' organizations. Its most important functions would be to give advice and make recommendations directly to the parties concerned and, if need be, it might serve as intermediary between those involved in the dispute or other disagreements.
84. While it is true that the problems of peace and war are of paramount importance to the welfare of the nations of the world, the economic questions present no less significance to the daily life of countless millions of people, especially in the small and developing nations. The nuclear or conventional weapons may kill instantly, but the continuous impoverishment of the less developed countries compared with the rapidly growing income of those more advanced industrially looks very much like a vise imperceptibly closing around our necks —or our stomachs— which may bring about a slow death or at least gradual starvation. The future, to say the least, is indeed bleak for the developing nations.
85. This is due in the first place to the invariable deterioration in the terms of trade suffered by the primary exporting countries, whose share of these commodities in total world trade has declined steadily. Whereas industrialized countries have been reaping substantial gains from manufactured products, both volume and price of which constantly increase, the developing countries' trade balances show persistent and cumulative deficits. This situation by itself is alarming because, if it should continue without redress, the probable result may be a renewal of the Roman society, composed of a few patrician countries and a multitude of plebeian nations whose sweat and toil serve to augment the riches of the privileged few.
86. This state of affairs has been further aggravated, on the one hand, by past and newly adopted measures which serve as barriers to the free flow of primary commodities from developing countries or tend to discriminate against them and, on the other, by unilateral or concerted actions aiming at controlling markets or depressing the prices of those commodities so as to increase still further the margin of benefits accruing to the industrialized countries. It is also curious to note that, in the process of industrialized economies seeking further to expand and to enrich themselves, there is no ideological barrier separating them. They all deliberately or otherwise seem to be working together toward the same objective.
87. As a result of these chaotic occurrences, the developing nations are caught in a vicious circle. They know that they have to diversify and industrialize their economy so as to enjoy higher returns, which only manufactured goods can bring. Otherwise, they would be dependent on too few primary products, the markets for which are controlled by others seeking to keep the levels of prices as low as possible. But at the same time, and because highly developed countries through various means and actions are bent on keeping the prices of primary commodities unnaturally low, the developing nations see their income steadily reduced and the cost of industrial equipment and capital goods in general continuously rising. Consequently, much as they want to proceed with swift diversification and industrialization of their economy, they are deprived of the means to carry out the development schemes which could allay the economic ills from which they suffer.
88. It would seem reasonable, therefore, that the industrially advanced nations of the world should consider loosening their hold on the weak, developing economies, or otherwise they will cause the ultimate strangulation of those unfortunate nations. It is high time that, for no other reason than the enlightened self-interest of those privileged nations, they should cooperate in alleviating the hardship and sufferings of hundreds of millions of people now leading a substandard existence. If they continue to be obstinate in fulfilling their unbridled desire to make disproportionate profits, it will not be long before the whole world is strewn with impoverished and haggard-looking men and women sunk in their misery, and the world will then enjoy neither peace nor tranquillity.
89. It may be too much for us to hope that this simple appeal will be heeded. We nevertheless count upon the moral authority of this Organization to bring about a better realization of the current alarming situation. Maybe the Conference on Trade and Development, which will be convened next year under the auspices of the United Nations, can achieve something that may lighten the burden which is now being borne by the developing nations. On the success of this Conference will depend the future economic outlook of the whole world. I hope that each and every one of us, and especially those of the privileged nations, will be conscious of this grave responsibility.
90. From the foregoing it is clearly apparent that the hopes of the world and humanity still rest on the United Nations, because as yet there is no other organization which may help to fulfil their aspirations and ideals. For that very reason my country firmly adheres to the principles and purposes of this Organization, particularly those enunciating self-determination and peaceful negotiation. In our troubled world of today, the principle of self-determination should be recognized and applied everywhere, as in the case of Malaysia, where the United Nations completed the task of ascertaining the wishes of the population of North Borneo and Sarawak, or in Germany, where the freedom-loving people should be allowed to choose their own destiny.
91. Likewise, the principle of peaceful and direct negotiations may prevent many difficulties and disputes from enlarging and getting out of hand. That is why my delegation has declared itself ready to meet Cambodian representatives with a view to resolving our differences.
92. Although the relations among States and nations occupy the greatest part of our attention, it is not possible to lose sight of the individual human being who forms the basis of our society. The Thai people, like most other peoples in the world, firmly believe in the dignity and worth of the human person. We cannot accept or condone any practice which does not recognize this fundamental principle. Any attempt therefore to perpetuate inequality among peoples, as is the case with what is known as apartheid, which tends to create barriers between them, should be opposed and rejected as contrary to the aspirations of human society.
93. Finally, it is obviously not enough to support and uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter. To enable the United Nations to perform its functions efficiently and effectively, concrete and practical measures must be taken toward that end. At present it is a known fact that the United Nations has been operating under a heavy deficit, which, if allowed to continue, may reach the staggering figure of $140 million. It is clear therefore that, if all Members do not strictly and faithfully discharge their obligations, the Organization may face collapse. In that unfortunate event, which we all strongly hope will not occur, the responsibility will unequivocally rest on those who failed to fulfil their duties and obligations.
94. Confronted with the many uncertainties and complications of the world today, the people of Thailand are fortified by the fact that, although some have tried to instil doubt and disbelief in their minds, they firmly and staunchly adhere to the principles of justice, of freedom and of national honour. While attempts have been made to influence our thinking both as a nation and as individuals, we shall not be swayed by thoughts and ideas which have no roots in our national heritage. The modern ideologies of our time, whether socialism or capitalism, are alien to our land. We know that our strength comes not from foreign elements which may be injected into us but from the eternal lights of Asia: freedom, compassion and tolerance. That is why the Thai people aim first at being good Thai, then good Asians, and at the same time good citizens of the world.