I welcome this opportunity to offer the President my sincere congratulations on his election to his high office. Knowing his competence, experience and integrity, I feel confident that he will successfully discharge his difficult and burdensome duties at this important session of the General Assembly.
96. At this stage of our deliberations I shall confine my remarks mainly to two topics: first, the functioning and the activities of the United Nations, which have been subject to such severe criticism during this debate? secondly, the question of disarmament where, more than ever before, progress is imperative.
97. To assess the functioning and activities of the United Nations, let me briefly review some aspects of its work and achievements during the recent past. For the last few years the most important task of the United Nations has been to prevent political unrest and ferment of a local character from spreading geographically and developing into conflicts of a wider scope. Let me recall only the Suez crisis in 1956, the situation in Lebanon and Jordan in 1958, or the difficulties which Laos has had to face, and is still facing.
98. This task of limiting conflicts remains of overriding significance. A timely entrance of the United Nations on the scene tends to prevent a conflict becoming an issue in the contest between the major ideological or Power groupings of the world — adding new difficulties and increasing the sufferings of the people in the area.
99. In this context the Norwegian Government feels compelled to consider anew what realistic assistance the United Nations can render in the tragic situation in Algeria, with a view to the speedy and peaceful implementation of the agreed principle of self-determination.
100. The Security Council has of late again been actively engaged in endeavours to maintain peace and security and in assisting in the peaceful settlement of political differences. This is as it should be. It is indeed in full conformity with the Charter.
101. The gravity of the race conflict in South Africa has led the Security Council to the conclusion that racial problems may be of a sufficiently serious character to endanger peace and security. Such problems may therefore be of legitimate concern to the Council — a development which represents an important new feature of the Organization's work. The Norwegian Government looks upon the situation in the Union of South Africa and in South West Africa with grave and increasing concern. We sincerely hope that our Organization can render effective assistance.
102. The second major task of the United Nations is to co-operate with Member States in their economic and social development and in the educational and administrative fields. In the last few years the Organization's programmes for economic and technical assistance have been expanded at a more rapid rate than before. Member States have generally come to recognize that assistance in solving the problems of the many countries in the early stages of economic growth is a task of first priority. It may well be considered the key to that integrated and balanced development of the society of nations for which we strive.
103. Economic assistance through the United Nations or through bilateral arrangements may, however, in fact be of little avail unless the countries producing primary commodities are secured reasonable marketing possibilities for their products. The Norwegian Government holds the view that the industrialized countries of the world must take due account of this fact. We should therefore pursue liberal import policies; strive for sustained economic growth; avoid as far as possible, temporary reductions in our economic activity, and intensify our efforts to establish a scheme for the stabilization of commodity prices.
104. Turning back to aid activities in the narrow sense, the United Nations has developed a network of specialized agencies which can point to considerable achievement. It may well be that certain improvements are called for, as regards the administrative set-ups created for this purpose and their interrelationship. The vastness of the tasks with which these United Nations agencies are faced — I give as an instance the present problems in the Congo (Leopoldville) — may well justify a review of the machinery in order to achieve a higher degree of co-ordination.
105. I think, however, it is important to keep in mind that the crucial problem in this context is the question of increasing the financial resources available, which means calling for greater contributions from Member States. In view of the urgency of this problem, the Norwegian Government is fully prepared to make more funds available for these various United Nations programmes. It is our sincere hope that this burden will be equitably shared by all Member nations.
106. At this session of the Assembly we have so far unanimously admitted sixteen new Members. Tomorrow we will, I am sure, all of us welcome the Federation of Nigeria. By desiring membership, these new States have shown their positive interest in the United Nations. They have stated their intent to take an active part in the work of the Organization and in particular their interest in its technical and economic programmes.
107. We are at present witnessing how the States of Africa, inspired by a natural feeling of solidarity, tackle their own problems and co-ordinate their participation in the world community. The Norwegian Government welcomes these efforts. It is our belief that the present basic structure of the United Nations in no way impedes this development.
108. We have also noted with great interest the determination shown by the new States to make the United Nations the main forum for presenting their views on world affairs. Not least on this basis do I welcome our new Member States, on behalf of the Government of Norway, and declare our sincere desire to co-operate with our new colleagues.
109. One of these new States is, to our great regret, not yet represented in this hall. I refer to the Republic of the Congo, with Leopoldville as its capital, I shall not attempt to deal with the reasons for the unhappy situation prevailing in that country. I take this opportunity, however, to state that my Government has been greatly impressed by the effective and speedy action through which the United Nations — under the most difficult circumstances and at very short notice — initiated an operation of a magnitude and scope so far unknown. We consider that the direction of this operation by the Secretary-General has been based on a correct interpretation of the resolutions of the Security Council, Thereby a foundation has been established for a programme for United Nations assistance which, there is reason to hope, may help the Congolese people to consolidate their political institutions and develop before long an administrative framework able to safeguard the independence and integrity of the Congo. I think I am right in submitting that the activities , the United Nations have expanded in full conformity with the provisions of the Charter. The main bodies of the Organization — the General Assembly, the Councils, the Secretariat — and the specialized agencies have proved able, under changing circumstances, to implement the Purposes and the Principles of the United Nations as set forth in the Charter.
111. In particular we have noted with satisfaction the Organization's ability to augment and strengthen its machinery to meet requirements as they arise, without deviating from the basic interrelationship between the main bodies of the Organization, as laid down in the Charter. It will therefore be understood that I associate myself fully with the view expressed [880th meeting] by the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, that our efforts to improve and strengthen the Organization should be a process of gradual improvement and expansion, and that we should not drastically tear apart what we now have and embark on a major revision of the Charter, A universal organization like the United Nations must accept the existence of divergent interests between Members or groups of Members. I think, however, we should beware of allowing these divergent interests to affect the work of the Organization to a greater degree than real circumstances warrant.
112. In the light of the violent criticism voiced against the Secretary-General, I am particularly glad to have this opportunity to pay unreserved tribute to his initiative, his firm leadership and, above all, his impartiality in handling the situation in the Congo. As a representative of one of the small nations in the Assembly, I would like to endorse wholeheartedly the statement Mr. Hammarskjold made on Monday 3 October [883rd meeting] on his position as the chief executive officer of the Organization.
113. I turn now to disarmament, where another year has passed without agreement on any single specific measure. We are still without agreed technical standards for effective international control and verification. We have made no progress in the field of zones of inspection, which is so closely linked with the fear of surprise attack.
114. Once again there has been demonstrated the intimate link which exists between international “détente” and mutual confidence, on the one hand, and possibilities of making progress towards disarmament, on the other. When tension is mounting and the international climate deteriorating, all nations — small as well as large — are forced to increase preparedness and military expenditures. In short, we are forced away from disarmament.
115. This interrelationship became very apparent in May and June this year. A number of plans and proposals had been introduced by both sides in the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. These plans and proposals had certain features in common. There were other elements where the distance between the parties did not appear to be insurmountable.
116. The conditions for rapid and large-scale disarmament were perhaps not the best. Nevertheless the Ten-Nation Committee seemed to be about to start on a realistic process of negotiation. We had hoped that the next step would be detailed discussions of a technical nature, and in particular of those elements of the general plans submitted by the parties where the differences appeared to be limited. We further hoped that an atmosphere of calm could be brought about, conducive to meaningful negotiations, without constant publicity and temptations to indulge in propaganda. We had noted with satisfaction that all parties to the disarmament talks had emphasized their intention to press on with the negotiations. It will be under- stood therefore, that when these negotiations were brought to collapse, it caused deep disappointment in my country, the more so since one of the parties was about to present new proposals in the light of the views that had already been advanced in the Committee.
117. We believe that the first and most immediate contribution this Assembly can make is to re-establish suitable machinery for the resumption of negotiations. The Norwegian Government holds no absolute views regarding the composition of such machinery. Our attitude to the Ten-Nation Committee was determined by the fact that the four major Powers themselves had agreed on its composition and desired to conduct the negotiations in this forum. The Committee did not appear to be too large and cumbersome for confidential discussion to be followed by painstaking negotiations.
118. It has been suggested that a neutral and highly respected personality should be selected as Chairman. In our view, this suggestion merits favourable consideration. We also realize the benefits that might be gained from the inclusion in the Committee of countries pursuing a policy of neutrality or non-alignment. This must, however, be carefully weighed against the risk of making the machinery more cumbersome and too diversified.
119. Both East and West have stated that the existing balance of power or the present relative strength of armed forces must not be tilted in any direction at any point of the process of gradual and phased disarmament. Is it not conceivable that this principle could give a new sense of direction to the negotiations we so ardently wish to see resumed? It might well prove of value if the General Assembly recognized and endorsed this principle, thereby giving it universal recognition. Maybe it could assist the negotiating partners in tackling first such disarmament measures as, without upsetting the present balance of power, could be carried out on a unit for unit basis?
120. So far it has proved impossible to achieve a break-through and determine what represents effective international inspection and control of specific disarmament measures. After what has transpired in the Ten-Nation Committee there is hardly any room for doubt that this vicious circle of disarmament measures on one hand and control and Inspection on the other must be broken if we are to achieve any measure of disarmament. For this reason also we believe that a singling out of specific units for disarmament, in such a manner that their abolition does not interfere with the existing power relationship, could ease the way for technical and detailed exploration of what would be the adequate control machinery.
121. Permit me in this connexion also to suggest for consideration that the very first beginning of the necessary control machinery might be devised to control and verify the unilateral reductions of units which nations have declared that they intend to carry out. To make even a modest start with an international control and verification machinery seems to me to be essential. Not least for this reason do we hope that the nuclear test negotiations can be brought to a successful conclusion and that the control machinery agreed upon for this purpose may serve as a pilot-project for control of disarmament.
122. During this debate some Member States have stated their willingness to permit inspection of their territory on a reciprocal basis under international auspices. More than two years ago Norway declared its willingness to include Norwegian territory in such a zone of inspection. This offer still stands.
123. I have so far concentrated on the immediate task of reconstituting a machinery for negotiation. I have further ventured a few suggestions which in my view might assist in passing from a debate on disarmament in general to specific discussions of substance and, in particular, detailed technical explorations of specific disarmament measures and the corresponding control requirements. They are, however, no more than possible avenues of approach designed to make a new start upon the road to the target established in resolution 1378 (XIV) which we unanimously adopted last year — general and complete disarmament under effective international control.
124. In concluding my remarks, I would like to return to the impact of the general international climate on the possibilities for making real progress towards disarmament. In order to pave the way for disarmament, we all have an obligation to show restraint and patience with regard to conflicts of interests in which we may be directly or indirectly involved, and to do our utmost to prevent new crises and increased tension.
125. There is at present one conflict of interest of particular concern to Europe. I am thinking of the question of West Berlin, with its two and a quarter million inhabitants living under continual threats against the status of their city. It can be easily understood that the peoples to which the fate of West Berlin is of particular concern may have certain difficulties in embarking upon plans for large-scale disarmament as long as this situation persists.
126. We have gone through a year with sudden and at times very unfortunate changes in the international climate. These changes have been connected with the fact that Heads of States have had to take upon themselves the actual conduct of negotiations. I am referring in particular to the preparations for the abortive Summit Conference in Paris in May, Of course, interchange and personal contact between Heads of States are most, important and can in certain circumstances be of decisive influence. It may be, however, that we should reserve this ultimate form of contact for situations of real crisis. It also has its place in situations where possibilities of significant achievements appear to be within reach as a result of careful preparations.
127. Perhaps we could then hope to live in a somewhat more equable climate. Some would say that in adopting this course we were running the risk of forgoing the real bright days. I, for one, tend to put greater emphasis on avoiding as far as possible the sudden changes for the worse, with threatening black clouds darkening the horizon.