The fifteenth session of the General Assembly has had as special features the presence and active participation in this general debate of Heads of State and Heads of Government, and the entry into the Organization of a large group of countries which did not until recently enjoy the benefits of independence.
91. These are events which will undoubtedly weigh heavily in the balance of the work undertaken by the General Assembly this year, and provide a clear indication of the immediate future of the United Nations.
92. With all respect and with deep admiration, let me take this opportunity to greet and congratulate from this rostrum, on behalf of the people and Government of El Salvador, each and every one of the delegations accredited by the Republics which have this year so fittingly entered the international community and have joined our great family of nations, and to pay the tribute of our fellow-feeling to the sixteen new African States and to the Republic of Cyprus, which have brought the membership of the United Nations to the impressive total of ninety-nine.
93. Our congratulations go also to the Powers which were responsible for carrying out the delicate task of preparing these peoples for independent life and promoting their political, economic, social and educational advancement, either under the Trusteeship System established by the United Nations Charter or as Non-Self-Governing Territories covered by the Charter's Chapter XI.
94. We would be remiss if we did not also take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the staff of the United Nations Department of Trusteeship and Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories for their efficient work, and above all for their contribution to the success of the visiting missions which, on the basis of the experience we have acquired over a number of years, constitute in our view a most valuable aid to the work not only of the Trusteeship Council but of the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly.
95. It is obvious that the colonial system is in process of liquidation and that it will have disappeared completely before many years have passed.
96. Nevertheless, we do not believe that we should dispense immediately and completely with all the machinery established by the United Nations to further the gradual and progressive development of the colonial peoples towards self-government and independence, and thereby leave many of these peoples in a state of abandonment which might lead to chaos and would not only hamper their normal development but expose them to the dangers of a neo-colonialism much less desirable than the colonialism to which they have previously been subjected.
97. The delegation of El Salvador, which would like to share the optimism of other delegations but is unable to do so in view of the facts, does not wish to be completely pessimistic with regard to those facts and the prospects that they hold out to us.
98. It cannot be denied that the international situation, instead of improving, has worsened greatly since this Assembly's last session. This is demonstrated, among other events, by the failure of the Conference of the Heads of the Four Powers which was to have been held in Paris as from 16 May 1960; the unexpected breaking-off of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament negotiations at Geneva; the constant state of activity which the Security Council has found it necessary to maintain; and, in the regional field, the holding of two Meetings of Consultation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the American States — the Sixth and Seventh Meetings — which took place at San José, Costa Rica, in August 1960.
99. Meanwhile, no possibility has emerged of overcoming the differences dividing certain countries and whole sectors of mankind; on the contrary, the cold war is being intensified and new elements of danger are being added to the existing tension.
100. Of the solutions proposed, many are unrealizable, almost chimerical, or designed solely to attract proselytes and deceive world opinion.
101. Let us say frankly that if there is a real desire to find ways of ensuring peaceful coexistence in this agitated and tormented present-day world, we must proceed on pragmatic principles and seek viable solutions for the great problems of our times, instead of intensifying the cold war and seeking to mask unavowable aims by more or less fantastic proposals.
102. Unfortunately, what we have seen at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, and some little time ago at the meetings of the Security Council and of the Fourth Emergency Special Session where the question of the Congo was under consideration, is nothing but an open cold war offensive designed to achieve specific ends through the use of threats and intimidation.
103. To corroborate that statement we need only recall, aside from the question of the Congo, the unjust campaign launched against the Secretary-General, Mr. Hammarskjold, the intemperate language used during the debate on the inclusion of the item concerning the representation of China, and the repeated warnings issued on the question of Berlin.
104. My Government considers that the Secretary-General’s conduct in carrying out the Security Council resolutions regarding the Congo has been not only correct and in keeping with the letter and the spirit of those resolutions, but noble and praiseworthy in every respect.
105. The problem of the Congo is the most serious problem with which the Organization has had to deal; and, like the Security Council and the Fourth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, the Secretary-General, as the representative of both organs of the United Nations and subject to the limitations and imperfections inevitable in such cases, has succeeded in meeting the needs and requirements which have arisen in connexion with the young African Republic.
106. Perhaps the key to the rancour against the Secretary-General may be found in certain paragraphs of the Introduction to his Annual Report on the Work of the Organization [A/4390/Add.1],
107. Referring to the anti-colonial and racist manifestations observed among the African peoples, the Secretary-General rightly states that that attitude arises out of a “... willingness to co-operate with the rest of the world and ... to integrate into the rest of the world, combined, however, with a firm rejection of any attempts by others to turn the efforts of the African States to achieve this co-operation and integration into subjection, be it political, economic or ideological.” He goes on: “Reactions from the outside have been mixed. There are those who try to maintain what history has already judged. There are those who try to put in place of the past new and more subtle forms of predominance and influence. There are, on the other hand, also those for whom independence is an end in itself, irrespective of whether or not, in the form in which it can be offered, it serves the best interest of the people. There are, finally, those who, using these various reactions and counter-reactions, try to manipulate them for their own ends.”
108. Apart from the respect and esteem we owe to the Secretary-General for his impartiality, assiduity, intelligence and propriety, we are, on principle, decidedly opposed to the Soviet proposal for the replacement of the Secretary-General by a triumvirate made up of one person from the Western sector, another from the communist sector and another from the neutral or — to use the fashionable neologism- neutralist sector.
109. The tripartite organ which would take the place of the Secretary-General would be able to act — this is Mr. Khrushchev’s stated intention — only on the basis of unanimity. The executive organ, which is responsible for carrying out the decisions of the Council or the General Assembly, would thus be infected with the innate and chronic disease which makes the Council itself almost inoperative: the veto. In order to achieve that end it would be necessary to amend the Charter and — an unheard-of thing — to consecrate in it the division of the world into three sectors: western, communist and neutralist,
110. We believe that there is an urgent need to amend the Charter in order to increase the membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, in keeping with the increase in the number of Members of the United Nations, and for other equally useful and necessary purposes; and that if, when the time comes to alter the Charter, it is necessary to give thought to the veto, this obstacle to the normal functioning of the United Nations should be eliminated, and not extended to other organs.
111. Great though the number of States belonging to the United Nations may be, our Organization has not yet attained universality, nor will it do so until a way is found to put an end to the coolness between certain Powers and to achieve the reunification of countries which, like Germany, Korea and Viet-Nam, have for years suffered from an artificial division that cannot be laid to the charge of their own citizens, unless some of these be communist elements inspired and maintained in power by foreign Governments.
112. We have often heard it said here, that peace can be ensured only through mutual respect between States and through recognition of the fact that the world is divided, whether we like it or not, into nations with differing ideologies, systems and structures.
113. The first part of this argument seems to us unexceptionable. Mutual respect is the basis of all coexistence. Peace must go hand in hand, at all times, with justice. But this very fact leads us to doubt the accuracy of the second part of the statement. Not all nations possess ideologies, systems of government and structures in keeping with their histories, peculiarities and aspirations. Many of them — I have mentioned Germany, Korea and Viet-Nam, and I could quote many others — are not governed by the will of their peoples, but are under foreign yoke; and when they try to shake off that yoke, foreign forces are quick to stifle any attempt at liberation.
114. This Assembly has considered in previous years, and still has on its agenda, cases like those of Hungary and Tibet, which illustrate dramatically the injustice that I have indicated. We tremble at the thought that such cases might recur in Asia, Europe or other parts of the world. We Latin Americans would regard it as a terrible misfortune if, in an evil hour, we were overtaken by such a disaster.
115. Nor can peace be properly secured without the constant and rapid progress of the peoples who are less advanced from the economic, social and educational standpoint — the peoples to whom, in contrast with those that are highly industrialized, we are wont to attach the questionable label "under-developed".
116. It is only fair to recognize that international co-operation in this field has yielded, and is still yielding, results of inestimable value. None the less, even greater efforts must be made to improve the peoples’ living conditions, through every form of intensive development.
117. Once again, the delegation of El Salvador pays tribute to the United Nations for the work it is doing through the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, the Special Fund, the United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF] and each, of the specialized agencies.
118. We also pay tribute to the general credit institutions, and wish to express our satisfaction at the establishment of the Inter-American Development Bank, whose governors met for the first time in February 1960 in our country’s capital.
119. From the tone of certain speeches made in this hall, representatives will have realized that relations between some of the American Republics are beset by serious international problems. The existence of such problems is a source of disquiet and preoccupation to all of us in America. But we have faith in the vision, sagacity and patriotism of our statesmen, and do not doubt that they will be able, through negotiation and other peaceful means, to overcome the present difficulties.
120. Meanwhile, America is united and strong in its common resolve and effort to improve the living conditions of its peoples. Operation Pan America, born of the initiative of the President of Brazil, Dr. Juscelino Kubitschek, is under way, and the Act of Bogotá has just been signed in September 1960; this important document provides for measures of social improvement and economic development under Operation Pan America. The Act ends with this declaration: "In approving the Act of Bogota the Delegations to the Special Committee, convinced that the people of the Americas can achieve a better life only within the democratic system, renew their faith in the essential values which lie at the base of Western civilization, and re-affirm their determination to assure the fullest measure of well-being to the people of the Americas under conditions of freedom and respect for the supreme dignity of the individual.”
121. On a smaller scale, the Central American countries are also pursuing their efforts for improvement. In February 1960, the Governments of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala signed a Treaty of Economic Association, designed to ensure the free movement of persons, goods and capital between their countries. The purpose of the association, which other Central American Republics may join, is to promote the economic development of the countries concerned, with a view to improving their inhabitants’ living conditions; to strengthen and broaden economic cooperation between these countries, as a step towards Central American economic integration; to establish in the near future a common market, so as to encourage joint production and investment; and to setup the necessary machinery for the promotion of economic co-operation between the countries of the Isthmus.
122. This Central American movement will certainly stimulate the inflow of foreign capital, which, together with national capital, will increase the pace of economic development, so necessary for the general progress of our region.
123. As an example of what the policy of "welcoming investment" means to us, I will mention a case affecting El Salvador alone. The recent Processing Industries Encouragement Act, inspired by that policy, has promoted the investment of national and foreign capital to such effect that, since its enactment, nearly 200 new industrial enterprises have been set up, with a total investment of about 200 million Salvadorian colons — the equivalent of eight million United States dollars.
124. All speakers from this rostrum, without exception, have agreed on the self-evident truth that the peoples need to live in peace and devote themselves entirely to the building of a better world for the coming generations.
125. Yet the cold war has not been abandoned, and armed conflicts are, at this very moment, causing bloodshed in many parts of the earth. The nightmare of nuclear war keeps the world in a state of anxiety, and the atmosphere at this General Assembly, which should have lessened the fear of disaster, has so far only increased it. Man needs to live, develop, and accomplish his mission upon earth. War has never been as detestable as now, because it has never before meant the complete destruction of the species and of all that man has achieved and built. War is, therefore, not only cruel but stupid. The fate of mankind is not in the hands of every Government. It is controlled by a few men, who direct the policies of the great Powers, and especially of the two that are best equipped to begin the final suicidal struggle.
126. In the last few days we have heard here the speeches of President Eisenhower and Chairman Khrushchev. Their views on disarmament, the abolition of nuclear weapons, the peaceful use of outer space and other serious problems bearing on war and peace are marked by important differences; but these differences are not such that agreement should be regarded as impossible.
127. We advocate the immediate resumption of negotiations between the great Powers, under the auspices of the United Nations, either at the highest level, or summit, as it is now called — between Heads of State or Heads of Government — or at any other level which will ensure the negotiations’ final success. Personal contacts between the highest officials do not, perhaps, constitute the most suitable method. This is indicated by recent deplorable events, which do not suggest that summit conferences are the right procedure.
128. Any effort and any sacrifice will be small if the world can finally be rid of the fear which grips it, so that man can enjoy the blessings of life in full and in peace.
129. The United Nations is the best instrument yet devised to bring the peoples together and promote understanding between them.
130. As in earlier years, the General Assembly has on its agenda the study of the great problems exercising mankind. It will be harder now to arrive at conclusions which will represent real progress towards the solution of those problems.
131. In the particular case of disarmament, the talks of die Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament have broken down, and the Disarmament Commission has not succeeded in making any progress with the study of the question.
132. Constituted, as it is, of all the Organization’s Members — almost a hundred States — the Disarmament Commission will not, we think, be able to do any really useful work in this field. It seems to us that it would be better to reconstruct the Disarmament Commission. It should consist of a small group of States; and, if possible, certain specific rules or principles should be established for the conduct of its work. In this way the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament, which originated outside the United Nations, would be replaced by a reasonably constituted official commission, which could consider the main problems involved in the disarmament question with a good chance of success.
133. My speech as you will see, Mr. President, has been brief. It would have been an abuse of your patience to repeat, at length, ideas which have already been expressed in this hall. That patience has been abused enough in three long weeks of speeches and incidents — often picturesque, but sometimes so unusual that it has been necessary to suspend the meeting in order to cool heads paradoxically set on fire by the sparks of the cold war.
134. I trust in the wisdom and compassion of the men who have it in their power to dispense to humanity calm or anxiety, happiness or misfortune, life or extinction. And I extend my warm congratulations not only to you, Mr. Boland, but to this great Assembly for its wise choice of a statesman and diplomat of your calibre to hold this office, in which you so honourably and worthily uphold the good name of Ireland, your glorious country, and guide the representatives of a hundred peoples whose flags fly together before this home of the nations, symbolizing, perhaps, the immortal precept "Love one another", that magnificent expression of the whole of Christian morality.