Let me first of all, through you, Sir, congratulate the President of the fifty- third session of the General Assembly upon his election. I am confident that our important work will be guided in a most productive way. I would also like to thank the former President, Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, for his relentless work and creativity to bring about consensus on the Secretary- General?s important reform proposals for the United Nations. Before proceeding to my statement, I would like to report that this afternoon an important resolution on the situation in Kosovo was adopted by the Security Council. The resolution is a firm response to a stark reality. The Council spells out what Belgrade must do now towards achieving a political situation and to avoid a humanitarian disaster. Their deeds and not their words will determine further Security Council action. Also, the Kosovo Albanians must act in accordance with the demands in the resolution. As a Council member, and now as its President, Sweden has worked persistently for such a clear message to be sent by the Security Council. I trust that it will be heard and understood. Sweden aligns itself with the statement made yesterday by my Austrian colleague, Mr. Wolfgang Schüssel, on behalf of the European Union. Economic turbulence, persistent poverty and environmental degradation provide a sombre background to this session of the General Assembly. So do crises and conflicts, terrorism and nuclear test explosions and, of course, the political and financial realities affecting the United Nations itself. We receive early warning signals, but early action rarely follows. Isolationism and unilateralism could easily re-emerge. Many are concerned about the difficulties they face in meeting the requirements of a globalized international community. The positive aspects of globalization — integration and economic progress — offer the best opportunities we have ever known for achieving peace, democracy and development. When trade, economies and financial markets do not recognize any borders, politics must be global as well. The United Nations has to continue to reform in order to remain relevant. The Swedish Government stands firmly behind the reform efforts of the Secretary-General to streamline the Organization, to focus more on its core activities and to introduce a stringent and up-to-date management culture. Member States cannot shy away from their responsibility for the Organization. United Nations reform is not a cost-cutting exercise, but one of rendering the Organization more effective. It cannot be reformed under the threat of political and financial crisis. No Member State has the right to set conditions for fulfilling Charter obligations. All debtors must pay their assessed contribution in full, on time and without conditions. I will speak today of five key areas for global response, international cooperation and common action. First, we must strengthen cooperation to eradicate poverty. Poverty is not only lack of material resources. It is also lack of knowledge and influence over one?s own 32 life. It is a question of justice. The principle at stake is that of equal rights and opportunities for all. A prerequisite for success in the fight against poverty is that the poor themselves are involved in a partnership based on common ethics and mutual trust. Democracy, development and peace are closely linked. Empty stomachs do not provide a sustainable ground for democracy. Individual human security and the security of the planet must be given as much recognition as the security of States. Putting an end to poverty is imperative. Large economic inequalities and lack of civic infrastructure create friction between individuals, between groups, between countries. Marginalization spurs violent conflicts. Security cannot be seen primarily in a military perspective. Development and economic integration play a much greater role in preventing serious conflicts. In an increasingly globalized world the fight against poverty is a common interest and a common duty. Only on the basis of solidarity can we create a world which respects the equal rights and value of all its people. It will require not only efforts by poor countries, but also by richer countries. Therefore, I regret that only four countries meet the United Nations aid target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income. Sweden is proud to be one of them. The seven largest economies on average contribute only 0.19 per cent. Free trade still remains to be fully achieved. Remaining barriers which prohibit poor countries from making use of their comparative advantages are counter- productive and must be abolished. The trade policies of industrial countries should also facilitate regional cooperation among developing countries. The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative must be strengthened, as the debt crisis creates vicious circles for weak economies. The international financial system has proved to be insufficiently adapted to political and social realities. Secondly, we must strengthen cooperation to promote human rights. Societies which respect human rights are more stable and more peaceful. Repression spurs rebellion, violence breeds violence. This year we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has given hope to people all over the world. It has inspired human rights advocates to expose violations in their own countries. It has encouraged Governments to take action to protect and monitor respect for human rights. But much remains to be done. Primitive expressions of public vengeance have no place in a civilized legal system. Today, a majority of the Member States have abolished the death penalty or placed it under a moratorium. This is sometimes done in response to public opinion, but also frequently as a result of political leadership and with the support of international norms and standards. Economic, social and cultural rights create the basis for a sustainable society with strong democratic participation. The exploitation of children drastically illustrates the importance of these rights. A convention on child labour should be agreed at the next international labour conference, and urgent national and international measures should be taken to combat the most disgusting form of exploitation — child prostitution. The use of child soldiers is another fundamental and increasingly frequent violation of the rights of the child. It is vital to achieve international standards against involving children under 18 as combatants and to combine this with practical and preventive measures to help and protect children in need. The rights laid down in the Universal Declaration apply to all. Special norms for vulnerable groups are necessary to ensure that they can be equal with others. The principle of non-discrimination is of particular and critical importance for individuals who belong to ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities or to indigenous peoples. This principle should be complemented with national mechanisms to ensure effective participation in society. Few measures would be more important to prevent conflicts within and among States. The adoption of the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court is a milestone in the struggle against genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Sweden will become a party, and I urge all States to do the same. It is imperative to close the gap of impunity. Thirdly, we must strengthen cooperation to deepen democracy. The United Nations should increasingly become a leader in worldwide efforts to strengthen and deepen democracy. It is essential to develop civil, open 33 and pluralistic societies; to promote equal participation of all women and men in political life; and to ensure independent media, freedom of speech and the rule of law. I suggest that the time has come to look systematically at how the United Nations system as a whole can be even more effectively put to use to promote democracy. Already in 1795 Immanuel Kant stressed the strong connection between peace and democracy: “If the consent of the citizenry is required in order to determine whether or not there will be a war, it is natural that they consider all its calamities before committing themselves to so risky a game.” (Perpetual Peace) Democracies seek security in cooperation with one another rather than through deterrence — in openness rather than in secrecy. Democracies also have a proven record in dealing with internal tension and strife without resorting to violence. Strengthening democracy helps prevent violent conflict, by allowing for differing views and interests. A democratic culture provides the ground for reconciliation. The common values inherent in democracy also provide fertile ground for peaceful cooperation to build society. The free exchange of ideas, people and goods creates interdependence and common norms. The future becomes a shared opportunity. This is illustrated by developments during the last decade in Sweden?s own neighbourhood, the Baltic region. For half a century, the Baltic was a deep trench separating East and West. The same sea today unifies free countries in blossoming trade, political cooperation and people-to-people contacts. Fourthly, we must strengthen cooperation to bring about disarmament. In May this year, two States — India and Pakistan — exposed their nuclear ambitions by conducting a series of test explosions. These aspirations endanger international peace and security, as well as stability in the region and international non-proliferation and disarmament efforts. This was why Sweden and Japan took the initiative to prepare a Security Council resolution deploring the testing. After a decade of great promise in the field of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, the spectre of nuclear weapons is again at the centre of attention. The possession of nuclear weapons — by any State — cannot be indefinitely accepted as legitimate. On 9 June, I and my colleagues from Brazil, Egypt, Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, Slovenia and South Africa made a joint ministerial declaration on nuclear weapons. In the declaration, we urge the five nuclear-weapon States and the three nuclear-weapon-capable States to clearly commit themselves to eliminating their nuclear weapons and nuclear capability and to start work immediately on practical steps to this end. We also set out a series of mutually reinforcing measures providing a road map to a world free from nuclear weapons. At this session of the General Assembly, the eight nations will follow up the declaration with a draft resolution. This initiative has already been presented from this rostrum. We invite all Member States to join us in supporting this draft resolution and, inter alia, call for the accession by all States to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, the entry into force of START II and negotiations on START III, the prompt de-alerting of nuclear weapons and the withdrawal of non-strategic nuclear weapons. New and forceful impetus is urgently needed to regain the momentum for nuclear disarmament. It is necessary to counteract the tendency to assign new importance to nuclear weapons. These weapons must neither be given increased emphasis in defence planning nor be seen as a means to counter threats from other weapons of mass destruction. The world needs a new international agenda for complete nuclear disarmament. We must at the same time redouble our efforts to rid the world of all biological and chemical weapons. The threat of terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction adds to the urgency of disarmament efforts. Strict adherence to international agreements, strengthened verification and controlled weapons destruction are essential parts of a long-term strategy against terrorism. International control regimes to limit the transfer of technology that could be used to produce weapons of mass destruction as well as other armaments must be further developed. The proliferation of small arms and light weapons is a serious threat to peace, security and development. Such 34 weapons have been the primary cause of casualties in almost every recent conflict on the United Nations agenda. Practical and concrete measures — such as collection, safe storage and destruction in the context of peacekeeping operations — should be the focus in dealing with small arms and light weapons. Therefore, the Swedish Government supports the Mali initiative for a West African moratorium on the production and transfer of such weapons. I warmly welcome the forthcoming entry into force of the Ottawa Convention. This is a major step in the struggle against the plague of anti-personnel landmines. Concerted efforts will be needed to ensure its full implementation as well as the adherence of the largest military Powers. Fifthly, we must strengthen cooperation to prevent armed conflict. Stable peace does not suddenly turn into military conflict. War normally breaks out after a period of gradual deterioration. Prevention has the best prospects of success at the earliest possible stage of such a process. The need for early action is obvious. Nevertheless, decisions are taken at a late stage — often too late. There are strong forces at work which obstruct early action — forces hiding behind arguments about sovereignty, public opinion and national interest; forces defining security as stability and order, rather than dealing with the underlying causes of conflicts. After almost two years on the Security Council we are more convinced than ever of the urgent need to build political commitment for preventive measures and to develop, hone and refine preventive instruments. It is a question of political will. It is a matter of allocating resources. It is about looking for solutions that are sustainable over the long term, even when strong forces want to focus on short-term needs alone. National responsibility for conflict prevention is fundamental. International law makes every State responsible for its international behaviour. States should also be expected to account for their internal actions, which often have major external consequences. Sovereignty should stand for responsibility and accountability. Conflict prevention is also an international responsibility. The United Nations possesses a wide array of instruments for preventive action. Lessons have also been learned from a wide range of peacekeeping operations. A new generation of peacekeeping operations is emerging, often with a flexible mix of civilian, military and police components. International service is a key task for the Swedish armed forces, and increasingly also for the Swedish police. To be effective, the United Nations — and, in particular, the Security Council — must act promptly, unitedly and in unison with regional actors. Several regional organizations have identified conflict prevention and peaceful settlement of disputes as key tasks. The growing network of European security organizations is one example, cooperation between African States another. Cooperation with regional actors is crucial but complex in today?s growing grey zone of conflicts — domestic in origin but international in impact. They often involve neighbouring countries as recipients of refugees, as weapons suppliers or even as participants. In such situations, the United Nations must be faithful to its global principles, but must also find a way of engaging regional actors in peaceful solutions that guarantee the legitimate security interests of all. When regional leadership is available, the role of the United Nations should be one of providing support and, when international military peace operations are needed, authorizing and monitoring. When regional leadership is lacking, the United Nations must be ready to lead. I have highlighted five key areas and objectives for the United Nations: the eradication of poverty, the promotion of human rights, the deepening of democracy, the achievement of disarmament and the prevention of armed conflicts. Yet the uniqueness and strength of the United Nations lies not in any single field of activity, but in the totality of them all. Peace, security, democracy, human rights, social justice, humanitarian relief, sustainable development and prevention are inseparable. In a time of difficult political and financial challenges for the Organization, it is important that we spell out our expectations and priorities. We will have to work hard to allow the United Nations to realize its potential. We owe it to the United Nations — and to each other — to give it the chance to succeed.