Cameroon

On coming to this rostrum for the first time in the general debate to add my country’s voice to those of all the speakers preceding me, I should like, on behalf of my delegation, to discharge first of all a sacred duty entrusted to me by Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo, the President of the Republic — whom so many of you heard in certain Committees of this Assembly in 1958 and 1959, when the future of my country was under discussion — and by the Camerounian Government under title leadership of Mr. Charles Assail. The object of my statement will be to tell you, in simple terms but as fully as possible, the manner in which Cameroun entered upon its independence on 1 January 1960, 115. I said that it was a sacred duty for me to discharge this moral debt, for you are fully aware that my country, placed under French administration by virtue of a trusteeship agreement drawn up in accordance with the United Nations Charter, owes you, more than any other body, an account of the way in which both independence and democracy are functioning in Cameroun. 116. In March 1959, at the conclusion off lengthy discussions here on the question of giving my country democratic institutions, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1349 (XIII), the tenor of which may be summed up as follows: (a) The holding of free elections by universal suffrage as soon as possible after the proclamation of independence; (b) The exertion of sincere efforts towards national reconciliation, 117. All supporters of democratic institutions in our country therefore felt that an account should be given so that you might all know what is happening and feel easy in your conscience with regard to the manner in which my country has observed the directives given in the resolution I have just mentioned. For us Camerounians it is both a moral duly and a duty of political integrity, to which we attach great importance. I therefore feel that I may request your attention and indulgence: your attention because, as in any business concern, there must be a balance-sheet to show whether the enterprise is making a profit or a loss, and you owe it to yourselves to know all that is happening; your indulgence because I feel that, at a time when so many important problems are under discussion here in an endeavour to clear the world horizon of all the clouds which darken it, it may seem conceited for a newcomer, whose first and only duty should be to listen to you, to mount this rostrum and not expect to seem tiresome to those who are accustomed to listening to great things said by great men. 118. My country attained independence on 1 January 1960. The Government, in agreement with parliament, established a time-table which has been closely followed. The main aim of people of all opinions was to endow the country as rapidly as possible with democratic institutions which would enable it to tackle the work of decolonization with the greatest chance of success so as to give the country's administration, economy and social system a new aspect. A committee of forty-two members, half of them members of parliament and half representing public bodies, was set up in order to prepare the advance draft of a constitution, which was to be adopted by the Council of Ministers. This draft was later to be submitted to a referendum for popular approval. The draft constitution, incorporating all the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the principles of the United Nations Charter, established the State of Cameroun as a republic. The indivisibility of the Republic and the sovereignty of the people were proclaimed. All the freedoms were recognized and guaranteed! by the constitution which, after sub-; mission to a popular referendum, was adopted on 21 February 1960 with a majoriiy of more than 250,000 votes, despite a violent and bitter campaign by the opposition. In one aspect there was great progress: the referendum campaign took place in an atmosphere of dignity, seriousness and calm, despite the feverish activity of both sides, which demonstrated a perfect consciousness of their duty on the part of the citizens of my country. 119. After the adoption of the constitution, and still within the framework of the reconciliation of all Camerounians, the decree of 13 July 1955 dissolving the Union des populations du Cameroun (UPC) was rescinded. The Union des populations du Cameroun, the Jeunesse démocratique du Cameroun (JDC) and the Union démocratique des femmes camerounaises (UDEFEC) were re-established. A de facto amnesty was granted on the sole condition that a declaration renouncing and condemning violence was made. All these steps were taken in order to enable those Camerounians who had gone into voluntary exile abroad to take part in the elections which were to take place two months later. It might have been thought that these steps alone would have been enough to convince those who were preaching violence of the desire of all Camerounians to be reconciled and to meet at the ballot-box in order to build the country together on the firm and secure foundations of renewed fraternity and harmony. 120. Although our people living in Cameroun approved these measures, those living abroad, on the other hand, demonstrating the truth of the saying, valid for all times and all countries, that exiles learn nothing and forget nothing, ordered their followers to boycott the elections. There were two exceptions: one, André-Marie Mbida, the former Prime Minister, and until then a refugee abroad, who returned to Cameroun to prepare his election campaign; the other, Mr. Owono Mimbo, an associate of Mr. Moumié, who became a candidate. Both were elected. Mr. Mimbo returned to Cameroun after confirmation of bis election. 121. The elections were democratic and free. The best proof of this is the fact that, as in all democratic countries where voting is free, several ministers were defeated, one of them by a woman. Out of 1,940,438 registered electors, 1,349,739 voted. Votes cast totaled 69.55 per cent of the electorate. This figure is distinctly higher than the proportion of votes cast in previous consultations organized under the trusteeship administration, which had been 42 per cent in 1846, 45 per cent in 1952 and 54 per cent in 1956. The proportion was less than 50 per cent in only one department, Wouri, the chief own of which is Douala, where the order to boycott the elections, given from abroad, was followed, thereby lowering the proportion to 30.37 per cent in that department. In the other departments the proportion of voters varied between 50 and 87 per cent of the electorate. In the troubled Bamilléké department, 101,049 electors cast their vote, representing a proportion of 50.33 per cent. 122. The balance of forces emerging from these elections gives the following pattern of distribution in the new Assembly. Out of 100 seats to be filled, fifty-three went to the Union camerounaise, eighteen to the Parti de la reconciliation, eleven to the Democrates camerounais, eight to the Groupe des progressistes, eight to the Union des populations du Cameroun and two to independent candidates. 123. That result is more eloquent than all the speeches that have been made here telling you of the myth of the forces represented by Mr. Moumié, It is now easy to understand why the latter is reluctant to adopt and use democratic means for obtaining power. The only course left to him is to maintain a state of continuous tension in Cameroun in order to take power by force. This is something outside the honourable struggle which was the right of all Camerounian patriots when they were fighting for independence and it is a good indication of the intentions of a handful of individuals who wish to seize power for themselves and impose on the people a regime which it has always rejected in all the elections through which it has been able to demonstrate its sovereign will. 124. It was the duly of my delegation to make the situation clear so that all those who thought to serve democracy by giving help and assistance to the Camerounian exiles may know that their struggle is no longer a national struggle but, in fact, a trial of strength which is being imposed upon a young State; because of this, the latter is obliged to use every effort to maintain public order instead of concentrating on the implementation of programmes designed to strengthen the independence so dearly acquired and to promote public welfare, the concern of all the new States. 125. After the April elections the Assembly met in May to ratify the credentials of the newly elected members, appoint its officers and elect the first President of the Republic. His Excellency Ahmadou Ahidjo was elected to the highest office in the State, by 89 votes out of 99. To celebrate the inauguration of his office, the President of the Republic of Cameroun proclaimed a general, total and unconditional amnesty. This was the last of the measures of general reconciliation urged by the United Nations and, at the same time, it revealed the liberal outlook of the President and his team. 126. My Government considered that a man’s past should not stand in the way of his redemption; but the redemption of the offender must hot help to diminish or even to suppress the gravity of the offence. For that reason, by decreeing a general, total and unconditional amnesty we wished to pardon even those individuals who, through a nationalism which is now confused with mere chauvinism, have continued to maintain a situation of tension, forgetting the evil that has been done to our country by a fratricidal struggle for which there is no longer any purpose and conceals its real motives. 127. The Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics stated in this Assembly on Friday, 23 September 1960: "...we have no liking for capitalism. But we do not want to impose our system on other peoples...” [ 869th meeting, para. 258]. But that is where the shoe pinches because, in fact, the continuing armed struggle in Cameroun in a part of its independent territory, not against colonialism but against the democratic institutions which emerged from popular consultations based on universal, direct and secret suffrage, is no longer a struggle for freedom but a struggle with the aim of imposing an ideology imported and maintained from abroad, in order to subject the people of my country to a political system which it does not want. 128. After the amnesty, as was to be expected, President Ahidjo resigned, along with his Government, in order to make way for a Government of national unity in which all political parties, including the UPC, were invited to co-operate in the great work of national unity. The amnesty led to the liberation of several hundred persons who had been sentenced for serious crimes against individuals. A number of people who had been condemned to death were released and there is no longer a single man in prison for any crime or offence of a political character committed before 8 May 1960. This measure, as broad and as unconditional as the United Nations General Assembly had wished it to be, should logically have removed any reason for those who claim to be political exiles to remain abroad. 129. Despite this liberal measure by the Chief of State, the UPC rejected the offer thus made to it to participate in the Government and thereby rejected the invitation to co-operate harmoniously with all the living forces of the nation. From that time it became clear that these voluntary exiles were seeking power for themselves and cared little for the most elementary forms of democracy. Thus from last July murderous orders again appeared in Cameroun, launched from abroad with a view to disrupting public order and the fragile economy of our young republic once again. 130. I should like to believe, and so would my delegation and the whole of Cameroun, that the Governments from whose soil those orders are sent with the object of destroying our young State in its infancy are unaware of all these facts; I should like to believe that their good faith is being abused, as is the hospitality they are giving to those whom they think of as pitiable exiles. But, in fact, there is every indication that, if such activities continue, we shall not fail to accuse those States of active and aggressive complicity in actions against our State. This is all the more serious in that everyone here talks about African solidarity. One is sometimes tempted to ask where that solidarity begins and where it ends. 131. As far as my country is concerned, I solemnly declare in this Assembly that, according to African tradition, to tolerate such activities on the part of those whom you are harbouring amounts to a hostile act. Cameroun had no dispute in the past with any African State; since attaining independence it has had no dispute with any State; its only wish is to maintain the best relations with all States. 132. The Government of the Republic of Cameroun was born from universal suffrage. We have kept our promises, as you have just seen. Mr. Ahidjo himself told you that elections would be held after the attainment of independence. We have worked at a rapid rate. Our constitution was drawn up and adopted a month after independence. The UPC was immediately re-established and a first amnesty was promulgated almost simultaneously. Three months after independence the people were summoned to vote in order to elect the first National Assembly of independent Cameroun. After that election Cameroun elected its first President of the Republic; almost immediately afterwards, he formed his first Government of national unity under the leadership of Mr. Charles Assail, in which the members of the UPC refused to take part. A general, total and unconditional amnesty was promulgated which nullified the effect of all sentences pronounced between May 1955 and 8 May 1960. 133. Thus we have done all in our power to demonstrate our good will and our desire to resume contact with all Camerounians, whatever their views, in order to build a better country. Unfortunately, our example has not been followed; but we affirm that we shall meet all our responsibilities, making use of all the means which democracy gives to every legal and Constitutional Government; for, as we understand it, democracy has never been synonymous with anarchy. 134. Now that I have given this account, allow me to say a few words on my country’s position with regard to the problems before us. 135. As a good self-respecting African, I am naturally drawn to speak of my African brothers on whom, alas, the sun of liberty and independence has not yet risen. In any event, we have no doubt that the days of foreign occupation are numbered, 136. I should not like my words to be misunderstood by anyone and I shall accordingly revert to a theme which is dear to me: let those who are in the habit of publishing “extracts" do so honestly, and above all let them not, for propaganda or publicity reasons, give only truncated and distorted fragments of my statement. 137. May we, as a country which has adopted the language of France, be permitted to refer, first of all, to the Algerian tragedy. For a long time now we have cherished the hope, from year to year, of an honourable, happy, even fraternal end to the conflict — an end in the true French way, full of heroism, dignity, generosity and justice, France has, indeed, given much to the world, in qualities of heart and of mind. The coming to power of General de Gaulle, a man who is universally recognized as having a sense of history and an enlightened view of the development of the world, offered, at one moment, the prospect of a solution. The failure of the Melun talks, together with the collapse of the Summit Conference in Paris, plunged us once again into doubt and anguish. As a result, the Algerian tragedy is such that we cannot see the wood for the trees. 138. Who among us could have thought that France would ever have appeared as a defendant in the international community? For someone nurtured in the spirit of 1789 it is impossible to understand how, after giving the full meaning of the word freedom to the world, the French themselves are now incurring the reproach of wishing to deny it to others. At this time of rejoicing, when we are happy to make our entry into the international family, we should have preferred to speak only words of joy, but we are compelled to allude to the anguish which the French feel as much as we, the friends of France, when we consider that the more this conflict is prolonged the more it raises a question of conscience for each and every person. And, to borrow the words of La Fontaine in his fable about the animal a who were ill with the plague, we note with bitterness that this attitude on the part of France enables “all these great quarrellers, even the simple dog, to claim to be little saints”, which leads some speakers to cry in chorus today, after making a plea pro domo: “Let’s condemn the donkey.” 139. What is becoming of France? And why is this so? Because this matter, which from the beginning could have found a normal solution in a fraternal atmosphere, has been purposely exploited because of the tergiversations of certain French governing circles which have made the problem worse. It is shocking for us who know what France has done over the centuries for the freedom of peoples throughout the world to see today that, because of the Algerian tragedy which, as I said earlier, hides other things from view, all those countries with systems similar to the French now hold up their heads and set themselves up as censors of France. Certain acts of racial discrimination, acts of brazen and outright oppression, the herding of human beings reduced to the level of animals, confiscation of land, which deprived some indigenous inhabitants of their livelihood when they had to abandon their land to foreigners, arbitrary and indefinite detention of political leaders whose names are not spoken here and whom nobody thinks of mentioning-these things are all forgotten straight away. 140. Since we must speak of colonialism and colonialists, we wonder, deep down in our hearts: are these things really forgotten, or are we trying to foster a certain complex here? We should not wish to use the exaggerated language of the wolf in the fable who, in order to divert attention from his own thefts and flatter the lion, said: To eat sheep, those dense beasts, is a sin? That’s absurd! No, a favour you do them by eating them, Sire, And shame on the shepherd who rules o‘er the herd And would spread o'er all beasts his imagined empire. 141. This is the tragedy, France, today, is the shepherd who is blamed for everything. I myself should have hoped that certain parties would not come here to incite the Africans to hatred of the white man, forgetting that they themselves are friendly to other whites. Colonizers are everywhere the same. When we criticize France in connexion with the Algerian affair, it should be remembered that we also criticize others for the atrocities, humiliations, harassment and injustices which are being committed in Africa under flags other than that of France. That is why I say that we Africans who have just achieved independence are in a better position to speak on this problem. We speak about it because we think that the time has come for the entire African family to celebrate independence and we speak about it all the more freely because Cameroun’s statute does not make it the adherent of any particular group. It does not belong to the French Community, to the British Commonwealth, to the American bloc, or to the Soviet bloc. It disgusts my delegation to see other delegations, according to the bloc they belong to, come here and wax indignant about the attitude of France, as if that country were the only one in Africa which was devouring the African "sheep". They forget that, in addition, there are other "lions” who are devouring them with equal greed. 142. It is obviously for sentimental reasons that — as in the biblical story of the beam and the mote — one stresses the fault of a neighbour in order to hide those of one’s own partner. I must say, with all due respect, that my delegation would have liked to hear some of the Chiefs of State who spoke before me comment on the sufferings of Africa and of humanity as a whole. "When we demand independence for Algeria, we should like to see them demand that Jomo Kenyatta be freed, denounce the repression of the Mau Mau, demand the return of the rich land stolen from the Wameru and, finally, demand also immediate independence for all territories still under foreign rule. 143. I realize that my views will not be supported by all the representatives present here. Each one of us acts on his own responsibility. My own delegation, for its part, would not like to see accepted here the conclusion of the fable I have quoted, where La Fontaine ended with the words: Depending on your weakness or on your might, The court will rule you either black or white. For that reason, my delegation, considering the era of colonialism to be past, would have liked to see the General Assembly deal with, the entire colonial question, wherever it arises. 144. It is because we are convinced that Africa will be free that we tell France how much we should prefer not to have to choose between friendship with France, our former guardian, and our fraternal ties with Algeria, We appeal to France to spare us the cruelty of this choice. How glad we should be to greet both Algeria and France in the same friendly embrace! Yet a solution exists, already drawn up and accepted by both parties: self-determination, and Algeria for the Algerians — two French concepts whose meaning is perfectly clear. What has been conceived by the mind should be susceptible of implementation. 145. As so many have said, this war has lasted far too long. Unfortunately, with the blood and tears that have been shed, it is making an even-widening rift between two communities which a memorable past has doomed to coexistence. That past includes the time when Algerians fought on French soil, for France, and in defence of the freedoms which a certain group of Frenchmen would now deny them. This war, as has been emphasized, is decimating the youth of both France and Algeria, two groups nurtured together in the same culture, from which they derive the same reasons for fighting each other. If there is no difference between the French mother who weeps for her son killed in ambush and the Algerian mother who weeps for her son — often of the same age — hit by a French bullet, then reason must find a way to overcome this painful tragedy. 146. We want to believe in France, for we remember that it was with that country’s help, support and friendship that we were admitted to the United Nations. We hope that it will do all it can, before it is too late, so that it may at the earliest possible opportunity lead Algeria, in turn, to its seat in the General Assembly, while still preserving its friendship. We trust that our appeal may be heeded and that this question of Algeria, which divides so many French and Algerian families, may find a solution that will guarantee respect for the rights of individuals and ethnic minorities and, at the same time, fulfil the desire of the Algerians to know in their turn, after black Africa, the joys of freedom. By taking such a course, France will spare us the tragedy of being compelled to take the drastic step of choosing between the friendship to which I have just referred and solidarity. 147. Another, no less painful, tragedy is that of the Congo — capital, Leopoldville. In accordance with the official attitude taken by the Government of the Republic of Cameroun, my delegation formally declares that the question of the Congo’s independence has been settled and cannot be reopened. It declares, with equal firmness, that it regards the integrity of the Congo as sacred and indivisible. May I be permitted to express the view that the reason why nothing bad been done to temper or put an end to the secession of Katanga is because certain great Powers, instead of offering to mediate between all the parties involved, have seen fit to support a certain display of intransigence, which was also exhibited by the other side, thus crystallizing the positions of both parties. We consider that before talking of giving armed assistance to the Central Government of the Congo, an effort should have been made to make use of the influence which we know certain African leaders enjoy and to try to bring about a “rapprochement" between the parties concerned. This, I believe, would have avoided adding fuel to the flames. 148. However that might be, we do not wish to turn this Assembly into a meeting to bewail, lost opportunities and we feel that it Is not too late to place the Congolese problem in its true perspective. 149. In the first place, we have heard, both here and elsewhere, a great variety of opinions concerning this tragedy. We have listened to vehement protestations by Belgium. Statistics have been quoted here in an effort to prove that the intellectual capital which Belgium left in the Congo was such as to cause envy in other formerly colonized countries. In the light of the events which have taken place, and without wishing to question the statements made by the Belgian representative, I should like to say, in passing, that the statistics provided for our consideration, while indicating a satisfactory level of school attendance, relate to schooling which can only be at the primary or elementary levels. What the Belgian representative forgot to supply us with was statistics of secondary and higher education. Hence I say that the question remains unanswered, because what would be of interest now would be a statement concerning the number of trained persons ready to take over the administration of the Congo’s affairs, rather than the number of those attending primary school — the figures for which are admittedly praiseworthy — who will become available in the future. 150. In any event, we are pleased to pay a tribute to the prompt intervention by the United Nations in the Congo, action which immediately eliminated any justification for intervention by any foreign force on Congolese national soil. The presence of the United Nations contingents has served to calm the fears which have been voiced here for the safety of persons and property. 151. Some of those here have sought to place on the Secretary-General the responsibility for the present complex and increasingly confused situation. If it is human to err, let us readily concede that mistakes may well have been made in implementing the resolutions adopted by the Security Council, but let us also recall other cases in which United Nations action, undertaken with equal vigour, was accused of partiality by a different party. In medio stat veritas. 152. What we do denounce in the strongest terms is the passionate way in which each one selects his own man to support in the Congo, as if the affairs of that country were no longer a matter for the Congolese themselves. No, we cannot agree to our States becoming stakes in the competition between the great Powers. We Africans reserve the absolute right to choose our own men. No one has any right to complain of confusion after having added to it, and out of resentment at not having been able to impose the individual. of his choice. The United Nations went to the Congo to assist the Congolese State through the legitimate Government. It did not go there to strengthen the prestige of a particular individual. Who constitutes the legitimate Government? That is for the Congolese people to say. 153. My delegation considers that the Secretary-General of the United Nations has displayed complete impartiality and I am pleased to stress that fact. 154. Mr. Lumumba’s dismissal was an independent act taken by the Congolese Chief of State under article 22 of the Fundamental Law. I have the dubious pleasure of having in my files a document containing all the resolutions of the Brussels "round-table conferences”, as well as every possible and conceivable commentary, and the complete text of the Fundamental Law, article 22 of which reads: "The Chief of State appoints and revokes the Prime Minister and the Ministers." The decision of the Chief of State is now a legal decision since it has been formalized in accordance with article 20, which provides that "No act of the Chief of State can have any effect unless it is countersigned by a Minister, who by this very action assumes responsibility for such act". 155. Consequently, it is legally impossible for the United Nations or its Secretary-General to invalidate or modify such a constitutionally legal measure as the deposition of Mr. Lumumba, The stubborn refusal of certain parties to acknowledge or recognize the neutral position taken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in connexion with this decision by the Chief of State is due to the fact that they wish to substitute themselves for the Congolese people and to choose those who are to govern the Congo, giving their preference to an individual rather than to a regime. From a strictly legal point of view, the United Nations cannot invalidate the internal laws of a country. The Secretary-General’s task was to assist the Central Government, but the United Nations is not entitled to decide who is the head of that Central Government. 156. You may say that, Mr. Lumumba having been deposed, his successor too would have to be approved by the Congolese Parliament, I agree. Nevertheless, pending such approval, there can no longer be any question of Lumumba holding office, since the instrument removing him from office was countersigned by two members of the Government, Until such time as the Fundamental Law is altered, that instrument is in itself sufficiently complete for the "Lumumba claim" to be definitively rejected. 157. The Chief of State has appointed Mr. Ileo as Mr. Lumumba’s successor. The next step was for Mr, Ileo to comply with the provisions of article 37 of the Fundamental Law, which reads as follows: "Within forty-eight hours of the appointment of its members, the Government presents itself before the Chambers in order to obtain a vote of confidence. Such vote requires an absolute majority of the votes of all the members composing the two Chambers." It was for the Congolese Parliament to approve or disapprove Mr. Ileo’s appointment. Under the Fundamental Law, it did not even possess the right to discuss the decision of the Chief of State, 158 . The President of the Republic of Guinea speaking from this rostrum [896th meeting, referred to the provisions of the preamble of the Fundamental Law and told us that the Chief of State was without responsibility and therefore had no right whatsoever to dismiss the Prime Minister, I should not like it to be said that I reject that interpretation. I should like it to be stated and recognized that I supplement it, and I leave it to you to say whether the addition which I submit for your consideration is such as to give rise to an interpretation differing from that contained in the provisions of the Fundamental Law, Although the preamble states that the Chief of State is without responsibility, that does not mean that the Fundamental Law gives Mm no responsibility. It merely means that, as Chief of State, he cannot be responsible to Parliament and we all know what that signifies in constitutional law. How can it be conceded for a single moment that a Chief of State is not responsible before his nation? The idea is so absurd that! shall not insult anyone by thinking that it can gain acceptance here. 159. May I be allowed to read you a passage from the brochure entitled "Les institutions politiques du Congo indéfendant au 30 juin 1960”, by François Perrin (I have already mentioned this pamphlet which I had the misfortune to come across and which I now take the opportunity of quoting). The following is a quotation from chapter in which deals with the political system of the Congolese State: "The system of the Chief of State without responsibility has both advantages and disadvantages. The main advantage is that it gives the Chief of State considerable moral prestige among the people. In fact, owing to his status, the Chief of State appears as a symbol of the nation, above quarrels and political debates, in which he takes no public part. Responsibility for mistakes made is necessarily shouldered by the Ministers concerned.” I did not write this myself. The authors of the Fundamental Law stated it in the preamble, some extracts from which have been quoted here. 160. In the present instance, the fact that the Chief of State is without responsibility cannot be invoked if he dismisses the Prime Minister under article 22, which I have just read out. There is no need for me to stress the point for you to understand that the situation has been correctly interpreted by the United Nations representatives in the Congo, in accordance with the provisions of the Fundamental Law. Had they acted otherwise, they would have contravened the provisions of that Fundamental Law. 161. It only remains, as the representative of Nigeria has suggested, for the United Nations to allow the Congolese Parliament to convene as soon as possible in order to give Mr. Lumumba’s successor either a vote of confidence or one of no-confidence. Furthermore, if, as a compromise measure, the Chief of State were to call on Mr. Lumumba to succeed Mr. Lumumba, that too would be a lawful act which would enable Mr. Lumumba to have recourse to the formula in article 37 of the Fundamental Law and seek a vote of confidence from the Parliament. But in any case the Lumumba Government of 30 June of 1960 no longer has any legal existence and, if it were to return to power, that could only be through a new appointment by the Chief of State, followed by a new approval by the Chambers, under article 37. 162. That is how the United Nations should deal with the Congolese problem. We should have refrained from giving all these explanations if some speakers had not adopted positions which obliged us to give this information to the Assembly in order that it may take a final decision in full knowledge of the facts. We have no interest in the Congo and we do not wish to impose any individual there. Our position is simply that of a delegation whose sole desire is to inform the Assembly and to appeal to it to give up the unfortunate habit of discussing personalities instead of principles. The Congolese have not been fighting among themselves in order that others may impose leaders upon them. The quarrel between individuals in the Congo has no place in the United Nations. 163. The debate on this question has now begun and my delegation reserves the right to explain its position in more detail in due course. In our opinion the present chaotic situation is of a transitory nature and will soon find a solution. The Congo and the cause of peace owe much to the United Nations and to its Secretary-General for, without them, a new Korea would have arisen in the very heart of Africa. The United Nations has played its full part in guaranteeing the independence of the Congo and preserving peace, 164. May we therefore be allowed to express our reservations with respect to the feverish flood of proposals for modification of the structure of our Organization, some of which are indeed surprising. In feet, the Press in a certain country has actually gone so far as to suggest the possibility of establishing weighted voting. Can it be that our appearance in substantial numbers in the concert of nations and the prospect of seeing our participation increase is suddenly causing fear? We, who yesterday were ignored, are now taking our rightful place in history. Yet we thirst for peace, because we enjoy a lesser degree of security. We are not likely to cause concern to anyone. It is we, on the contrary, who may have cause for concern. We, who were ignored at the time when the balance of power in the United Nations was established, now demand representation in the Specialized organs; the Security Council, permanent seats, etc. We categorically reject the triumvirate structure which has been proposed. That system has been famous since the days of ancient Rome. In our own day, we recall a famous duumvirate which was unable to survive, even in a collectivist country. 165. As we have already stated, the United Nations is our last recourse and the safeguard of our frail sovereignties. As M., Hammarskjold so admirably put it, it is our own Organization, the Organization of the small nations, and we cannot allow paralysing discussion -which would be inevitable under a collective leadership — to be introduced into the supreme executive organ from which we expect prompt and rapid action if we are to survive in the event of aggression. We cling to the United Nations and its survival guarantees our own. 166. I should not wish to leave this rostrum without presenting the humble views of the delegation of the Republic of Cameroun on the grave problem of disarmament. Like all peoples, we had great hopes for the success of the Paris Summit Conference. We were disappointed when at that moment world tension mounted, reaching a peak following the resounding failure of that conference. The great world Powers, the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which pooled their resources to free the world from Hitler’s grip, now find themselves antagonists and their mutual misunderstanding causes concern to all nations. The accumulation of destructive weapons by each one is capable of bringing about the destruction of mankind. Our anxiety, which was not justified initially since there was still hope of a “rapprochement" between these two giants, became real fear when we saw the two great Powers refuse even a mere invitation to talk. We have reason to fear the worst. 167. Never have armaments been of such magnitude or so highly developed. While the initial statements made by the leaders of the atomic Powers aroused - some hope, their most recent speeches fill us with concern. 168. History always repeats itself and the atmosphere prevailing today is exactly the same as that of 1938. At that time, too, disarmament was being discussed in the ante-chambers of the late lamented League of Nations. That girl of Geneva, who had a passion for excitement, also had some fearsome lovers to whom she was always saying: "Frighten me, dear." Among those fearsome lovers there was one who really frightened her, so much so that one day she died. Her New York daughter, the present United Nations, who was born of the anguish of the great 1939-1945 conflagration, is acquiring, on Manhattan Island, the curious tastes of her late mother and disarmament is again being discussed, just as it was in the past. Although her mother had but one fearsome lover, she has two mighty ones. The third, whose shadow hovers over all our deliberations, is sighing in the wings, awaiting his turn to take the stage. This frightens not only the United Nations but also the entire world and we may well wonder whether we are not on the verge of another coup which this time will sweep away not only the Organization but the entire planet, 169. Our countries are small ones and do not manufacture any armaments. We refuse to serve as a testing ground for verifying, with a pitying air, the obsolescence of the now archaic "toys " which the so-called "conventional" weapons now represent for the great Powers. Those "toys" cause Africa great concern. Thus the future of mankind depends on what the great Powers are going to do. We therefore appeal to them to cease quarrelling and to agree that the time when disputes were settled by force of arms has now passed. It is time they understood that by continuing to disagree they are endangering the future of mankind. 170. Although it welcomes the offers of assistance which some Chiefs of State have made, both here and elsewhere, to the underdeveloped countries, my delegation, for its part, would like to see that assistance shorn of all appearance of alms or charity, which is incompatible with our dignity as human beings who, although poor, are nevertheless free. In our view, such assistance will be of value only if granted through international co-operation between States for the purpose of strengthening our national independence and eliminating any possible causes of discontent which may disturb the peace of our nations. The United Nations must endeavour to make those countries which are prosperous enough to join in giving such aid, understand that the latter will achieve its objective only when all the new under-developed States can accept it without relinquishing any sovereignty and when there are no political conditions attached to it. Otherwise, the Republic of Cameroun would rather see its sons die poor but on their feet than see them live, but on their knees. 171. My delegation welcomed the appeal made by the Prime Minister of Nigeria for aid to the former Belgian Congo. It is prepared to propose to its Government urgent measures to enable the schools in my country to receive, within the near future, young Congolese who are ready for a full secondary education. In order to ensure that such technical assistance to the Congolese State may prove effective, it would like a meeting of the African officials concerned to be held in Africa in the near future, to draw up an inventory of the urgent needs which have to be met. 172. While it recognizes the sacrifices made by the Soviet and Western blocs in the struggle against Hitler’s totalitarianism, as also the active role played by the socialist countries in publicizing and promoting the colonial peoples’ struggle for freedom, my delegation nevertheless wishes to warn against the danger of importing into Africa? — where we wish to avoid any conflict between East and West — an ideology which would appear to side with either one of the two opposing blocs. 173. We denounce with equal force any effort to promote, in the newly independent States, subversion, whose sole aim is to supplant in those countries everything that is Western in character and to replace it by a new way of life which is simply Leninist Marxism. Africa must be allowed to develop outside Ideological competition, for it will no longer be Africa if we empty it of all the substance of its own philosophy. Negritude is both a philosophy and a way of life which we wish to preserve; in our opinion it would be sheer madness to destroy it in order to replace it by a Europeanism which would only turn us into rootless people who have destroyed their past and have no possibility of a glorious future. It is clear that we must enhance Africa’s stature and development if we are not to be accused by future generations of having cheapened our continent in disregard of its geographic, physiological and physical structure. 174. Others have already given their views on that concept of the world which approves the domination of certain peoples by other peoples through force, self-interest and racism. We who are emerging from colonialism will obviously be the last to tolerate any form of foreign constraint, imposed either on peoples or on individuals, and anything which hampers the right of peoples to self-determination. How is it possible — except for the fact that human life is a tissue of paradoxes and amazing contradictions — that those nations which claim to be civilized, which can point to the most sensational achievements of human genius, that those intelligent nations which gave us the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and similar outstanding examples of the defence of freedom, which speak of the "liberation of mankind", which exalt their national pride, how is it that such intellects are unable to understand that we share the same thirst for freedom and the same yearning for national pride? 175. At the risk of repeating ourselves, we again denounce, firmly and categorically, all forms of colonization, whether political or ideological. Ideological imperialism is as harmful and odious as the imperialism of self-interest. Let me make myself clear: the beauty of the World lies in its diversity. We should be most ill at ease here if we all had similar faces and were of the same colour. Might we not begin to doubt our own individuality? Let those take warning, therefore, who, in one way or another, wish to shape us in their image against God and against nature. Those who wish to turn parts of Africa into parts of Europe or of other continents are indulging in fantasy. God and nature made the seas, the oceans and the mountains in order to separate mankind. Even when we succeed in flying over obstacles, they still serve as landmarks for our guidance on this planet. 176. Again, it is pure fantasy on the part of those who think they can shape our minds. The stubborn, obstinate facts of history must be recognized. Africa has survived one of the most vile degradations in the history of humanity: the ebony market or the black slave trade. Yet tomorrow it will emerge victorious and with greater vitality than ever; in fact, it is already fighting the final battle for its liberation. Colonialism and imperialism will be blown away like the morning mist, dispersed by that irresistible wind of which Africa alone knows the secret, which is the thrust and the unshakable aspiration of all our peoples to freedom. 177. That is all I have to say. In discussing all these problems I have sought to avoid acrimony or harshness. We believe that all questions among human beings can be settled if we are all in good faith. The United Nations itself was established on a basis of good faith and it is that faith which we place in each one of you that will give greatness to peoples and ensure friendship and brotherhood among men, so that democracy may survive in a free world.