With the admission of sixteen new Members we all feel that we are in the presence of a revolutionary moment in human history. These countries represent millions upon millions of people who are now, for the first time, experiencing sovereignty and freedom in the modern world. Nothing is so debasing as national dependence and inequality, and nothing is so exhilarating as national independence and equality. No nation has been ordained to rule over others, or has been fated to be ruled by others. And I maintain that even the best foreign rule cannot take the place of self-rule. It is because these basic truths are today universally accepted, that the new countries were welcomed in our midst with such genuine joy.
123. But, may I suggest that there are two dangers that face those of us who have emerged as newly independent States: first, lingering in the past; and second, the illusion that political independence will provide automatic solutions for all problems.
124. What do I mean by lingering in the past? It is natural that many new peoples should have unhappy, and in some cases, bitter memories. It is understandable that many of them should feel a sense of grievance against their former rulers and should view their present plight as the legacy of the past. It is to them a painful paradox that, while some countries have problems of surpluses and over-production, they should have been left behind in poverty. As they look about them at their lands, rich with minerals and vegetation-gold and diamonds, bauxite, iron and copper, cocoa and cotton, sugar and rubber — they must come to the conclusion that it was not God's will that they should be hungry.
125. How can we expect Africans to be impressed by the feats of the space age, when so many of their own people still are illiterate? You cannot expect the mother in an African village to be elated over the advance of medicine in the world when she sees her children suffering from trachoma, tuberculosis and malaria. All this must be understood. It is natural that all the suffering and degradation should be remembered by these new free peoples. No people can build its future if it does not remember its past. But a people cannot live only by brooding over the past; it must invest all its energy and ability in the future.
126. I speak on behalf of an ancient people whose past for thousands of years has been full of tragedy, racial discrimination and humiliation. It has been engaged in a continuous struggle to preserve its identity and its very survival — a struggle reaching its climax in our own lifetime, in the Nazi design to reach a "final solution to the Jewish problem" by genocide; that is, by the extermination of a whole people. Not for one moment do we intend to forget all that. Nor have we forgotten that our struggle for our rights in Palestine, under what became in effect a colonial régime, often took on tragic aspects. Yet, when we today survey our modest achievements, after thirteen years of statehood, we know that they were attained not by grieving; with our memories of the past intact, we bent all our energies on the building of the future.
127. This leads me to the second of the dangers which I have mentioned, and which I am sure is apparent to all our friends sitting here for the first time. How well we all know that independence is not only a culmination of ardent dreams and aspirations. It is not only a victory after a long and heartbreaking struggle. It is all that, but it is also an overwhelming challenge. There are now innumerable problems and dangers to be faced.
128. We, the new countries, have gained our independence in an era of man's greatest achievements. In parts of the world the standard of living and development have reached fantastic heights. We should not be told to go slow in our development; we should not toe told that the advances of the developed countries have taken generations and centuries to attain. We cannot wait. We must develop quickly. As a friend from Kenya who visited Israel said; "Must I walk in an age of jet planes just because those that now have jets were walking generations ago? "
129. This challenge is one not only for the new nations, but for the entire world. Much has been said and done about what I would call "first aid"; the sharing of food; the transfer of surplus to the hungry. But I wish to say — we will never be really free as long as our children need to be fed by others. Our freedom will be complete only when we have learned to bring forth from our own soil the food that we need. The cry that goes out from the African and Asian continents today is: share with us not only food, but also your knowledge of how to produce it. The inequality in the world today is not only in the gap of material things, but what is even more frightening, in the gap between those that literally reach for the moon and those who do not know how to reach efficiently into their own soil to produce their daily needs.
130. To satisfy the hunger of the mind is no less urgent than to satisfy the hunger for bread. The question is how the world can organize itself to span the time-lag of generations and share this knowledge with those who need it. The science and technology of our century that have been available to the industrially advanced States must be made available freely and fully to the new nations towards the solution of their acute economic, social and health problems.
131. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are devoting ever more attention to these crucial problems. In particular, through the twin instruments, the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund, skills and "know-how" are being freely shared between nations at different stages of economic progress, and latent resources are being surveyed and readied for development. The over-all scope of these activities is more than double today what it was barely three years ago, but the articulate need for such assistance has grown even faster. The urgent demands of the newly independent nations in particular make it imperative to increase the resources at the disposal of the United Nations for this purpose. From our own experience we know the beneficial results of United Nations assistance, and, within the limits of our possibilities, we are willing to increase our active participation in this great venture of international co-operation.
132. In an effort to help build a bridge between the two worlds — that of scientific progress and that of national liberation — the International Conference on Science in the Advancement of New States was convened by the Weizmann Institute of Science and the Israel Ministry of Education at Rehovoth, Israel, a few weeks ago. By the circumstances of her history, Israel feels a sense of kinship with each of these two worlds. We are a part, however modest, of the contemporary scientific and technological movement. At the same time, we are one of the thirty-five nations which have achieved their sovereignty since the United Nations was founded, and with most of those new nations we enjoy relations of friendship and mutual respect. The object of the Rehovoth Conference, as defined by its sponsors more than a year ago, was to "explore the capacity of science and technology to advance the life of nations which have not yet reached a momentum of development".
133. Those were the circumstances in which Israel played host for two remarkable weeks to an international gathering of unique composition. On the one hand, we had In our midst leading Cabinet Ministers, university presidents, technicians and high government officials of many States, especially from Asia and Africa, whose chief problem is that of supplementing constitutional freedom by a swifter economic and social progress. On the other hand, we welcomed eminent scientists whose achievements have transformed the pattern and prospect of life upon earth. These two groups of men — the statesmen of developing nations and the leaders of modern science — strove hard to come together in a genuine communion of mind and spirit.
134. Forty nations were represented at the Conference-more than half of them from Asia and Africa. Also in attendance were representatives and observers from United Nations agencies and from foundations concerned with development and education in new societies. The Conference adopted the Rehovoth Declaration [A/4570], which recommended that: “… "(a) The governments of developing States should regard the furtherance of science and technology as a major objective of their national policies and make appropriate provision for funds t and opportunities to achieve this end. "(b) In the secondary and higher educational systems of new and developing States, accelerated programmes should be undertaken with a view to establishing a body of scientific workers and technical experts. “… "(d) Until such time as their own scientific manpower is adequate, new and developing States would be well advised to seek the help of scientific advisers and experts from friendly countries and international agencies to help them develop a scientific practice and tradition..." The Conference appealed to the more advanced countries to extend such aid.
135. The Israel delegation will return to this subject in the appropriate Committee during this session. It may be possible for the General Assembly to adopt a resolution embodying some of the ideas which I have here outlined.
136. Now, while it is true that science and technology can provide the keys of knowledge, a major part of the capital needs for development must still be provided from outside sources. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and other international agencies are making splendid efforts to meet these needs, but the resources at their command are insufficient to win the race against population pressures. What is required is an initial injection of development capital on so massive a scale that it can put into motion self-perpetuating local forces of economic growth. It is ironic that at present the most spectacular expansion and the most rapid rise in the standards of life are taking place not in the backward but in the advanced countries — and the gap is widening every day instead of narrowing. No trickle of new capital can arrest this growing imbalance and promote a better equilibrium. I would merely mention that in the last five years production in the United States has increased 25 per cent; and, what is more startling, in Western Europe it has increased 48 per cent in this period, thus making that area a major economic force in the world,
137. The Governor of the Bank of Israel, in a recent address at the Conference of the Board of Governors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, pointed out that if 2 per cent of the annual gross product of the industrialized nations that are members of the Bank could be diverted into building up the under-developed nations, this would represent an amount of $17,000 million a year — an amount which would impart a real momentum to the forward march of the under-developed countries. One should add to this a similar contribution on the part of the vast and rapidly increasing national product of the Soviet Union and other industrialized countries outside the Bank. This, together with the possible sayings of the developing countries themselves, could no doubt completely transform the present situation and ensure in a not too distant future a happier life of ever-growing opportunity for men everywhere on our earth.
138. This may sound extravagant, until we translate it into terms of human welfare for the greater part of mankind. That welfare cannot be achieved by congratulatory speeches on Independence Day, bid; only through a dramatic, pooled effort by the leading industrial countries.
139. Allow me to turn now to the situation in the Congo (Leopoldville). At the outset let me make the position of my Government and people clear. It is: the Congo for the Congolese.
140. My delegation believes that the Congolese people, and they alone, have the right to decide under what type of constitution they want to live. Moreover, we support the opinion that the fragmentation of the new States is not in the interest of the African peoples themselves. Nobody who is sincerely a friend of the African peoples would want to gain any political or economic advantage at their expense, and only their enemies can wish to bring their continent into the orbit of the cold war.
141. The United Nations must do everything possible to prevent outside Powers from making the Congo, or any other African country, a hunting ground for their political interests. It is only the United Nations which should be entrusted with the task of assisting the Congolese people to solve these intricate and tragic problems. Although we may not always be in perfect agreement with the Secretary-General, it is my Government's opinion that he has most conscientiously carried out his task in the Congo.
142. My delegation believes that technical assistance to all new countries should flow through various channels: the United Nations, other multilateral arrangements, and bilateral agreements. But in a troubled situation like that in the Congo it is, we believe, advisable that every kind of aid should go through United Nations channels. This, of course, must be the situation regarding all military aid to the Congo.
143. My delegation wishes to express its sincere hope that the leaders of the Congo will find a way of pooling all their energies and talents for the constructive work so necessary for the welfare of their people.
144. A suggestion has been made that the office of the Secretary-General should be reorganized and should be composed of three Secretaries instead of one. It has further been suggested that each of the three should have a veto power. In my delegation’s view this practice would lead to paralysis. We have the Security Council with the veto power on decisions, and we are now asked to create a system of veto power on implementation. My delegation therefore associates itself with the view that the present system must be retained.
145. In the fateful debate on disarmament there is one encouraging aspect: the general admission that nobody could now win a world war. This may be a basis for the hope that no side will willfully begin a war. But a war caused by miscalculation in this atomic age can destroy all mankind, and it would really matter little to us what the post-mortem findings might be. The vital aim is that civilization remain alive.
146. It is extremely frustrating and terrifying for us, the small nations, to listen to the debate between the great Powers, for they are dealing with the fate of all of us.
147. Is it not tragic irony that nothing seems to create such tension as the discussion of peace, disarmament and coexistence? My delegation is inclined to accept the explanation, put forth by several representatives, for the lack of progress. The real reasons for failure in this field till now are fear and the lack of confidence. Cannot the Powers concerned agree to the assumption that all want peace and disarmament, and then accept the practical suggestion made by Mr. Macmillan [877th meeting] for a technical study? My delegation would respectfully make one further suggestion: give the technicians a limited time — say, three or six months — and during that time let the Powers agree to a complete moratorium in the cold war, in words and deeds. Let the cold war cool off. Let us give the technicians, or rather the world, a fair chance. What risk do we run if this is accepted? The experiment may fail — but maybe it will succeed? We dare not give up hope; the alternative is too frightening.
148. Israel, on its part, is committed to a policy of disarmament; not only is it so committed generally, but it has also adopted a specific policy in this field. One of the planks in the Israel Government’s programme, as approved by Parliament, is the complete disarmament of Israel and the Arab States under mutual inspection and control. We are not impressed by lofty speeches on world disarmament and peace by leaders who do not practice at home what they preach abroad. Our area, the Middle East, is a troubled area and an under-developed one. Neither Israel nor its neighbours can afford an arms race; the needs of the men, women and children of all our countries cry out against it.
149. My delegation listened very attentively to the principles of peace, negotiation, preservation of the United Nations Charter, as professed from this rostrum [873rd meeting] by the President of the United Arab Republic. We accept these praiseworthy principles. And so I here ask the President of the United Arab Republic: Is he prepared to do as he advises Mr. Eisenhower and Mr. Khrushchev to do, namely, to meet and negotiate? Is he prepared to meet Mr. Ben-Gurion, the Prime Minister of Israel, for negotiation of peace, or at least an agreement on non-aggression? And we put the same question to the King of Jordan, the Prime Minister of the Lebanon and all the other Arab leaders. On behalf of my Prime Minister, I say he is prepared for such a meeting without any preconditions, immediately, here or at any other place proposed to him,
150. Israel welcomes the plea by the President of Ghana for the recognition of the political realities in the Middle East and is willing to accept his suggestion for finding means to make it "impossible either for Israel to attack any of the Arab States or for the Arab States to attack Israel" [869th meeting, para. 85]. We were also struck by the wise words of the Prime Minister of Nepal, when he said that "the solution of the problem confronting the Middle East lies in the direction of recognizing and accepting the political realities that prevail there today" [878th meeting, para. 208] and called for a "realistic and practical solution" [ibid,] of the Arab-Israel conflict. The President-elect of Uruguay, too, issued an eloquent call for a negotiated peace. The Foreign Minister of Guatemala and other representatives made similar pleas.
151. In the course of this debate « number of Arab spokesmen have attacked my country and tried to rewrite the history of the events which attended its birth. I do not propose taking up the time of the Assembly by replying to any of these representatives individually or correcting the manifold distortions in their statements. I will confine myself to a few general observations, for the sake of the record and for the benefit of those delegations which are not familiar with the background.
152. The President of the United Arab Republic spoke of an error in the Middle East that is to be corrected. May I be allowed to quote here only one of his many pronouncements illustrating the method of correction he Evidently has in mind? Referring to Israel in a speech before the Executive of the National Union at Damietta on 8 May 1960, President Nasser said: "We hereby proclaim our determination to retrieve our rights by the force of our arms."
153. I ask: Is this according to the United Nations Charter? Is this in accordance with his call for peace? Is economic boycott, as practised by the United Arab Republic against Israel. in keeping with the Charter and with his lofty pronouncements of peace on earth? And do decisions of the Security Council bind the United Arab Republic, or does it enjoy a special status? If the United Arab Republic is not prepared to implement the Security Council’s decisions on the question of shipping in the Suez Canal, then how will it base its right, if elected to the Security Council, to tell others that there must be no war or threat of war, that all questions must be resolved by peaceful negotiations, and that Security Council decisions must be observed?
154. Now, what is the error in the Middle East that certain Arab spokesmen desire to see corrected? Is an independent Jewish State in that area an accident or an innovation? Every mountain, every valley in our country, as mentioned in the Book of Books, tells of Our belonging, of our being there. The years of dispersion form one of the most tragic chapters in human history, but also a unique chapter of faith and determination — the story of a wandering people, scattered all over the world, always remembering where it came from and never for a moment giving up its hope and determination to return. Massacres, hate, humiliation, discrimination — that was our lot. We withstood all that only because we never gave up hope for national independence and individual dignity. And did. the desert in Israel bloom as long as we were in exile? Did trees cover the Judean hills, were marshes drained? No — rocks, desert, marshes, malaria, trachoma — this is what characterized the country before we came back.
155. In 1947, when the United Nations by a more than two-thirds majority took its decision [resolution 181 (11)] on the establishment of the Jewish State, it was we who called upon the Arab population in the country and the Arab States to implement this decision in peace with us. Instead, on 15 May 1948, seven Arab armies marched across their borders, to "correct the error" of the United Nations, with the proclaimed purpose of destroying the resolution by force of arms, of wiping out our cities, villages and population. We had to meet the invading armies virtually unarmed, and the flower of our youth fell upon the battlefields defending their homes and families and the honour of their people. Their graves are scattered across our countryside.
156. And then came the call by the Arab leaders to the Arab population in Israel to leave immediately, promising them that within a matter of days they would be back to divide among them the spoils of the Jews who would have been thrown into the sea.
157. We are the last people to be insensitive to the question of refugees. We are the classic people of refugees. Over the last twelve years we have accepted over a million refugees into Israel, of whom over 500,000 came from Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Syria and other Arab lands. No Jews came out of the country represented here by Mr. Shukairy because no Jew is allowed or has ever been allowed ever to live there. Three hundred thousand Jews came from displaced persons' camps in Germany, Italy and elsewhere. Three years after the war, these wretched remnants of Europe's Jewry, six million of whom were slaughtered by the Nazis, were still the unwanted people of the world. They had no seven Jewish States to receive them. They had only the reborn State of Israel.
158. Those Arabs on the other hand who left our country did not go into strange lands; they crossed the borders into the same countries from which the invading armies came. They speak the same language, they hold the same religion, they are of the same culture. Why are they not absorbed, as we absorbed our refugees; as we housed and employed the 240,000 Arabs that are in Israel today; and the half million Jews that left the Arab countries and were forced to leave everything behind them? They came to us naked, sick and without skill, but they have become a vital factor in our development.
159. There has been a great homecoming of our people, hot, as has been suggested here, of people dragged through Zionist machinations from comfortable and happy homes elsewhere; in the main, those that came were destitute refugees. They are our own brothers, and we have welcomed them and given them a new life with us, whatever the sacrifices and burdens that it entails, and we will continue to do so.
160. As to the solution of the Arab refugee problem, objective observers have said over and over again that there is one factor and one only standing in the way, and that is the political policy of the Arab leaders.
161. I reject the contention that when I say this I am saying something contrary to any United Nations resolution. The General Assembly resolution of 1948 [194 (III)] is frequently invoked in this respect, and just as frequently misquoted.
162. Moreover, I do not believe that Arab spokesmen are in a fitting moral position to be sanctimonious about United Nations resolutions. The Arab States not merely refused to implement the partition resolution of 1947, but by the force of arms tried to annul it. The Arab aggression in Palestine against Israel and the United Nations is the one and only reason for the existence of the Arab refugee problem. Yet, in spite of that we permitted the return into Israel of more than 40,000 Arab refugees on humanitarian grounds in order to permit the reunion of families.
163. It is also a fact that the Security Council resolutions calling for free and unhampered navigation in the Suez Canal have been and still are openly defied by the United Arab Republic.
164. Ever since the Arab aggression against Israel in 1948 we have called on our neighbours to negotiate in order to settle all problems at issue between us and to conclude a peace. So far they have refused to do so and they insist on maintaining a state of war against Israel, a fellow Member of the United Nations.
165. We again call most solemnly to the leaders of the Arab States; let us sit down in a free, not preconditioned conference, to discuss peace. We are convinced that that is the only realistic approach. And when there is peace between us, let us with united strength develop the entire region for the welfare of all our peoples.
166. I wish to turn now to a subject which seems to my delegation to be of extreme importance. The life of the United Nations is not becoming simpler but, on the contrary, more difficult and it seems to us that there is one way only to keep this Organization, upon which the hopes of the entire world depend, alive and active. That is to live up strictly to the United Nations Charter. The Charter does not allow for a state of war among Member States; the Charter does not allow for boycott of Member States; it is not in keeping with the spirit of the Charter to bring pressure upon one Member State in order to prevent it from hawing diplomatic relations with another Member State. A propaganda of hate is contrary to the spirit of the Charter. We believe that compromising with principles does not assure the efficient functioning of the United Nations.
167. And, in conclusion, we wish to say the following. The United Nations has come sufficiently near the brink for all of us to behold the abyss; it is large enough to swallow all of us, big and small. It is time for us, the small nations of the world, the new nations just beginning our own independent lives, to cry out in unison to the big Powers; You must come to some modus vivendi in this world by which we all can live in peace. You must find a way for disarmament and lift the threat of the scourge of war from over our heads.
168. We small countries have the moral right to make this plea. But moral rights impose responsibilities. The moral right and status of the small countries are entirely dependent on their readiness at all times to conduct their own mutual relations in strict accordance with the Charter of the Organization, to compose the differences between them by peaceful means, to co-operate for their mutual progress and by so doing make their own essential contribution to the cause of peace and the progress of mankind.