May I be permitted, Mr. President, to join the other representatives who have spoken before me in expressing my satisfaction at your election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at this session, which is more, important than others because of the grave nature of the questions Which are to be discussed, the special situation that the world is facing and the unaccustomed presence of prominent Heads of State. We are sure that your well-known ability and thorough knowledge of United Nations procedure will help to bring our deliberations to a successful issue.
118. An auspicious event marked the opening of this fifteenth session and has already given it special historical significance, namely the admission to the United Nations of fourteen new States, the Republics of Cameroun, Togo, Malagasy, Somalia, the Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, the Niger, the Upper Volta, the Ivory Coast, Chad, the Congo (Brazzaville),Gabon and Cyprus and the Central African Republic.
119. This unusual event, characterized not only by the great number of admissions to the United Nations but also by the fact that the new Members are new States which have recently attained sovereignty and independence, reflects two great achievements: first, the universalization of the United Nations, as the logical and necessary outcome of the universal operation of international law and, secondly, the triumph of the natural and inalienable right of peoples to self-determination when they have attained the necessary maturity and competence to exercise efficiently the full measure of sovereignty which devolves on States,
120. When we recall that during the preceding stage of their evolution several of the new States appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly because they were the object of serious concern and the cause of conflict on questions of principle or between nations, it makes us still more happy to see their Representatives seated side by side with us today so that we may all work in concert to find solutions to the disturbing problems that concern the whole world.
121. A number of those who have spoken before me have pointed out that, fifteen years after its establishment, the United Nations still has not managed to accomplish once and for all one of the essential purposes described in the preamble of the Charter signed at San Francisco , which is "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind".
122. It is undeniably true that the fear of a third world war, more destructive than any other and than all previous wars together, has not been finally removed. Nevertheless, while we cannot claim that the present situation is satisfactory, neither can we describe it as one giving cause for pessimism and even less as a tragic situation.
123. The very fact that representatives of ninety-six States are meeting together here is indicative of a high degree of tolerance and, of course, of the same faith in the ability of the United Nations to achieve the purposes for which it was established. It matters little, and it should not discourage us, that our criteria for achieving the ideals of the Charter are conflicting. Rather should our overriding concern be the possibility of achieving continual unanimity in the solution of our great problems, since it is not natural for men coming from different continents, of different races, religions, cultures and civilizations, who reflect different economic or political interests, historical or present, to think in the same way.
124. If nations behave in the international community in the same way as individuals in national communities, we must recognize that the universal coexistence of nations of such varied origins and upbringing, whose ideological, political and economic criteria are also different, can only be firmly established on the three classic foundation stones: namely, international law or internationally recognized principles, international tribunals or organs to decide disputes between nations, and international forces to prevent abnormal situations, to rectify them and to enforce international judgements.
125. Here I would remind you of what I had occasion to maintain from this same rostrum some years ago, following an eminent authority, that the crisis through which the world is passing is caused by the deep imbalance between the increasingly rapid scientific and technological progress achieved within a few decades and the comparatively slow juridical, political and moral evolution of mankind. The fact is that, while not overlooking the considerable efforts the United Nations has made to develop international law, there can be no denying that this is a very slight advance compared with the progress in science and its application. That progress in the atomic field alone has given some nations an extraordinary potential for aggression that, even if it is not used, hangs threateningly over all the other nations which in the meantime, in their attempts at prevention or control, have not even been able to define what constitutes international aggression or to decide whether it can or should be defined.
126. With regard to international tribunals, the United Nations should strive to make their jurisdiction compulsory for all nations and all juridical disputes. Reference of a dispute to such a tribunal cannot continue to be optional or voluntary. In this connexion it is discouraging to note what little use is made of the Permanent Court of Arbitration set up by The Hague Convention of 1907 and the failure of a great many States to make the declarations called for in Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. We consider that the best proof of international good faith and a sincere desire to live in harmony with other nations is prior acceptance of international jurisdiction, and to this end we urge States which have not yet done so to take the necessary action under Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. It does not derogate from the sovereignty of States, large or small to submit to the Court’s judgement, to recognize its jurisdiction. On the contrary, it is only in periods of retrogression and barbarism that the strongest can take the law into their own hands and enforce it to their own advantage.
127. The existence of permanent international forces is a logical corollary of the operation of an international law ensuring good order and of international authorities to prevent or suppress conflicts. It is all the more necessary in view of the imbalance that we have noted between the powerful means for aggression provided by increasingly rapid scientific and technological progress and the weak and inadequate measures for prevention and control provided by a slow and difficult advance in the juridical and moral order.
128. The existence of permanent international forces is essential in order to put any plan for disarmament, which all the nations here assembled certainly desire, into effect and to make it possible for expenditure on national defence to be reduced in the budgets of all countries.
129. In appraising the results achieved by the United Nations since the Charter was signed at San Francisco, we feel that, although we have not finally removed the fear of a third world war, it would be equally incorrect to assert that we have failed in that attempt. The difficulties of a cold war, which do in fact exist, can in no way be compared with the damage, destruction and tragic consequences of a real war. Moreover, there is still the possibility of a future understanding between the Powers which hold in their hands the power to start a war or to renounce it definitely as an instrument for satisfying their ambitions. Neither can we overlook the effective way in which, during the fifteen years of its existence, the United Nations has acted to prevent and to suppress a number of international conflicts. It is common knowledge that its actions have not met with the same approval from all the nations represented here. Nor should we expect that to be the case, for the administration of justice, be it good or bad, cannot please all the parties. The essential point is to respect it as the expression of the will of the majority and of loyalty to the principle of peaceful coexistence of nations.
130. The fruitful work performed by the United Nations is more apparent in the international co-operation given to the solution of economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems than in the attainment of its political aims, namely the maintenance of international peace and security. It is the difference between doing good and preventing evil from being done. The first requires action, driving force and constructive efforts; the second consists in exerting a calming influence and halting any action. But the lack of visible evidence in no wise detracts from the importance of the effective political work done by the United Nations to preserve the peace, which is the most valued possession and an essential condition for the attainment of the happiness of all peoples and harmony among all nations.
131. With respect to disarmament, the delegation of Paraguay considers that, taking into account the facts of the situation, it is a question that should be the subject of negotiation between a limited number of countries rather than one for general discussion among all the Members of the United Nations.
132. Here, interpreting the obvious wishes of the vast majority of the peoples of the world, we can only express our fervent desire that an agreement may be reached proscribing atomic warfare and that atomic energy may be used solely for peaceful purposes for the benefit of mankind.
133. An agreement on disarmament and the exclusive use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes would have two immediate results. First, it would end the cold war which is responsible for the armaments race between the great nations; secondly, it would make it possible for enormous resources to be devoted to the assistance of the less developed countries, in order to raise the level of living of all their peoples and thus to obtain greater well-being and tranquillity.
134. In this matter the two great world Powers can be certain that they are being watched with anxiety and hope by all the other nations
135. With regard to outer space, its ownership and use, the delegation of Paraguay thinks that this should be the subject of a special conference.
136. Here it is worth pointing out once again that scientific and technological progress has been so rapid in recent years that the conversion into reality of something which seemed to be only a figment of the imagination has not given the jurists time to find a common approach or to establish any rules. We can, however, declare that in any case outer space should be used for peaceful purposes only.
137. On the agenda of this session of the Assembly there are various items relating to the economic development of the under-developed countries and to technical assistance programmes. My delegation is of the opinion that on this occasion we should consider the severe disequilibrium facing countries producing raw materials, the prices of which are constantly falling while those of the goods, machinery and parts that they have to buy from the industrial nations are constantly rising.
138. In considering, for example, the specific case of Paraguay, I am sure that I am referring to the position of all the countries represented here whose economies are based on agriculture and cattle breeding. I shall refer to only eight of our export commodities, taking for purposes of comparison present prices and those of ten years ago. In 1950 a ton of tannin or quebracho extract exported by us represented $156; today, in 1960, It represents only $90. In 1950, a ton of cotton fibre exported was worth $949; today, only $400. In 1950, a ton of tobacco exported was worth $62; today, it fetches only $27. In 1950, a ton of cowhides brought in $762; today, only $205. In 1950, a ton of cedar logs yielded $120; today, only $45. In 1950, a ton of coconut oil exported brought us in $400; today, it brings in only $310. In 1950, a ton of tung oil was exported for $415; today, it is exported for less than $300. In 1950, a ton of petit-grain oil exported was worth $700; today, less than $300. The conclusion to be drawn is that in I960 the Paraguayan people are working and producing two and a half times more than in 1950 in order to obtain the same nominal value in money. But as the price of the manufactured goods that we have to obtain from industrial countries has increased considerably, sometimes by more than 100 per cent, instead of declining with the fall in the price of raw materials, the purchasing power of our agricultural and cattle-breeding economy has in less than ten years been reduced to less than a quarter of what it was.
139. My delegation considers that one of the main causes of economic under-development, and consequently of the low level of living and the backwardness of peoples, is the uneven and unfair prices paid for the produce of their labour.
140. The agricultural and cattle-breeding nations too have the right not only to maintain but also to raise their levels of living, and technical assistance which causes us to produce more in order to earn less would defeat its own purpose. This would indeed be the worst type of servitude, for it would retain all the outward signs of freedom. We consider that agriculture, cattle breeding and industry ought not to be stages in history through which all nations must of necessity pass in order to reach their highest level of living, but different occupations which should exist side by side at the same time, as a result of the division of labour between nations.
141. The General Assembly and its economic organs should study the problem of the prices of raw materials and industrial products with a view to ensuring that the raising or the maintenance of the level of living of the industrial economies is not effected at the cost of a lowering of the level of living of countries with agricultural and cattle-breeding economies.
142. In this discouraging picture, the economically underdeveloped countries are drifting and losing faith in the principles on which our economic system is based; the only freedom they have is, as they say, freedom to die of starvation in a long-drawn-out agony. This painful and sad struggle of the under-developed countries leads to a real and certain loss of faith in destinies and ideals weakening and dispelling to an ever greater degree their hopes of a better world.
143. It is not possible to continue along the path that we have followed without rebelling against an economic destiny which can no longer be accepted. Our peoples aspire to better living conditions and ask for financial and technical assistance which our States cannot provide. Their legitimate aspirations are thwarted by natural limitations, artificial obstacles and injustices which hamper and delay economic progress.
144. It is worth stopping to formulate some considerations and suggestions in view of the close relationship between economic and political development, or, in other words, of the fact that the efforts to raise levels of living also strengthen political stability both at the domestic and the international level, and that is the basis of peace for each State and of international peace.
145. Unless the level of living is raised there is little likelihood that contentment and tranquillity will reign among States, and if the economic position of the State and the individual is not strengthened foreign doctrines will often thrive, seemingly inexplicably, and will spread rapidly, sowing disagreement, chaos and insecurity.
146. The under-developed countries are struggling desperately to raise their level of living and to strengthen their economies, but they see with dismay that their efforts are in vain because of the decline in the international prices of raw materials or because they come up against inexplicable obstacles in the bureaucracy of some international organizations when they ask for financing for works or projects of conspicuous economic or social interest.
147. These negative factors — relating to markets, prices, international financing and the increase in the cost of machinery and equipment — produce imbalances which seriously endanger international peace and tranquillity.
148. If the under-developed countries which are aimlessly drifting are not speedily provided with adequate resources which will enable them to obtain greater and better returns for .their efforts, they will lose faith and confidence in international co-operation and will no longer feel the precious incentive that today inspires so many nations, which see the United Nations and the regional organs as beacons lighting their way in the international sphere.
149. At the regional level, I may mention Operation Pan America, an initiative of the eminent statesman, Juscelino Kubitschek, President of Brazil, which was submitted to the Organization of American States as one of the most concrete and effective plans to put an end to the under-development of Latin America.
150. Paraguay acknowledges and is grateful for the efforts of international organizations, some of them United Nations bodies, which have co-operated in its economic development and in raising its level of living. In a spirit of international co-operation, however, I should like to make a few observations which I might summarize in five points.
151. First, assistance to under-developed countries should not only be increased but should take into account the whole complex of their economic problems. Paraguay, for example, has been through the difficult experience of acquiring and maintaining monetary stability by means of exchange, currency and fiscal measures, but without the resources needed for it to increase production, in particular export production, the foreign exchange earnings from which constitute the very basis of monetary stability.
152. Second, assistance to under-developed countries should not be made subject to the rigid banking rules of the traditional system of credit. It is only natural and logical that the under-developed countries are those which can offer the fewest guarantees to the banker. To treat them like any other customer would be tantamount to deciding in advance that once again it would be the wealthy countries, with greater potentialities, greater opportunities and a higher and better level of living, which would continue to benefit from international credit and that the under-developed countries would forever remain under-developed, in order that the bank or international institution providing assistance might not suffer any set-back and might continue to be able to collect interest and amortization regularly. To prevent rich countries from getting richer and poor countries from getting poorer, to avoid the disproportion between the wealth of nations and the living standards of peoples, the United Nations should act effectively, fairly and appropriately, so that it does not squander its resources or become a capital investment corporation.
153. Third, international collaboration should play a more important part in the development of the underdeveloped countries. It should facilitate the building up of the economic infrastructure on a long-term basis so that economic progress would be greater and more attractive to private capital, which will always be governed by self-interest. This international collaboration may be collective or it may include regional projects with wide economic and social repercussions.
154. Fourth, the administrative procedure in international finance and credit organizations should be more rapid and should not be hampered by an elaborate and cumbersome administrative machinery which may unnecessarily delay the execution of projects.
155. Fifth, there should be an understanding of the problems of the State planning the project and no attempt should be made to impose rules, systems or special procedures on the under-developed borrowing countries.
156. The agenda of the Assembly also includes questions relating to technical assistance. I should like to say how valuable and useful United Nations technical assistance has been to Paraguay and to express publicly, in the Assembly, the gratitude of the people and Government of my country. We should like to continue these programmes and, if possible, to adapt them to an increasing extent to our needs in order to secure the. maximum benefit at the lowest possible cost.
157. When we had the honour and the pleasure of a visit from the Secretary-General in August of last year, we discussed all our technical assistance problems and we may say with satisfaction that the fruits of those discussions are becoming evident and that we are obtaining better results. In that connexion, I should like to make two suggestions in the light of our experience.
158. First, no minimum cost should be fixed for Special Fund projects lest they exclude small or under-developed countries. The effect of the high minimum cost is that only the large and economically advanced countries are in a position to benefit from Special Fund projects. We think it would be better to decide the type or category of project which can be undertaken and not to establish a high minimum cost.
159. Secondly, the technical assistance programme should give greater scope and importance to certain types of industrial development in under-developed countries and should provide special facilities for carrying out studies on the processing of primary commodities, their initial processing or their conversion into manufactured goods.
160. At this juncture, I should like to refer to the work accomplished by the Trusteeship Council. In 1958, at the thirteenth session of the General Assembly, Paraguay was selected to membership of that Council for a three-year period. My country has therefore been participating in the Council’s work for the past two years, i.e., during four regular sessions of the Council.
161. We assumed our responsibilities as a member of the Council with the unanimous support of the Latin American group, which did, and still does, us great honour. Accordingly, in view of Paraguay’s own policy with regard to Trust Territories and in view of the commitment made by the Governments and peoples of free America, our primary concern was and will continue to be the preparation of those peoples which are not yet self-governing for the rapid attainment of freedom, either through self-government or through independence and full sovereignty. We believe that we have thus been fulfilling the primary responsibility which we assumed.
162. In the course of our work in the Council, we have been happy to witness the accession to independence of the Togolese Republic, which became a distinguished Member of the United Nations a few days ago. We also witnessed the birth of two other independent countries: Cameroun and Somalia. Conscious of the overwhelming significance of the movement towards the emancipation of Africa, Paraguay sent a special mission to attend the ceremonies in celebration of the independence of Cameroun. Before this Assembly I should like once again to convey to the Government and people of Cameroun the satisfaction and pleasure it gave Paraguay to witness Cameroun's admission to membership, of the United Nations.
163. Somalia, too, became an independent nation after a period of trusteeship. There again Paraguay made its contribution to the task so successfully carried out by the Somali people and the Government of Italy, And when the date for the independence of the Republic of Somalia was fixed, it was made perfectly plain in the Trusteeship Council that the "miracle of Somalia” was a result of the ability and perseverance of the Somali people in training and organizing themselves in an orderly way for the attainment of freedom and independence.
164. Similarly, Paraguay co-operated in the preparation and training for self-government or independence of the Territories of Ruanda-Urundi and Tanganyika, which are still under trusteeship. Paraguay was elected to serve on the visiting mission which went to that area, and our representative, together with the representatives of New Zealand, the United Arab Republic and the United States, under the chairmanship of the latter, visited Ruanda-Urundi from 2 March to 1 April of this year and Tanganyika from 1 to 22 April. The relevant report was submitted to the Trusteeship Council at its twenty-sixth regular session.
165. As the representative of Paraguay, I feel it my duty to state, as clearly as possible, that we have worked and shall continue to work resolutely and unremittingly to give our full support to the Trusteeship Council and to the United Nations so that the peoples still under trusteeship may attain self-government or independence as soon as possible.
166. The best way that any nation can contribute to the fulfilment by the United Nations of the purposes of the Charter is by strengthening its own well-being and its own development. For that reason I venture to give you a-brief summary of what is being done in my country.
167. In the last five years, Paraguay has taken on an entirely different aspect. With the help of the International Monetary Fund and the United States Treasury Department, the Government has succeeded in stabilizing the currency, the guarani, and has progressed from a system of controls, licences, quotas and differential exchanges for imports and exports to a system of free exchange, total freedom of foreign trade abolition of economic quotas and controls, freedom to hold and dispese of foreign currencies.
168. In a gigantic effort to solve the problems arising from its geographical situation, Paraguay has in the last two years acquired twenty-three ships suitable for river traffic, which are being built in the shipyards of Spain and Japan and will be delivered within the next few months. It has also built extensive international highways, which now link its capital with the road networks of Brazil and Argentina, and it is continuing the construction of another 780-kilometre highway which crosses the Paraguayan Chaco and will soon reach the border with Bolivia. In order to appreciate the magnitude of this effort, it should be remembered that twenty years ago there was not one metre of road or highway in the whole of Paraguay
169. Asuncion, our capital and the founding city of other cities of America, had to wait for over four centuries before it had the essential services of running water and public sanitation which were installed recently, just over a year ago.
170. Schools are being built and equipped at the rate of one a week. Airports, bridges, buildings and public Works are being constructed; two additional university departments have been opened, as well as a Catholic University independent of the National University; the National University has been given full autonomy; attention is being given to public health and malaria has been completely eradicated; the Paraguayan worker enjoys social security benefits, which give him peace of mind and which are operating normally; programmes of immigration, settlement and repatriation are under way.
171. I should now like to digress. I am unhappily obliged to refer to two statements made to the Prime Minister of Cuba.
172. The first was to the effect that the United States likes to have the support of military governments imposed by force like that of Paraguay and others which he mentioned.
173. I do not wish to refer to, or discuss, any foreign Government, but I must confess that it is really paradoxical for the Government of Cuba to speak of governments imposed by force in America or in any other part of the world. Nevertheless, I shall not refer to that Government; I shall, however, describe the characteristics of the Government of Paraguay and if any similarity should emerge from my description, it will be — as they say in the films — purely coincidental.
174. The Government of Paraguay is the result of free elections and not of any military coup which happened to be successful and has, no intention of calling for elections; it is, I repeat, a Government created by free and popular elections.
175. The Government of Paraguay is a democratic Government because it is supported by the majority party, the oldest political party in Paraguay, founded in 1887; it is the party with the largest membership; it is the party of the poor and of the peasants, the party which had spent its whole life, up to a few years ago, in the plains. It is the best organized: when its opinion is sought, it does not hold a plebiscite in the streets at which everybody shouts at the signal of the leader; the people come with their ballot papers and cast their votes.
176. In Paraguay, there is a separation of powers: our judiciary is completely independent of the executive and often takes issue with decisions of lower executive authorities and corrects them in a sensible way.
177. There have never been any special courts or special laws passed with retroactive effect for any offence, nor have there been any executions. I remember only one execution in Paraguay and it took place forty years ago, when I was a little boy: that of two common criminals, Gastón Gabin and Cipriano León, who had combined to kill the father of the former. Since then, never at any time has there been a single execution in Paraguay ordered either by the public authorities or by the regular courts, and it is even less conceivable that there should be a special court empowered, on the basis of special ex post, facto legislation, to order the execution of Paraguayans.
178. The legislative branch in Paraguay is independent of the executive and the executive branch is not dominated by the military, as has sometimes been said. I think that if we count all the military men in our public service and our diplomatic corps, we shall find no more than two.
179. Our University is completely autonomous. Countries which can have an autonomous university are privileged indeed. The Government does not interfere in the appointment of teachers or in their salaries or in the establishment of the curricula. Our University is so autonomous that it allocates its own funds, appoints its teachers, imposes its own sanctions, discipline, etc.
180. Here I should mention that for the last four or five years Paraguay has not had a single strike of students or workers or of any other kind and that strikes in my country are not put down with armies or bayonets.
181. There is freedom of the Press in Paraguay, In the last ten years, to which I am referring, no newspaper has ever been shut down. There is no censorship of the Press. Foreign newspapers are allowed to circulate freely and say what they wish and that is how we find out what is being said by a certain Press in America which makes a specialty of distorting the truth and then circulating it in good faith to the whole world.
182. There are no concentration camps in Paraguay; no political prisoners in the jails. Last year, the opposition was invited by the President of the Republic, the Minister of the Interior and the head of the Partido Colorado to take part in the elections held in March of this year, to publish its own papers freely and to serve on the electoral court. What was the result? Three invasions were immediately turned back, without any need for the intervention of the army or the police, since Paraguayan citizens of every political affiliation co-operated in repelling the invaders. And what did we find in the invaders’ equipment but the “Manual of Guerrilla Warfare” by Ché Guevara, that is, instructions sent from Cuba. In deference to the Assembly, I must say that I am not officially naming the Government of Cuba in this connexion. But the truth is that what we found were guerrilla warfare manuals by a certain Ché Guevara, who is, I believe, a foreign major: instructions sent from Cuba, the statement of the participants in the invasion that they had received funds from Cuba as also the promise that they would receive arms as soon as the invasion made some headway or after the initial successes. The countries which have accredited missions in Paraguay have witnessed these things and are witnessing them daily. Indeed, they have recently been confirmed by the Vice-President of the Council of Government of Uruguay during a visit he recently made to Paraguay, accompanied by three ministers and over 270 other people. Attempts were even made to prevent his coming. It was said that there was fighting in the capital, that tanks were being used — and we have not a single tank — that aircraft were in action, that the Government had fled, and a whole series of other lies. When the delegation arrived and saw that our people were quietly at work and that all they wanted was to be left in peace, they were indignant and their reaction was reflected in the Uruguayan newspapers for many months.
183. Another assertion made yesterday afternoon in an attempt to include us in or link us with a specific bloc of States is that the Paraguayan telephone company is a United States monopoly. Now there is no foreign company in Paraguay holding a public monopoly. The telephone company has never belonged as a concession or a monopoly to any public or private capital of the United States. There is no public service in Paraguay in the hands of foreign capital and the only United States holdings in the country are three private companies and a rather large branch of a bank.
184. I see no advantage in all the countries represented here being linked with one block or another. In fact, we may be giving a very bad impression to the new States that were admitted to membership early in the session, .
185. Paraguay is simply and solely dedicated to the great principles guiding our regional organization, the Organization of American States, and the United Nations. In connexion with the Organization of American States, Paraguay is eagerly looking forward to the time when all the African States, old or new, will be grouped together, like the nations of America, in an organization of African States.
186. America has gained nothing but advantages and benefits from its regional organization: legal, economic, social, cultural and above all political advantages, which tend to promote peace and security on the continent. The regional organization is extremely useful and the Charter of the United Nations provides expressly for such organizations.
187. I have no authority to give advice to the African States, but perhaps they too will be impressed by the clear foresight of Simón Bolivar, the Liberator of America, when more than a century and a half ago he initiated the idea of grouping all the American States in a single organization in order to preserve the peace of the continent.
188. I shall conclude by expressing the fervent desire of my country, Paraguay, that this Assembly, in which the delegations have been augmented by the participation of eminent Heads of State, should reach conclusions and obtain results so positive and so well conceived that they will be remembered with satisfaction and honoured by posterity.