Thailand

I wish, in the first place, to offer to you, Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, our warm congratulations upon your election to this high office. We feel confident that your wide knowledge and experience of United Nations affairs and your wisdom will lead the deliberations of the General Assembly to concrete results. We wish you all success in this very important task ahead. 2. As we gather here again for the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, there is no doubt that the international climate now prevailing is widely different from that which existed a year ago. Unlike last year, when hope and optimism pervaded the atmosphere the Assembly now meets in grim circumstances, a continuation of a critical period during which man's yearnings for peace and tranquillity have been singularly contradicted. 3. In the interval between the two sessions of the General Assembly, efforts to improve international understanding suffered so many reverses that, as the fifteenth session convenes, the world is still shaken from the turbulent weather through which it has gone during the last few months. 4. The time is not for panic but rather for sober thinking. What is needed is probably less words and more thoughtful deliberations and constructive steps designed to relieve the deep anxiety which grips the bodies and minds of millions of people. Our aim here should be not to manoeuvre for propaganda or psychological gains but to join efforts in restoring healthy international conditions. We owe it to our peoples and those of the world, whose eyes are focused upon us, to do everything we can to remove the causes of possible conflicts and to lay the foundation of a long and lasting peace. Today, more than ever, the greatest single problem facing us is still that of preserving peace, of shielding it from unwitting and deliberate assaults and strengthening it so as to enable it to resist any future encroachments. This is not a task which should be assigned to any single Power or group of Powers — a smaller Power has as great a stake in it as a larger one — and should we fail to attain this momentous purpose, we know what will happen to us all, to our peoples and our homelands. That is why my country will never relinquish what we consider to be our duty and to that end we shall do everything possible within the limits of the resources of our nation. 5. What should We think of the situation so succinctly described above? Should we adopt an apathetic attitude and say to ourselves that, after all, the world has for some years felt hot and cold winds alternately blowing? Or should we rely on that well known cyclic law which would govern both the economics and politics of everything human? This is the problem. Now we may try objectively to consider its component elements, to consider the assets and liabilities which are offered to us. 6. On the positive side we may safely assume that no nation, at least those which are Members of this Organization, desires to steer the world into a widespread conflict, because those who are in possession of modern weapons know, and those who do not have them can well imagine, the magnitude of the destruction and sufferings that will descend upon us should a world-wide conflagration break out. The very fact also that many high personalities are assembled to take part in the work of the Assembly may be interpreted as an indication of the deep aspiration of most countries to find a path towards enduring peace. However, if the lack of desire on the part of most nations to plunge the world into a conflict is a definite asset for our efforts towards peace, it does not, unfortunately, follow that all of them are willing to refrain from words or actions which, by themselves, sow the seeds of conflicts. 7. Especially in the verbal domain no one could have failed to notice a marked deterioration in the usage adopted in international gatherings. Instead of what was known to our internationalist forefathers as comitas gentium we now have to witness an intentional and calculated discourtesy toward one another as well as frequent resort to abusive language, There can be no doubt that such a behaviour will not enhance international concord and harmony; it rather vitiates the atmosphere and renders more difficult, if not impossible, the chances for better understanding and conciliation. This may be a passing sign of our time. Nevertheless, one cannot help expressing the hope that the sooner it disappears the better it will be for bur international community. 8. Another disturbing feature of our present world is the relentless propaganda activities, both verbal and written, which have already been raging for some time against one another. This war of words knows no limit of decency and it is a common happening that falsehoods are repeated over and over again, gaining more strength as they become more blatant. Who can ever claim that such propaganda activities will foster goodwill and good understanding? My country for one, knows from bitter experience the extent of those activities including wild charges and accusations. If we choose to ignore them and not to respond to them in most cases, it is in the firm belief that those who engage in them will succumb to their own viciousness. 9. These propaganda activities sometimes do not conceal their heads under the anonymity of normal information media. They come out into the open in official statements and blatantly launch the most groundless accusations with the sole purpose of achieving propaganda benefit. One of the most recent cases, which I should like to mention, occurred a few days ago when a Government, which does not so far have diplomatic representation in a country of South-East Asia neighbouring on Thailand, accused the Government of Thailand of intervention in the affairs of that neighbouring country, of providing opposing forces with access to Thai territory, of concentrating military units on the border of that country and finally of firing from our boats on our neighbour's ships and troops. These accusations are a pure travesty of the true facts. In reality my country has scrupulously refrained from intervening in the domestic affairs of that country or indeed of any other country, in spite of the fact that during the recent disturbances many of our nationals have been beaten and manhandled and our boats were fired upon while navigating on our side of the river. Neither has my Government provided any facilities or passage through our territory to foreign forces. In this particular case, a simple glance at a map would reveal that, neither side has any need to pass through our territory, since there is a great river which affords ample and convenient means of communication. As to the alleged troop concentration, anyone, whether one of our nationals or a foreigner, who lives in a free and open country like ours, with no kind of curtain, may bear witness to the imaginary character of the accusation. 10. However, charges such as these are not completely devoid of meaning; in our opinion, they may well portend an open intervention by certain elements which have so far remained in concealment. At any rate, they reveal certain interests which cannot be termed unselfish. In a case like this it might be interesting to envisage the revival of an investigation both inside that country and around it by impartial authorities such as those of the United Nations. Such an investigation might this time be very revealing and might show to the world a number of alarming facts, particularly as we learn from news which has reached us this morning that heavy attacks have been launched by forces trained, equipped, supplied and directed by outside Powers. Such an investigation would clearly Show who is intervening, by what means and to what extent. It may not meet with the approval of those who are at present threatening the security and the very existence of that country, nor of their friends, but it may well serve the freedom and stability of that country. 11. As far as Thailand is concerned, it has no material or economic interest in that country, nor does it have any territorial designs. Our only interest is to see peace and order prevail for the benefit of those people themselves. On the contrary, disturbances and interventions by certain disruptive elements affect our own well-being and security which, as a Government responsible to our people, we intend to preserve with all the means at our disposal. 12. However, the crux of the problem, lies, no doubt, on the fact that the world is sharply divided in terms of ways of life, of interests and ideology. The chasm is wide and difficult to bridge. The opposition between the two camps is so manifest that it may appear anywhere and almost on any occasion, especially between the two major leaders, so much so that clashes remain a constant possibility. The same is also true in regard to situations which arise in new areas which do not come within the spheres of their immediate interests. There the possibility of intervention by one brings the likelihood of intervention by the other, and that leads to the danger of possible conflicts. 13. This, in brief, is the basic problem which constitutes the fountain-head of our present difficulties. There is no doubt that this fundamental divergence between nations of the world affects and influences all other important questions — disarmament, economic aid or any others. 14. This is the deep-rooted problem we have to face, the solution to which is still beyond our reach. However, as long as the two camps face each other, with no possible compromise in sight and with profound feelings of fear and suspicion of each other, even a workable and dependable modus vivendi! remains difficult to achieve. Our efforts, therefore, should be directed first to preventing a further aggravation of this delicate state of affairs. Our energy should be applied to avoid further deepening of feelings of apprehension and lack of trust among nations, and we can do so by refraining from threats to use the modern weapons of destruction which in recent times have been among the major causes of world tension. At the same time our efforts must be conjugated to bridge this yawning gap. At present we have at our disposal the best instrument of our time and perhaps of all times: the United Nations. We should know how to make use of it and to make it serve our general interests and not merely the interests of one or of a few. 15. It seems hardly necessary for me to say that the United Nations has more than fulfilled our expectations. In the recent delicate and complex situation in the Congo the United Nations has rendered the most valuable services and it continues to do so. It has saved the Congo, and perhaps the whole world, from chaos. The Secretary-General, Mr. Hammarskjold, and all his associates deserve our high commendation and gratitude. The Secretary-General in particular, in the face of the most difficult circumstances, has shown a keen insight, great courage and wisdom. The overwhelming vote taken recently in this Assembly is a testimony of our wholehearted approval of his inspiring leadership and his conduct of the operations in the Congo. 16. With such results now at hand, the only logical course of action that remains open to us is to strengthen the office of the Secretary-General as institutionalized in our Charter. If any modifications should be brought about to that office, they should be aimed at increasing the authority of the Secretary-General and giving him, in addition to our support and confidence, the best possible means to enable him to carry out efficiently and effectively his mandate and duties, 17. In doing so the nations of the world will gain, and the chances for peace and stability will increase. In our submission, the United Nations remains the only organization at our disposal capable of intervening between the two opposing groups. It may serve to avoid all possible head-on clashes between the two and it may cushion any forceful contacts between them. 18. At the same time, while peace and order are being precariously maintained through the use of the United Nations between the two camps, further efforts should continue towards a more permanent settlement. Such efforts may preferably take place within the United Nations while others may be pursued outside it as circumstances may require. In particular, contacts and negotiations between those who are endowed with the greatest power of destruction should be resumed and conducted in earnest and with genuine efforts to achieve tangible results. Such efforts may be particularly applied to the thorny and complex problem of disarmament, which remains the explosive issue of our time. Meanwhile a way should be found to dissociate the fortune of disarmament efforts from that of world peace. In other words, the lack of success in reaching the still elusive agreement on that subject should not cause the temperature of the world body to rise. For that purpose, an understanding, even a tacit one, should be arrived at whereby intermittent setbacks in disarmament negotiations should not be used for psychological gains to increase international tension and fears of war for the benefit of one or the other party. 19. The above observations may also apply to other problems which have a direct bearing on the present contest between the two camps. I have in mind particularly the question of economic aid, which at present is being used more for political effects than for purely economic purposes. Here again a mutual understanding should be reached whereby the needs of the underdeveloped countries for their economic and social development should not be exploited for the political benefit of one or the other group. The recipients themselves should come to realize that their long-range interests require that the aid they may receive should not involve them in political entanglements. In this domain as well, the United Nations may render significant services and may help ultimately in relieving political tension. 20. Our abiding faith in the United Nations is not purely academic or sentimental. In our national day-to-day life we look to the United Nations as an effective instrument of peace. Therefore, whenever difficulties arise we always seek the advice and good offices of this Organization. 21. Although the United Nations maybe envisaged as performing important functions, the main duty and responsibilities still rest on the shoulders of its Member nations. While the struggle between the great goes on, the large majority cannot sit idly by, watching the tragedy roll on before their eyes. They also have an important duty to perform and a great stake in ensuring the welfare of the world. Their actions or omissions may either enhance or gravely affect the chances of world peace. Now, with the increased membership of our Organization, the role that smaller nations can play in world affairs, and particularly in the Organization, cannot be insignificant. My delegation rejoices that many new nations from Africa and other parts of the world have joined our family of nations; and many more will do so in the near future. The fresh and new ideas they bring with them will certainly reinforce our efforts in the quest for international understanding and harmony. We welcome them wholeheartedly and we wish them great success in their new responsibility. 22. As we see it, the first duty of smaller nations is to refrain from doing anything that may worsen the present delicate international situation. All of us, I feel sure, deeply realize that we have absolutely no interest in witnessing a struggle between the great of the world. Even though we may not be directly involved in that struggle, we are bound to feel and to be affected by its repercussions. In my country we have a saying that whenever two elephants fight the grass is crushed under their feet. In this case, smaller nations may hardly be compared to grass but, somehow or other, the struggle between great nations is likely to produce adverse effects upon their existence. History abounds in examples and illustrations, and it is therefore unnecessary for me to bring them out in support of my contention. 23. On the positive side, small nations acting together, either within the framework of the United Nations or outside it, can and will make their weight felt. They have already been able to do so in the past; there is no reason why they should not be able to do it again in the future. In the performance of this task there is no need for any formal alliance; all nations of goodwill from all sides, may join in, irrespective of their political commitments, because the fundamental purpose of these joint efforts is not to set ourselves against anyone, but only to work together toward the common goal of world peace and understanding. All nations joining together in such efforts will be able to render services not only to themselves but, at certain junctures, to the great Powers as well. The immediate need in this respect is to develop among ourselves a conscience of our duty and the worthiness of the role we can play. 24. This, besides the United Nations, will be another bridge which may be thrown across the chasm separating the two camps. There are great hopes that it may play a worthy role in restoring international harmony and concord between nations. If during the few weeks we spend here together such a purpose can be realized, that in itself will represent a notable achievement for which our peoples and indeed the whole world will be grateful.