I beg the President's indulgence to renew the sincerest expression of congratulations from my delegation upon his election to the Presidency of this Assembly. So wise a choice by the members of this Assembly, with which I associate myself wholeheartedly, is but the recognition of his great personal merits and distinguished experience and service in the work of this Organization, as well as the testimony of our trust in his ability to conduct the proceedings of the fifteenth Session of the Assembly with the tact and statesmanship which are the gifts of his personality,
2. I also avail myself of this opportunity to recall, with, gratitude and admiration, the outstanding services of the outgoing President, Mr. Victor A. Belaúnde, who presided with much wisdom and dedication over the fourteenth regular session of the Assembly and the fourth emergency special session.
3. This session of the Assembly is gathered at a time when the international atmosphere appears heavily clouded, the dissensions of the cold war carried anew to a degree of bitterness and intensity which leave us with the discouraging conviction that the world today, more than ever, is travelling on a path of precarious and uneasy peace. Despite the constant anxiety for harmony and peace — an anxiety which springs forth in one single voice from the hearts of all peoples — the dangerous political turmoil which has been the constant companion of the nations of the world during the last few years became still more inflamed lately by new and stormy winds. The general outlook is now quite different from the rays of hope which had emerged on the international horizon during the last session of the Assembly, Then, even the less optimistic minds found a degree of encouragement, and that encouragement had shaped a constructive expectation. Notwithstanding the great difficulties of the task, it then appeared possible to build a foundation and intermediate points of support leading to the solution of the grave problems at the root of the tension besieging humanity. But such rays of hope were soon to vanish in a smoke of discord, precisely at a time when the peoples of the world had grown more tired than ever of expressions of hatred and mistrust, fear and bitterness, poisoning the international scene.
4. I shall not attempt to examine the regrettable causes of the present situation, nor will I make accusations or name responsibilities. Quite to the contrary, I believe that in the grave moment through which we are passing, everyone coming to this rostrum carries with him what I would call a moral mandate to inspire himself in the high principles of the Charter, the inspiration to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. My delegation for one, will not offer words of acrimony, as we shall refuse, either by action, speech or vote, to add fire to the international tensions. We shall endeavour to calm, rather than to excite. In this spirit — the spirit of tolerance and harmony of the Charter — my delegation will not incite peoples to rebellion; will not collaborate in schemes designed to undermine the very foundations of the United Nations; will not attack the structures of other States, the dignity of which may have taken centuries to build. We shall respect the rights and vital interests of others with the same vigour we reserve to defend our own. We shall endeavour, with honest purpose, to participate in the constructive work of the Assembly, as we have done in years past. We offer our contribution in the sincere hope that the benefits of wisdom, common sense, tolerance and harmony will at last prevail. What ocher road is there to the survival and dignity of man?
5. My delegation firmly believes that the essential problem is and will always be to achieve reconciliation of the multiple interests of the States Members of this Organization, starting perhaps from the constructive premise that humanity is our common heritage, find that this undeniable truth lends every one of us what we might call a common soul.
6. For our part — I am referring now to my country — we shall not find it difficult to follow that creed of harmony. Portugal is a nation devoted to the practice of peace, seeking the roads of progress, without excessive ambitions for high standards of living which our own resources would not permit. We are faithful to our friends — the many countries and peoples which have become our friends in the course of our long history, and our hearts are always open to new ones. Towards the many peoples having geographic contact with us, we have specially tried, and we shall always try, to maintain a policy and a spirit of good neighbours. We do not disturb the peace anywhere in the world; the alliances with which we are connected, and to which we are faithful, are strictly defensive. We loyally and constructively co-operate in most of the international bodies, in our sincere desire that such international organizations may bring forth a betterment of the living conditions of all peoples. With hard work, we are improving the welfare of our own people, no matter which continent they live on, avoiding as much as possible requesting foreign assistance; and this, in part, because we do not wish to harm or hinder the more pressing needs of others.
7. When we are victims of unjust attacks and false accusations, generally coming from forces dedicated to subversion and international agitation — or inspired by ill-founded and illegitimate claims — or even from parties who have not yet understood that the ancient Portuguese nation, owing to its historical foundations and politico-social structure, is a case unique in the world — we repudiate such attacks or accusations with firmness and dignity, but we always try to reply with calm and serenity. After all, our attackers or would- be attackers, when they are sincere in their motives, are often moved by a lamentable ignorance of the reality of our history, of our problems, of our objectives and intentions.
8. The real effective practice by all of use of the principles inscribed in the Charter of the United Nations, or even the faithful notions deriving from such principles, could provide the remedies for the ills afflicting the world. In our efforts to practice tolerance toward one another, we should develop a better understanding of each other's position, as well as a badly needed mutual respect. Refraining from attempts to interfere in, or exert pressure on, the internal affairs or vital interests of others, and renouncing the use or threat of force, are inalienable parts of that spirit of tolerance envisaged by the Charter, which accepts only peaceful methods to settle differences. None of these notions is new. Yet the inability or slowness of some members of the community of nations to adhere to these principles is responsible for the steps backward which the world has been making in the question of international trust and security. It is then imperative that we revert to the simple principles of tolerance and mutual respect, before it is too late, if we are ever to attain the solid ground which will lead to a real peace, under the law, with justice for all.
9. Inevitably, this trend of thought brings me to the problem of disarmament — the gravest and most difficult challenge facing this Organization, as well as the peoples and governments of the world. Today, in everyone's mind, the road to disarmament is inseparable from the dream, of a peaceful future.
10. We all know the intricate difficulties surrounding the problem, as we know that peace and disarmament are reciprocal notions. That reciprocity is a condition that no responsible government can ignore, unless it wishes to risk or gamble with the security of its people. The crux of the matter is therefore to attain disarmament with self-preservation, disarmament with security for all countries of the world.
11. We believe, as so many other delegations do, that it has become desperately urgent to resume the disarmament negotiations. The present arms race, based on weapons which offer mankind the capacity to destroy itself, places the future of the world at the edge of a vast nothingness. If it is true that such weapons render totally absurd the idea of a third world war, it is also true that the fallibility of man is still with us, and that a human miscalculation can easily lead to the absurd. Logic may govern our reasoning but it does not always govern our actions. Every government agrees that the resources used in the process of piling up the tools of destruction could and should be used through peaceful channels for the economic and social benefit of humanity, and yet the piling up of armaments by the great Powers goes on, and it will go on until disarmament with security will be achieved. The civilization of man on earth was the result of thousands of years of painful toil and slow advancement, yet, now that things are moving at almost insane speed toward the edge of the precipice, we allow our thoughts to ponder on the danger while our actions do little or nothing to halt it.
12. The fear of surprise attack lurks upon the horizon of our daily lives. The production of fissionable materials for military uses goes on uncontrolled. Negotiations for the suspension of nuclear tests have made encouraging progress but they still need much effort to reach final and positive results. These are questions closely linked to the issue of true disarmament, and they must be solved with urgency. The greater the technical development of weapons the more difficult it will be to implement controlled platforms of disarmament.
13. Hence the urgency of taking into serious consideration, without delay, any and all proposals which would lead to balanced disarmament as regards both nuclear and conventional weapons and provide simultaneously systems of reciprocal and effective inspection. As the arms race rapidly approaches a point of no return, it might be tragic if our global efforts to push forward realistic disarmament negotiations should again fail. The first great service in this direction would be to insulate the disarmament negotiations from political propaganda, and the long list of previous failures should not be permitted to cast the seeds of discouragement upon the new attempts at agreement. Certainly human nature has provided some of the causes for the failures of the past. Let us hope now, with candour and with prayer, that the same human nature will give us — particularly the great Powers — the clear realization that the next choice on disarmament might very well be the ultimate choice between the light of the day and the darkness of an interminable night.
14. The critical question of disarmament also brings to the fore the problem of the peaceful uses of outer space. Here, one would expect, there is an issue susceptible of uniting every country of the world with the same working zeal and willingness to go hand in hand. Actually, at this stage in the exploration of outer space, it is difficult to imagine any conflict of interests or ideology. Yet the course of events during the long year past has not justified even relative optimism on the matter. No progress whatever has been achieved which would tend to allay the fears arising from the possible military uses of outer space. Similarly, no progress has been made towards international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space, badly needed if all countries of the world are to benefit from the advancement of science in that direction. Here again, the issue at stake is of such magnitude and importance, not just for a small group of countries but for all countries, that we might again be courting disaster If man should be allowed to penetrate outer space carrying with him his earthly quarrels and dissensions. Therefore, it becomes equally urgent to reach international agreements on the prohibition of military uses of outer space and on the exploration of technical means to use the new discoveries for peaceful purposes and the common good. If all the nations of the world would work in earnest, collectively, on a basis of absolutely equal rights, in response to the great challenge represented by the idea of outer space, perhaps much of the bitterness now dividing the world would gradually appear in a different perspective-smaller in true content, and possibly much easier to dispel.
15. Among the major political problems of the moment the crisis in the Congo (Leopoldville) continues to figure prominently. It is with the utmost concern that Portugal has been following the difficulties faced by the new Republic of the Congo. We earnestly hope such difficulties will be of a temporary character. The Portuguese people hold the sincerest feelings of friendship and understanding towards that new Republic, the independence of which we recognized the very day it was proclaimed — fittingly, I would say, for we are one of the Congo’s closest and oldest neighbours, having with it long and continuous borders.
16. The United Nations has been called upon to play an extremely difficult role in helping the Congo through its present crisis. It Is imperative then to draw on the goodwill of all Member States and the wisdom of the Assembly to enable the United Nations to safeguard that new and struggling country from becoming a battleground of the cold war. This is an indispensable condition to help the Republic of the Congo towards a future of happiness and progress which, we sincerely hope, will come soon.
17. In this emergency the Secretary-General and all those who have been helping him to bring to the Congo the requested assistance, have proceeded with great wisdom and ability, despite the many difficulties encountered, and they certainly command our respect and admiration. For that reason, I avail myself of this opportunity to extend to the Secretary-General the good wishes of my delegation for continued success in his untiring efforts in the cause of peace.
18. For my delegation it is a particular pleasure in this general debate to renew the words of welcome I voiced a few days ago [865th meeting] when the new African countries and the new State of Cyprus were admitted as Members of the Organization. To all of them we reaffirm our best wishes for a future of progress and increasing prosperity. My country is looking forward to enjoying the friendliest relations with the new States, inspired, as we should all be, by feelings of mutual trust and respect.
19. It is in this spirit of warm friendship that my country consistently endeavours to cement close relations with all peaceful nations of the world. A recent example of this policy is the fact that during the current year of 1960 Portugal has had the honour of playing host to many distinguished Heads of State. I refer to the visits of President Sukarno of Indonesia, President Eisenhower of the United States, the King and Queen of Nepal, the King and Queen of Thailand, and the visit of President Kubitschek de Oliveira of Brazil. The last was an occasion of particular significance to the Luso-Brazilian community, because President Kubitschek came to preside, with the President of Portugal, over the commemorations of the fifth centenary of the death of Prince Henry the Navigator. Many countries likewise paid homage to that great historical figure, who contributed so much to the bringing together of the different civilizations and peoples of the world.
20. As some of the speakers on this rostrum, acting rather emotionally, have thought it fit to offer derogatory and unjust remarks on the subject of the Portuguese Overseas Provinces, I consider it necessary to detain the attention of the Assembly for a few moments on this topic. To those who are not completely wrung by passion or by preconceived ideas intolerant of the truth, I shall attempt to explain, as briefly as possible, the nature and the spirit of what the Portuguese nation is.
21. The fundamental ideal inspiring the Portuguese discoveries of centuries past, and the work that subsequently followed, was to spread the ideals of Christianity and bring the many worthy factors of western civilization in contact with other civilizations and cultures flourishing in the lands beyond the seas. In the course of that process the integration of our overseas peoples in the unity of the Portuguese nation followed naturally, thanks mainly to a total absence of racial discrimination on our part and policies of mutual understanding. This has always been the essential feature of our character as well as the keystone of our collective work, a work which progressed on the basis of mutual tolerance, creating a common moral climate in the mainland and overseas, inspired as it was by feelings of universal brotherhood and respect for the dignity of man.
22. Consequently, instead of adopting a policy of domination or forced education, paternalistic as it might have been — which would have shaped overseas an independent and foreign society — the Portuguese, owing principally to their very outlook, their multiracial ancestry — in which the Arab and Berber elements were quite prominent — their instinctive feelings of brotherhood for the new peoples they encountered, and even perhaps by design of fate, the Portuguese, for five long centuries, joined and blended with the peoples they had contacted overseas, forming with them the elements which were to become part of the same national entity. At no time was the creation of this morally united motherland ever obstructed or tormented by racial or religious differences or by the separation of the lands composing the whole. Thus, a "unique” nation — and I am using the term "unique" advisedly and in good faith — was formed and grew in the four corners of the Earth. Such geographical separation notwithstanding, when the discerning eyes of the impartial observer look at the various components of the nation, he will find in every one of them the common feeling that it is Portugal — in the institutions of life as well as in the minds, hearts and habits of the people.
23. Laws of the Portuguese Government, dating back to the early seventeenth century, were inspired by the concept of equality of rights, regardless of place of birth, religion or race. Article 5 of the present Constitution of Portugal, enacted in 1933, which followed the unalterable tradition of the Portuguese constitutional laws of the previous centuries, defines the national territory as an indivisible unit, placing all its parts on a plane of equality. Manifestly, it is not a new juridical conception, nor is it an act of political expediency. It is, oh the contrary, the very essence of a nation which was born, grew and defined itself long ago in several continents, unhindered by considerations of race, religion, social origins or castes. This unitary political structure, embodied in the fundamental laws of the country, and thus much older than the movements of modem constitutionalism, was expressed in all the Portuguese constitutional texts, namely the Constitutions of 1822, 1832, 1842 and 1911, whence it took its present shape. It may be added that Portugal, with its overseas components, is an older political unity than most modem European countries. In this connexion, it is appropriate to quote, as an example, an early seventeenth century ruling of the Royal Council: "Goa and the other lands overseas with whose Governments this Council is concerned are not distinct nor separate from this realm, nor yet do they belong to it by union, but they are members of the same realm as is the Algarve and any of the provinces of Alentejo and Entre-Douro-e-Minho,.. and thus he who is born and lives in Goa or in Brazil or in Angola is just as much a Portuguese as he who lives and is born in Lisbon."
24. To the territorial unity there corresponds an absolute unity of the Portuguese people who make up an example, certainly unusual, of an equalitarian multi-racial society — the acquisition of Portuguese nationality being ruled by one single law which applies equally to everyone, as provided by article 7 of the Constitution.
25. As far as we are concerned, there is not the slightest question: the Portuguese Overseas Provinces are independent with the same independence as the nation. We are dealing with historical facts, for which it would be vain to seek adaptation to alien political philosophies or outside standards of measurement.
26. We certainly deny and protest solemnly against the falsehood of the accusations made here against us. We are proud of the unceasing toil and work that for nearly five centuries of common history we have devoted to our Overseas Provinces — it has been a work of maintaining order, organizing community life, promoting economic development, providing education, investing capital, raising living standards. The accusations against Portugal contained in a paper recently circulated by a delegation well known for its special affinity for attempting to discredit countries or peoples who refuse to gravitate around its political system — such accusations, I was saying, leave us unimpressed. We know well enough what their partisan aims are. As for ourselves, our conscience is clear. Our respect and faithfulness to the work and noble efforts of many generations of Portuguese are more important to us than the propaganda literature distributed by that delegation in this Assembly.
27. However, one thing is certain: at least, the progress and development which we. brought and are still bringing into our Overseas Provinces was not and is not achieved by methods repugnant to the conscience of mankind, nor by violations of human rights. We have not and we will not achieve progress through imposed human suffering, annihilation of classes or communities, or restrictions on the human right to live and breathe. We could never follow such methods, for we treasure, above all, the dignity of man.
28. The accusation concerning so-called forced labour in Portuguese Africa is a case in point. Individual freedom in connexion with work is one of the fundamental principles inscribed in the Portuguese Constitution and in all our labour laws. Anyone wishing to do so can read or consult them. These are our laws and, needless to say, the law determines our administrative practice, Portugal has also ratified the two ILO conventions on the abolition of forced labour, and we did not need to alter our domestic laws to respect the provisions of these conventions. The assertions made against us on this matter generally originate from sources which have as their proved aim the disruption and subversion of other societies. It is true that occasionally such subversive sources do manage to confuse well-meaning people whose "naiveté" is open to exploitation by propaganda. Unfortunately, this sort of thing is not new; it has happened to many other countries of the world,
29. It might be pertinent to recall that from 30 November to 10 December 1959, Portugal had the honour of being host at Luanda, Angola, to the First Session of the African Advisory Committee of the ILO. This was the first meeting on African soil of the oldest specialized agency of the United Nations: the International Labour Organisation. More than 600 delegates — from government, employer and trade union circles — then had the opportunity to observe Portuguese life in the Overseas Provinces. No restrictions were imposed upon the delegates; they saw what they wished to see and they observed what they wished to observe. Some of those delegates are now members of delegations to the present session of the General Assembly, I am confident that, judging not only by the work of the Committee but also by what its members saw in complete freedom of movement, those delegates who were at Luanda will do us justice. Some of them had come to that meeting in doubt. But they all recognized the absence of racial discrimination or forced labour, as they also saw the lack of foundation for so many of the accusations made against my country. Our borders are open for anyone to come and see in good faith. The meeting of the African Advisory Committee of the ILO is concrete proof of it.
30. The accusations and bitterness voiced by some speakers against Portugal — where do they originate? Certainly not from the peoples whose interests they purport to defend. How can these bitter outside critics explain that, in the Portuguese community, there is peace from the Cape Verde Islands, in the South Atlantic, to Timor, in Oceania? They can see for themselves the tranquil life of the populations — and it is not a tranquillity imposed by force of arms. We are not, as everyone here will agree, a heavily armed nation, nor do we have militaristic inclinations. How is it then that we can traverse the entire length of Angola and Mozambique, with no other aid than the goodwill of the people and their brotherly help? Fundamentally, it is a fact that they consider themselves to be Portuguese and have no desire to be otherwise. This eloquent fact — which our detractors find it difficult to admit despite the evidence — shows the danger of trying to project the whole of cur national task against narrow patterns, no matter how popular they may be.
31. It signifies that there is a work of human understanding and sympathy which, from generation to generation, builds up an interracial contact that is invaluable. This is not just our conviction; it is our way of being, so that even if spiritual values are being degraded by a civilization which is becoming too materialistic, we shall continue to take them into account. The nature of recent events in time and space may have destroyed some illusions, but it has not altered one fact which we consider to be permanent in our overseas history; that is, that when free from malevolent outside influences, the Portuguese people, of whatever race, colour or creed or geographic location, do not usually go astray, but they go their way in peace. In any case, we shall remain vigilant against those who, from the outside, and moved by selfish purposes of their own, may attempt to disrupt the calm, the order and the work in the Portuguese Overseas Provinces.
32. At this point, I must confess that it was painful for me to hear the President of Ghana saying that what he called [869th meeting], probably in a facetious vein, "the Portuguese arrangement" was repugnant to any concept of African freedom. It appears then that the President of Ghana shares a political philosophy ‘according to which African freedom is incompatible, and cannot coexist, with multi-racial countries or societies, free as they may be, on account of some kind of inevitable conflict of races and cultures. The gravity of such a concept is undeniable, particularly when applied to the African continent where so many multi-racial societies and countries exist. For our part, we repudiate any concept of racial exclusiveness. Throughout our history, we have always rejected racialism, either ethnically, culturally or politically, and we are not prepared to accept it now, despite the meaning we read into the words of the President of Ghana.
33. In his speech before the Assembly [886th meeting], the representative of Spain, Mr. de Lequerica, made reference to an article by the great historian, Arnold, Toynbee, in The New York Times Magazine of 7 August 1960, under the title, "A War of Races? No." In that article the perceptive analyst of history — who is interested in facts, not in propaganda- demonstrates the unique contribution of the Portuguese, Spanish and Moslem peoples in building international harmony among all the races and peoples of the world. I should like to quote a passage from the Toynbee thesis: "… Walk about the streets of Lisbon. You will see there people with Goanese and African blood in their veins. But it is evident that they feel themselves to be Portuguese and are felt to be Portuguese by their European-blooded fellow citizens. "Add together the Spanish and Portuguese-speaking peoples and the Moslem peoples. They amount to a large portion of the human race. In them, I believe, we can see ’the wave of the future’."
34. The Foreign Minister of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) made a few references yesterday [891st meeting] to the Portuguese territory of Cabinda which has common borders with his own country as well as well as with the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville). He read to us a letter said to have been addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations by a group of individuals who live in Brazzaville — therefore, not on Portuguese territory — in which certain accusations were made against the Portuguese administration. We do know that there are in Brazzaville certain foreign or denationalized elements serving subversive organizations — organizations which use these persons because they have not been successful in recruiting agents in Portuguese territory. I certainly do not intend to discuss here with the Foreign Minister of the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) the problems of our internal, administration, for the same reason that I do not believe he would appreciate it if I should be so bold as to interfere in the internal administration of his own country.
35. However, I must say that the problems of Cabinda are similar to the problems of many other underdeveloped areas, and this type of problem is familiar to a large number of Members of this Organization. Cabinda is a very small territory with a population of approximately 40,000 persons, and is a part of the Mayombe forest region — an extremely dense forest which is very difficult to penetrate and explore. Therefore, Cabinda’s communication problems are naturally of primary importance, and it is precisely those problems which we are tackling now, thanks to a very considerable allocation of 66 million escudos under our Development Plan.
36. It is possible that Cabinda, situated as it is at some distance from the mainland of the Province of Angola, has not developed as fast as other districts of the Province — a development which the Foreign Minister of the Congo himself acknowledged. Yet the situation in Cabinda is far from that pictured by the letter on which the Foreign Minister based his intervention. I will mention only two examples, and this in deference to the Foreign Minister, Contrary to the allegation that there was only one hospital and no maternity facilities in Cabinda, there are in fact three hospitals, one maternity centre, and sixteen auxiliary health centres and laboratories. Contrary to the allegation that there was no port at Cabinda, there are in fact two ports, and a third modem port is planned. None the less, during 1958 over 300 ships, of which eighty were of heavy tonnage, called at the two existing ports.
37. It is understandable that the Foreign Minister of the Congo should not be familiar with the facts I have pointed out, for his main concern is naturally with the affairs of his own country. But he will forgive me, I hope, if I remind him that sources of information such as the one he quoted are often not reliable. Such unreliability becomes serious when the accusation is a grave one. This brings me to the alleged disturbance in Cabinda. It appears, indeed, that the same subversive forces which criminally attempt to disturb the peace in the Portuguese Provinces from the outside have fabricated a hair-raising tale. The report or rumour which the Foreign Minister has mentioned is entirely without foundation in fact. An official communique from my Government denies unequivocally that there has been any incident in Cabinda which would justify such accusations. In other words, the report of disturbances with loss of life in Cabinda is completely false, and is without the slightest factual foundation or relation to any incident. It is my sincere hope that the Foreign Minister of the Congo will feel reassured by this complete and unhesitating denial by my Government.
38. I should like now to turn my attention briefly to some economic facts which I consider highly pertinent to this general debate. With its second development plan, extending from 1959 to 1964, Portugal is engaged in a very intense effort of economic development with the primary objectives of improving the standard of living of the people and expanding the opportunities of employment for a growing population. Aiming at a much faster rate of production and a better distribution of income, the plan provides for investments to a total of 31,000 million escudos throughout all the national territories, with particular emphasis on the less developed provinces of Alentejo in Europe, Angola and Mozambique in Africa, and Timor in Oceania. The plan, with the respective investments, has been in operation for nearly two years. It must be pointed out that the investments it prescribes represent but one-third of the total sum expected to be invested during the five-year period.
39. A development of this magnitude for the financing capacity of a small country demands the mobilization of all available national resources, and in addition it will be necessary to secure large amounts of foreign capital, a reason why Portugal has recently become a member of the International Bank for Reconstruction and .Development and the International Monetary Fund. Indeed, Portugal looks favourably upon the investment of foreign capital in any part of its territory, as We believe that — notwithstanding assistance by international organizations — private capital, attracted by the conditions of stability and solvency that we offer, will be perhaps the major factor for the advancement of our development and industrialization. But capital is not enough; the new plants and enterprises being established require various aspects of technical assistance from the outside.
40. We have, however, a realistic notion of the difficulties and problems arising from so ambitious a development plan. It is not sufficient to make investments, large as they may be. Equally important is the need to break through the vicious circles and bottlenecks existing in deeply-rooted social-economic structures, as well as to contend with outworn mental attitudes in economic thinking. More than the simple construction of factories and the forging of new tools, the process of economic growth demands a new outlook--a change of many attitudes on the part of the men called upon to assist in the development. It is with this notion in mind that we may unhesitatingly say that the problem of economic development is, in essence, a problem of education — the completion of which requires, unfortunately, a considerable length of time.
41. Engaged in this great development programme, Portugal was none the less compelled to accept the inevitable consequences of the new arrangements in the economic structure of Europe. Although we are in the midst of our industrialization effort, we lowered customs protection — with a subsequent decrease of customs revenue — on entering the European Free Trade Association. Furthermore, the international market situation for some of our basic exports remains unfavourable, while on our domestic market we suffer the competition of products from highly industrialized sources abroad.
42. These are some of the great and many difficulties which my country is facing in its determined effort to improve the conditions of life and the welfare of its population everywhere. It is, then, with the greatest understanding and sympathy that we look upon the worthy initiatives of the United Nations to encourage and assist the under-developed countries which thirst for progress. But it is precisely because we are engaged in such a tremendous task of development ourselves that we find it difficult to increase our material participation to the extent we would desire in the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and in the Special Fund. We give these programmes our full moral support and, within the limits of our capacity, we are actively co-operating with the regular programme of technical assistance — as is evidenced by the scholarships we grant to foreign students and technicians to work at the national laboratories of civil engineering in Lisbon, or the valuable assistance Portuguese technicians have been rendering in the fields of tropical medicine and phytopathology.
43. As we believe in regional economic co-operation we have become a member of the European Free Trade Association, although that partnership brings my country a number of serious difficulties in its process of industrialization. We participate also in the Development Assistance Group established by the United States with the objective of encouraging investments to promote a greater social and economic development of the under-developed areas of Africa.
44. We are following with great interest the work of the Economic Commission for Africa. We have participated in its meetings and we are giving it our sincere and unreserved co-operation and shall continue to do so, as we believe that it will bring many benefits to that continent. We are in favour of concentrated action in that field which can be specially useful at this juncture. Every year we are granting many scholarships for the specialization of African graduate students, and we are pleased to note that graduate students from Ghana, Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia have applied.
45. Speaking of regional co-operation — and although my country is not directly connected with it — I would like to make a reference to Operation Pan America, which, in the opinion of my Government, represents one of the most commendable regional programmes in the economic sphere of our modern world. Indeed, the Operation Pan America which was originally conceived by the President of Brazil, and which has recently created a solid structure, is an eloquent example of how the countries of a continent, moved by sentiments of justice and love for the people, have given their wholehearted support to a common cause.
46. I have attempted to outline my country's position vis-à-vis the great issue of our day: the search for peace. I have also attempted to give the Assembly a fair notion of the tremendous, though unpublicized, economic effort in which the Portuguese nation is engaged. And I have also been forced to correct and place in their proper perspective the unjust attacks which my country has suffered from this rostrum.
47. Portugal has a long history of hard work and achievement with limited resources. Our contribution to civilization and to the progress of mankind is positive. We have always had the ability and the will to live in peace with all peoples of the world, regardless of race, colour or creed. We are solvent, we work hard; we never interfere in the internal affairs of others, and we have never tried to impose our thinking on those who may differ from us.
48. All we ask from the Assembly, particularly from those Members who chose to attack us on what they consider our ills — while, I dare say, neglecting their own ills — is that they let us go on with our work in peace, as we let them go on with theirs. We sincerely believe that the test of history is a wiser counsellor than the emotion of the moment. In an impartial analysis, the wise counsellor supports our view that passion and intolerance, even though springing from apparently sincere convictions, will bring evil rather than good to the world. We hold this to be true and of essential interest to all of us in this Organization — indeed, it is in the very spirit of our Charter.