Cyprus, as one of the recently admitted countries to the United Nations, comes into this general debate with all the diffidence of a newcomer. We have no experience of the intricacies of the subjects under discussion, and we bring no accumulated knowledge of them. But we may bring, I hope, perspective in outlook and objectivity of approach in the consideration of world problems. We bring also our faith in the United Nations and our profound dedication to the cause of peace, based on justice and freedom, that very freedom and justice for which the people of Cyprus have long struggled and fought.
18. At this moment my thoughts go out in gratitude to all the nations that supported our cause and took a stand for the right of the Cypriot people to a free and independent life. And I recall with warmth of feeling the encouragement received from many delegations in this Assembly.
19. It has been the destiny of Cyprus through the ages to pass through many vicissitudes and tests. In the course of Its long history it has known periods of independent life, when philosophy and art flourished. And it has also known its periods of foreign domination. However, in weathering the storms of centuries, its people have perhaps acquired fortitude of spirit and understanding of other peoples; they have thus learnt the lesson of patience and of tolerance.
20. We come to the United Nations at a crucial time for the world and for the Organization itself. We are in no way committed, and we shall not align ourselves, as a matter of routine, with any Power blocs or camps. We shall follow an independent line, guided by what is right and for the common good. Our commitment, and a strong commitment, Is to the United Nations and its Charter. In these historic moments we are fully conscious of our share of responsibility in the decisions to be taken and in the international developments that may ensue. We shall, therefore, need all the clarity of thought and understanding that comes from sincerity of purpose and from purity of mind.
21. Just emerging from a liberation struggle, we bear no vestige of bitterness towards anyone, and no prejudice whatsoever weighs upon our judgement. Our dedication, however, to the cause of freedom is no less strong and emphatic in respect of the liberty of others. In whichever lands and in whatever areas of the world people are struggling for their freedom, they may be assured that the hearts of the people of Cyprus are beating with them in rhythm. We have heard with particular interest and deep satisfaction the dynamic message in support of freedom and against colonialism conveyed in the speeches of so many great leaders of nations, big and small. The collective voice of nations has spoken out and has made its decisive pronouncement for the attainment of independence by all subject peoples the world over.
22. The age of domination and force is a thing of the past. All peoples should be allowed to develop their own culture and their own political and economic systems in freedom. A timely recognition of this reality is urgently demanded from those directly concerned with these issues. And it would serve their own long-term interest, no less than that of world peace. For there can be no stability and peace where the will of the people is in rebellion, and where the sense of justice, of freedom and of right is continually violated. It was Woodrow Wilson, that great precursor of the United Nations, who said that "without self-determination there cannot, and should not, be peace in the world".
23. A realistic approach to this problem by those who wield the power is most necessary. The relationship of dominant and subject peoples should give its place to that of co-operation between free peoples, on a footing of equality and trust. This is the trend of history and these are the dictates of moral principle. They cannot go unheeded.
24. On such premises we would like to see a solution of the Algerian problem by mutual understanding between the French nation and the Algerian people, whose cause of self-determination has our full support. The imaginative policy of the great leader of France, President de Gaulle, and his outstanding dedication to freedom in the last war, justify great hopes that such a solution will be reached, and will be reached soon, by free negotiations with the representatives of the brave Algerian nation.
25. We are an island geographically detached from continents. Yet we are not so far from Africa and we have a friendly and vivid Interest in the future of all the peoples of that continent. We look forward to the day, not far off, whet all African peoples will be free, living in their own States under their own sovereign Governments, It is not for us to define what is called "the African personality", but if it means a sense of unity among all African peoples and States, a concept of the continent as a personality, a unify that would contribute to the consolidation of the world community, we welcome it.
26. Our stand on the question of the Congo (Leopoldville) is consistent with the resolution [1474 (ES-IV)] of the General Assembly, adopted at its fourth emergency special session. We shall fully support the United Nations in its efforts to bring about peace and harmony In the Congo and to safeguard its Independence and territorial Integrity. There should be no outside interference in the Congo. Its Government and people, with the assistance of the United Nations, will be able to find their way to peace and unity.
27. The work of the Secretary-General in carrying out the decision of the Security Council was performed, in our view, with impartiality and with commendable efficiency and speed under conditions of great difficulty and strain. My delegation, therefore, wishes to associate itself with the wide expression of confidence in Mr. Hammarskjold’s loyalty to the Charter and in his integrity and his skill. But for the timely intervention of the United Nations and its decisive action, there would have been chaos in the Congo with the risk of a widespread war.
28. It is most essential that the office of Secretary-General, as the executive organ of the United Nations, should in no way be weakened in its power to make decisions, or hampered in its action. Any assumption of the authority and functions of the Secretary-General by a political body, however constituted, or any other interpolation in the Secretary General's duties, would bring the discord of politics into the heart of the executive, and would thus paralyse its action and its efficacy, at times when it was most needed.
29. We have faith in the United Nations as an instrument of peace through freedom and economic development. A distressed humanity places its trust and Its hopes in it. Our desire and our objective is that its influence should increase and the field of its activities enlarged. We look forward to a time when the United Nations would have an effective military force at its command to meet all situations, and when military bases would in essence become United Nations constabulary bases in die service of mankind.
30. The past record of the United Nations, in spite of certain shortcomings — perhaps unavoidable — is, on the whole, one of outstanding progress and achievement. Its intervention has already been most salutary in many explosive situations the world over; its economic activities throughout the world, though in their nature less dramatic, have been of great value. These activities should receive every encouragement and enhancement as a constructive effort towards creating world circumstances, in which crises will become less likely to occur.
31. We trust that economic and technical assistance by the United Nations to the newly Independent countries will be on an increased and extended scale, in order to meet the urgent needs of those countries and ensure their economic stability and progress in the interest of world peace.
32. In this connexion my delegation wishes to suggest that, for the purpose of enlarging and intensifying programmes of assistance to less developed countries, there should be a re-appraisal of the whole subject of such assistance in the light of past experience gained by the United Nations in the field of economic reconstruction and development. My delegation takes the view that the time is ripe for a more vigorous United Nations action on the economic and social development of less developed areas in the world.
33. On the item concerning Bolzano (Bozen), due for debate before the Special Political Committee, a just solution in a spirit of compromise could well be reached, and we would be happy to help towards such a compromise agreement in every way that we can.
34. On the subject of disarmament, we have studied the annual report of the Secretary-General [A/4390] and the report of the United Nations Disarmament Commission [see A/4463]. We have also before us the resolution [1378 (XIV)] unanimously adopted at the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, for general and complete disarmament. We have, furthermore, listened, with absorbing interest and respect, to the wise statements by leaders of great nations. In all of them we discern a deep desire for peace and for disarmament. We believe in the sincerity of these speeches. All nations wish for peace and want disarmament. One would, therefore, be Inclined — and not unnaturally — to ask; Why should we then be in a crisis, and why can there be no agreement on disarmament? We do not question the good faith or the wisdom of the big Powers. We do question the results. It would seem that the main obstacle is suspicion and distrust. Every proposal put forward by the one side is viewed by the other with suspicion. This is probably why all negotiations ultimately fail, though seemingly nearing agreement at times. The aspect of inspection and control should be given some consideration in the light of its help towards creating confidence by unsealing the doors of secrecy.
35. During the last meetings of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament the gap seemed to have considerably narrowed down. The attitudes of the two sides as to the priority between a plan on disarmament and a plan on control should not be irreconcilable. For instance, parallel plans on disarmament and control could be simultaneously agreed upon as part of one treaty and carried out by stages, while retaining the balance of power. Yet no agreement is visible. What is lacking, in our view, is a degree of mutual confidence. It is feared — and perhaps not unreasonably — that in the process of disarmament the balance of power might be tipped, with dire results to either side. It appears to us that balance of power cannot safely fit in with disarmament. They spring from diametrically opposed concepts. The former stems from antagonism and suspicion, the latter from trust and co-operation. It is difficult, if not impossible, to make them blend. Agreement cannot therefore be reached while suspicion and recrimination mount.
36. For us the first and paramount requirement and the first principle is largely and inevitably a moral one. It is futile trying to find acceptable formulae of disarmament while in the hearts of men and nations the negativeness of antagonism and suspicion persists. A climate of confidence is indispensable, if disarmament is not to continue to be an ever elusive phantom.
37. While the progress of science has reached astounding levels of achievement, moral progress has lamentably lagged behind. In our nuclear age this disparity cannot continue without grave consequences. Scientific regress is impossible. Moral progress Is, therefore, an imperative. And it can be achieved. Mankind is now, as never before, faced by the threat of self-extinction, from which there is no retreat and no escape. There is only one way out, that leading up to the brotherhood of man. Humanity will have to follow it or perish.
38. Moralizing may sound out of place in the practical spirit of this debate. Yet it may not be entirely so. The world has moved in the last decade or two with amazing rapidity. Concepts such as that of the brotherhood of man, which were a few years ago considered a remote and unattainable idea, have now become a practical necessity and a demanding reality.
39. We believe the United Nations can and will play a positive role in this direction. Its rapidly increasing membership has brought it the infusion of enlivening blood from Asia and Africa and the wholesomeness of a growing independence of approach to world problems. By its universality the United Nations now is steadily becoming a vigorous forum of world public opinion, destined to exert a decisive and far-reaching influence in the development of world affairs. Its moral impact has already begun to make itself felt in the general feeling of this Assembly on international issues. It will grow with time, and along with it will grow the confidence and hope of humanity. We are confident that a basically new approach in statesmanship will come, lifting mankind to new and loftier levels of endeavour and achievement. In this spirit we bring to the United Nations the humble, but wholehearted, co-operation of our small country.