It is my great pleasure and privilege to extend to Mr. Boland, on behalf of my delegation, our most sincere congratulations on his election as President of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly. So many preceding me have paid glowing tributes to him that I find it difficult, without running the risk of being repetitious, to add anything further. I need only associate myself whole-heartedly with them. There is no doubt that with his intimate knowledge, his rich experience, and his long association with the United Nations, he will carry out the heavy responsibilities of his high office in a manner that will greatly benefit the Assembly. I am confident that under his able guidance the General Assembly at this session will take yet another step forward in our collective endeavour to solve the multifarious problems that beset our world today.
2. This is not an ordinary session of the Assembly, not a routine session. Very rarely, perhaps never before, has the Assembly faced so many problems of such great magnitude and consequences as we are now facing. When we concluded our session last year, we went away with a sense of hope and gratification that the months ahead would witness considerable lessening of world tension and the dawn of a secure and lasting peace. Events in the past months have not justified our hopes. The meeting of world leaders, which had been prepared at great pains and over a long period of time, had hardly begun when it was called off. The disarmament negotiations to which the Assembly at the fourteenth session gave its wholehearted blessing, foundered on the rock of disagreement. The process of liberation in Africa, which began so happily with the independence of Cameroun, followed by others, and which we had hoped would continue smoothly, was regrettably blemished by events in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville). These are set-backs which we hardly thought of at the last session. But there they are, made worse still by the furious resumption of the cold war, with all its attendant recriminations and vituperations. The proceedings of this Assembly during the last three weeks are eloquent testimony to the grave and dangerous situation in which the whole world is now engulfed.
3. All mankind is now looking at us, with the anxious expectation that this session of the General Assembly will weather the cold war acrimony and pave the way for the renewal of the process of negotiation, so regrettably interrupted, towards a secure and lasting peace. For this, if for no other reason, my delegation attaches great significance to this session. On the conduct of this session and on its success or failure may well depend the future of mankind. In this light, the President's remark in his address on the opening day of this session [864th meeting] that this Assembly was an Assembly of humanity, strikes a singularly significant note.
4. With all these dark clouds hovering over us, there is none the less a happy event in this Assembly. If we look around us in this hall we see not eighty-two nations represented here, as was the case only a year ago, but ninety-nine. My delegation welcomes the new Member States, and hopes with the keenest anticipation that with their new-born determination and enthusiasm and their faith in the United Nations they will add greatly to the success not only of this session but of future sessions as well, and that, most important, they will increase the prestige and strength of this Organization.
5. The fact that in many cases one of the first acts of state of these newly independent nations is to request membership in the United Nations is ample proof of their faith in the Organization. For the older Members, for the younger ones such as my own country, as well as for the very new and for those still in the stage of conception, there must be, I have no doubt, a strong desire and determination to strengthen this Organization through which, and only through which, the grave problems of the world can be discussed and their solutions found.
6. Unfortunately, the increase in the membership of this Organization since its inception in 1945 has not been matched by an increase in the membership of some of its major organs, in particular, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. This problem should be given urgent consideration, if the interests of the entire membership of this Organization are to be equitably represented and if the functioning of the Organization is to be made more effective.
7. The United Nations has already, in recent months, demonstrated its efficacy in averting what might have become, in the light of subsequent events, an international crisis and a national chaos in the heart of Africa. The response of the United Nations to the appeal for assistance from the Congo (Leopoldville) to maintain its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and its record so far in giving this assistance, will go down in the annals of the Organization as one of the most important and praiseworthy tasks ever undertaken. Although the situation in the Congo today is still far from being clear or stable, the United Nations Command has managed at least to contain the crisis and prevent it from breaking into chaos. As a contributor of troops to the United Nations Force in the Congo, my Government fully subscribes to the philosophy of the United Nations operation — as embodied in the resolutions of the Security Council and the resolution [1474 (ES-IV)] of the General Assembly's fourth emergency special session — which is to safeguard and defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Congo, and to assist in bringing about a condition in which the normal process of government can be restored.
8. My Government hopes, in the interests of the Congo and of Africa, as well as of world peace generally, that the provisions of these resolutions will be strictly observed. The young Republic of the Congo must not be exposed to the cross-fire of big Power politics and the furious storm of the cold war. This is essential if the Congo situation is to be normalized and if all Africa is to enjoy a condition of calm and stability in which the many new nations can develop the strength and muscle to consolidate and defend their newly won independence.
9. I cannot leave the subject of the Congo without paying a tribute on behalf of my Government to the Secretary-General for his untiring and determined efforts, his patience and forbearance, in discharging the mandate given to him by the United Nations. My delegation cannot but register its deep regret at some of the unjustified accusations made against the Secretary-General. We feel that these accusations, apart from their error and distortion, can only tend to hinder the United Nations operation in the Congo and undermine the authority and integrity of the Organization itself. This, in such a critical time as we are now facing, runs counter to the interest of the United Nations and to the interests of all those, particularly the small and the weak, who place their complete trust in this Organization.
10. As on previous occasions, this fifteenth session of the General Assembly is to my delegation another occasion on which we should like to express, both in words and in deeds, our unwavering faith and belief in the United Nations, and once again to renew the pledge of the Government of the Federation of Malaya to support the United Nations and to uphold the lofty principles and provisions enshrined in its Charter and in its Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
11. As a staunch supporter of these principles and provisions, we are compelled to view with grave concern any attempt at discrimination among people on grounds of colour, race or creed anywhere at all in the world. The "apartheid" policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa is a case in point. In spite of successive United Nations resolutions, the South African Government has seen fit to discriminate against people on grounds of their colour. While we take this opportunity to declare that our policy is one of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, we also wish to make it known that "apartheid" in South Africa has now become an international issue. The world knows that the coloured people of South Africa are suppressed by the iniquitous instrument of the "apartheid" policy. It is this same policy that has raised an inhospitable barrier against normal international intercourse between South Africa and the coloured African-Asian world. Furthermore, the continued pursuit of this policy, particularly at this time of African resurgence, cannot but give rise to mounting tension and constitute a source of threat to international peace.
12. The danger that lurks behind colour discrimination is only too well known. The senseless slaughter at Sharpeville in the spring of this year should serve as a grim reminder. In order that such danger as that generated by the "apartheid" policy of the South African Government might be arrested in time, our Prime Minister raised this question at the last Conference of Commonwealth Prime Ministers in London.
13. It is profoundly regrettable that the South African Government, hiding behind the shield of the doctrine of domestic jurisdiction, has not heeded the concern of the whole world, including its colleagues in the Commonwealth. For this reason, and in order that a more concrete expression of our concern over the inhuman and dangerous policy of "apartheid" can be brought to bear on the responsible authorities in South Africa, my Government has prohibited the import of goods of South African origin into the Federation of Malaya as from 1 August 1960. The Federation Government intends to maintain this stand until such time as the South African Government gives sufficient indication of its intention to tackle this problem in a manner consistent with the humanitarian principles of the United Nations, as set forth in the Charter.
14. While "apartheid" in South Africa is a disgraceful symbol of intolerance and discrimination on grounds of colour, nearer our part of the world we continue to witness malicious acts of suppression of Tibetans, for the simple reason that they are Tibetans, devoted to the cause of their distinctive religious belief, without malice or ill intention to others. What the Tibetan people ask for is a place to live in this world, a place which is rightly theirs by tradition, so that they may be free to live their own religious life and be at peace with the rest of the world. Yet it is these very peace-loving and religious people who have become the unfortunate object of malignant suppression by the Communists.
15. Despite the resolution [1353 (XIV)] adopted at the last session of the General Assembly, it is disconcerting to note that the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people has not abated. On the contrary, the systematic disregard for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and the attempt to destroy their traditional and distinctive way of life, their religious and cultural autonomy, are pursued with added vigour. This shameful rape of Tibet, this enforced communization of the Tibetan people, this flagrant violation of fundamental freedoms, cannot but be viewed with great alarm by all peace-loving peoples of the world.
16. The situation in Tibet represents a most sinister form of violation of fundamental human rights. We of the United Nations have therefore an obligation towards the Tibetan people as much as we have towards the rest of the world; and we must address ourselves again as we did last year to the Tibetan question. Hence our request, jointly with Thailand, for the inscription of the question of Tibet on the agenda of this General Assembly [see A/4444],
17. Representing as we do one of the small nations of the world that has only recently emerged from colonial rule, we are irrevocably and resolutely opposed to all forms of colonialism and imperialism. We are naturally gratified to see so many new nations among us today who have freed themselves from the bonds of colonial domination. But the rusty chains of dying colonialism still hold in bondage millions of people in some parts of the world. Many millions more have fallen victims to a new and more sinister form of domination — that of world communism. We in the Federation of Malaya have undergone a long period of colonial rule, but we have also fought in our country, for more than a decade, the menace of world communism. Mindful of all these things, we have dedicated ourselves fully to the cause of national liberation and freedom anywhere in the world.
18. Any attempt at perpetuating colonialism is inconsistent with the trend of our times, and the purposes and principles of the United Nations. In West Irian a vestigial form of colonialism still persists, and it is our belief that so long as the situation is not rectified, so long will there remain the seed of discord and tension. We should not allow this to germinate into an international conflagration. Thus, our policy towards the issue of West Irian, as we have stated time and time again, is that there should be an amicable solution of the question by all parties concerned.
19. Similarly, in Algeria there is a genuine force of nationalism of which we must take full cognizance. We feel it is the basic principle of self-determination that must be allowed to operate in Algeria if lasting peace and understanding are to be achieved between the nationalist forces in Algeria and the metropolitan power. The sooner this is realized, the sooner shall we have a firm and sound basis for negotiations between the two parties concerned; and such negotiation should be conducted as among equals unselfishly devoted towards an amicable and just solution of their common problem.
20. We particularly regret therefore that recent events have diminished any hope of “pourparlers”. In the meantime, the senseless war in Algeria persists, with all its ruthless brutality. The situation in Algeria continues to cause alarm and concern. For this reason my delegation has joined in sponsoring the inscription of the Algerian item for discussion at this session of the General Assembly [see A/4418 and Add.1]. We hope that such a discussion may reveal some way by which the Algerian problem can be resolved, on the basis of the rightful claim of the Algerian people to self-determination.
21. I now turn to the question that is uppermost in our minds, the question of disarmament. As I indicated earlier in my statement, we are met in a different atmosphere from that of the fourteenth session. Last year we met in a propitious atmosphere of hope and optimism. This session the atmosphere is beclouded by cold war acrimony over the failure of the disarmament talks in Geneva and over the worsening of tension generally. We are profoundly concerned at the failure of the Geneva talks, but we are more concerned lest the exchanges of bitter blames and counter blames in this Assembly, if they are slung for no other reason than propaganda, should render the possibility of an early resumption of talks all the more remote.
22. The forum of the Assembly must be utilized for reasoned discussion guided by a sincere desire on all sides to reach a basis for resumption of detailed negotiations. The millions of people in the underdeveloped countries are anxious to have peace and security in order to devote all their time, resources and energy to their social and economic development. War is ruinous to them as it would also be to all others — protagonists or bystanders, victors or vanquished. It is not necessary for me to give a layman's view on the horrors of nuclear war. These are all too well known.
23. If I venture to state our views on the question of disarmament, it is not because we possess the magic formula by which disarmament can be achieved. Rather, it is because disarmament, though mainly the responsibility of the major powers who possess the arms, is one involving peace or war, survival or total annihilation, and therefore is of paramount concern to all mankind.
24. Since the last session of the General Assembly, when the resolution on disarmament [1378 (XIV)] was adopted, giving official blessing to the then newly constituted East-West Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament, not much progress has been made, largely because East and West could not be reconciled in their differences on basic issues, particularly on the question of control and inspection. The whole world, and especially a small nation like ours, will always look forward with great expectation to a peaceful solution of the disarmament problem; and we seriously feel that all the nuclear powers have a moral obligation towards the world and humanity to arrive quickly among themselves at a satisfactory principle and programme for the reduction of armament. In achieving a peaceful world order in our present nuclear age, the initiative must necessarily lie with the nuclear Powers.
25. We are convinced that a workable programme for the reduction of armaments is possible when it is simultaneously carried out and consistent with the security of every nation. In short, it is our firm conviction that disarmament should be the net result of an effective system of international security, cooperation and trust; not the basis. This, to our mind, is the only reasonable way to a relaxation of world tension and to a world of peace and harmony among nations,
26. While it is the responsibility of this Organization to do all it can in the field of disarmament, that is to say, in reducing the risks of total annihilation, the United Nations also has, in another direction, the responsibility of assisting the economic and social development of the Member States, that is to say, of increasing their chances of survival. This is particularly true of some of the less fortunate among us where the struggle for food, shelter and clothing is often a struggle for survival. The struggle of newly independent nations must take the form of giving economic and social content to their political independence. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are giving considerable assistance and guidance in this direction. But more important is the condition of peace and stability, both internal and international, which must prevail if social and economic development is to progress unhampered.
27. We in the Federation of Malaya are fortunate in that, added to the already stable conditions we have enjoyed up to now, we have this year rid ourselves of one of our greatest burdens, namely, the state of emergency, which was declared in 1948 following the beginning of the communist insurrection. This insurrection, led by a few renegades propagating an alien ideology, managed, through violence and terrorism, to grip the country for twelve years. Much of our resources which would otherwise have been utilized for economic and social development, were therefore diverted to the war effort. Through the loyal cooperation, patience, and perseverance of our people of all races and creeds, and through assistance from some sister countries of the Commonwealth to whom we must express our gratitude, the insurrection has now been eliminated and it was possible for His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to declare the end of the emergency on 31 July 1960.
28. In a message to the people, His Majesty declared: “The end of the state of emergency and the return to normal conditions prevailing among the people will ensure the peace and harmony of our nation. Thus, all the efforts of our Ministers in the Government and all the machinery and revenue of our Government can now be concentrated on development projects which will bring comfort and happiness to our subjects."
29. We can now look forward to more intensified efforts in the social and economic development of our people. Side by side with our policy of industrial development, pursued progressively within the framework of our policy of inducements to local and foreign capital, an intensive programme is now being launched in the direction of rural development. This is the keynote of our present task, and it reflects the desire of the Government to raise the living standards of the rural people who constitute the bulk of the population and the strength of the nation.
30. We are, of course, not the only country engaged in this task of national development. In Africa, in Latin America, in other parts of Asia, and among our neighbours in South East Asia, concerted national effort is being geared to this paramount task. Each country will naturally choose the best method to suit its own particular conditions and needs. Inevitably, differences will exist in different countries as to the methods of achieving these economic and social objectives. Be that as it may, in a region such as South East Asia, where all the countries are on more or less the same level of economic and social development and each of them individually engaged in its own programme of national advancement, some form of economic, social mid cultural co-operation which would facilitate constant exchange of ideas, skills and knowledge would seem desirable in order to achieve maximum results. This is a form of regional cooperation which we maintain is workable despite such differences in political and economic system as may exist. We have therefore already for some considerable time been constantly giving our thoughts and consideration to initiating, jointly with some of our neighbouring countries in South East Asia, a plan of regional co-operation of this kind.
31. I would like to turn to another aspect of international co-operation which is vital to the economic well-being of under-developed countries. Like most under-developed countries, the Federation of Malaya still depends a great deal for its livelihood on the earnings of its primary commodities which, in this case, are rubber and tin. In view of our great dependence on the exports of primary commodities for the financing of a steady and sustained programme of economic development, we are greatly concerned about the fluctuations in the prices of these commodities. For this reason we regard it as highly desirable to have international commodity agreements aimed at stabilizing the prices of primary commodities on which the economies of the under-developed countries greatly depend.
32. With regard to tin, as representatives are aware, there is already an International Tin Agreement, concluded in 1953, with the object of minimizing fluctuations in the price of tin for the benefit of both producers and consumers. Malaya is a party to the Agreement, and I am glad to say that it has demonstrated to the world at large that the Agreement has worked very effectively in achieving a measure of stability in the price of tin. My country is particularly happy that a new Agreement has been reached at the recent United Nations Tin Conference and will come into force at the expiration of the present Agreement. This reflects the satisfaction of the members of the present Agreement, both producers and consumers, with the benefits and effectiveness of the Tin Agreement in bring about stability in the world price of tin.
33. We appreciate that it is very difficult to establish an international price stabilization scheme in respect of rubber, but we are very pleased to note that the International Rubber Study Group, which held its fifteenth meeting recently at Kuala Lumpur, in their communiqué accepted the importance of greater stability of the price of natural rubber to both producers and consumers and to countries whose economies are largely dependent on the production of natural rubber, and that the Group directed its Management Committee to study the various possible measures to reduce the excessive fluctuations in the price of natural rubber. We are looking forward to the results of the Committee's study and recommendations.
34. If I have dwelt, though briefly, on our own problems of national development, it is not for any other reason than to show how much importance we attach to the economic and social welfare of our people. As a young nation, we have yet a long way to go to catch up with the rest of the world. In these days of staggering technological and scientific achievements, the task facing the under-developed countries, of closing the gap between their present state of under-development and their objective of economic and social contentment, becomes ever more difficult. It will take time. But the problem must be tackled, and tackled both by the efforts of the individual countries themselves and by international co-operation, either bilateral or under the aegis of the United Nations and its specialized agencies. To a large measure the peace of the world will depend on the success achieved in closing this gap. The more the gap widens, the more discontent there will be among nations, and the greater will be the danger to world stability. And yet, on the other hand, the success of raising living standards the world over will largely, in its turn, depend on the prevalence of sustained conditions of world peace and stability.
35. That is why we of the smaller nations attach the greatest importance to the deliberations of the Assembly at this session, where grave issues of war or peace, of total annihilation or survival, of oppression or freedom are at stake. My delegation will play its part towards the success of this session. We in this Assembly are here as representatives of hundreds of millions of people of the world who have placed their complete trust in our hands, and in this Assembly. I am comforted by this awareness. The whole world is hoping and praying that we shall succeed. The conduct of this session and its outcome may well determine whether we, mankind, will survive in peace and freedom.