Netherlands

I hope the President will allow me to begin by saying that the Netherlands delegation is particularly happy to have him preside over this session of the General Assembly. I believe it is no exaggeration to say that never before in the whole course of history has any one man ruled over so many Heads of State and powerful political leaders as he is now doing. His calm competence, his sure judgement and his integrity afford us the certainty that he will know how to guide us all along the paths of procedure towards results that, we sincerely hope, will make this session of the Assembly a memorable one. 203. At this stage of the general debate I shall confine my intervention to the treatment of those questions which either have a special significance for my country or are such that the debate may perhaps profit from a statement of our views on them. 204. Bearing this in mind, I shall, first of all, say a few words on disarmament; next, I shall revert to some points from the address of the President of Indonesia [880th meeting]; after that, I shall touch on the structure of the Organization, and especially its economic and social part; finally, I wish to make a statement on my Government's policy. 205. I do not feel called upon to concern myself, at present, with all the many aspects of the problem of disarmament, I agree with those who say that this problem should be at the central point of our thinking and acting. I share the sentiments of the hundreds of millions of people who beg us to free them from the fear of new wars. And I know that these countless millions are not to be found only on one side of this or that frontier. They dwell in tine Soviet Union and they have their being in the United States; they live in the Netherlands and their homes are in all the four corners of the earth. If, in spite of their common desires and appeals, the foundations of peace have not yet been laid, it must be that fear and suspicion still hold the world in too firm a grip. All that needed to be said on this grim but persistent situation was admirably expressed by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in his address to the Assembly last week [877th meeting). With the analysis he then gave my Government is in full accord. In particular I should like to stress our concurrence in the cogent arguments he adduced to expose the insidious fallacies some speakers here would have the world believe about Germany and the policies of the Western countries in respect of that country. Representing, as I do, a land which, for five long years, endured nazi occupation, I consider that I have the competence to state that my Government regards the Federal Republic of Germany as a valuable partner in our joint efforts for peaceful co-operation among nations. 206. In the coming weeks the Netherlands delegation will lend strong support to any proposals designed to contribute really and effectively to the promotion of peace, to the banishment of suspicion and fear, and to the abatement of the atomic threat. 207. The only means at our disposal to lessen the peril of an outbreak of war is, of course, international co-operation on a world-wide scale. That means that strengthening of the United Nations is an essential condition for the success of any such efforts. Whoever attempts to weaken the United Nations is working against peace. Whoever acts, or threatens to act, in a manner contrary to the principles of the United Nations undermines its authority and jeopardizes peace. One such threat was uttered on 30 September 1960 in the address by the President of Indonesia. 208. Indonesia sustains a territorial claim to part of the island of New Guinea in the Pacific Ocean. It wishes to annex part of that island to its own territory without allowing the population of the island to exercise its right of self-determination. Acceptance of this claim would mean that the Papuan people, inhabiting the island of New Guinea, would in the eastern half, under Australian guidance, be enabled to determine its own future, and would, in the western half, be for ever deprived of this right. 209. Territorial claims to other lands have frequently been raised throughout history, and even today there are many territories that are in dispute. But there is one new element in our modern world that distinguishes such present-day disputes from those of old. That new element is that now all Members of the United Nations have solemnly undertaken to "settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered", and to "refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state". 210. Four times, in the period from 1953 to 1957, Indonesia has endeavoured to persuade the United Nations to recognize its claim. Four times the General Assembly has refused to do so, taking into account that Indonesia’s claim was based on the interpretation of a treaty — a treaty which Indonesia had unilaterally repudiated — and that the Netherlands had offered to abide by the decision on that interpretation by the highest authority competent to establish such decisions; the International Court of Justice. 211. Now the President of Indonesia addresses this Assembly and announces that, having tried in vain using the machinery of the United Nations, Indonesia is now determined "to reach a solution by [its] own methods", and, in referring to these methods, he describes them as "a determined surgical effort". I venture to say that such an approach to the settlement of an international dispute constitutes a direct attack both on the principles of the Charter and on the means of settlement of disputes it sanctions and prescribes. It is also contrary to the solemn pledge given by all Members of the United Nations — which I quoted before. 212. I deem it my duty to point this out to the Assembly because, although this is not the first time that a Member State has infringed the stipulations of the Charter, it has, I believe, not often happened that intentions so contrary to the obligations imposed by the Charter have been so openly announced from this rostrum. 213. That my country, the Netherlands, could possibly harbour any idea of aggressive intentions towards Indonesia is a notion so fantastic that I cannot conceive that any sensible person would give it credence. 214. Before leaving this subject I should like to add that I sincerely hope that the threat of armed aggression implicit in the Indonesian statement is not really intended as such. If that should be the case, the Indonesian delegation can put the minds of all of us at rest by saying so from this rostrum. Having thus made use of my right of reply to some of the remarks made by the President of Indonesia, I will now continue my comments on a few subjects that have been mentioned in this debate. 215. Although such a statement may seem redundant, I wish to declare once more in the Assembly that my Government adheres to its policy of full support for the United Nations. It would be unnecessary to say this, were it not that this general debate has shown that some Members are less firm in their convictions on this point. 216. Let us remember that, when we use the term "United Nations", we are not only referring to the General Assembly, which meets once a year in regular session. The United Nations is much more than that. When we speak of the United Nations we should think of the thousands of activities pursued by its many organs, sub-organs, committees and commissions all over the world, in a global or regional context. We should call to mind the several thousands of international civil servants, at Headquarters and elsewhere, dedicated to the application of the principles of our Charter. We should conjure up the mental image of the thousands of experts working in under-developed countries. 217. The United Nations, through its Economic and Social Council, co-ordinates file work of all the specialized agencies, in the fields of medicine, education, labour, agriculture, and so many others. It provides part of the money for those activities. It is the infrastructure of growing international co-operation, aimed not only at security but more particularly at raising the level of existence in the under-developed countries. To disturb this intricate structure is a hazardous undertaking, because each of its branches is organically connected with the others. 218. I have heard the question of the transfer of the United Nations Headquarters raised as if it were a simple matter. Let us beware of such lighthearted suggestions. I, for one, will not deny that, in some respects, the fact that New York is our host city has its drawbacks — drawbacks that weigh more heavily with some delegations than with others. In other cities there would be other drawbacks, in other cities the great benefits we derive from our stay in this unique city might be absent. 219. Speaking of the imposing structure which has evolved under the flag of the United Nations, I cannot but mention with admiration the name of Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold. Perhaps in the past there have been moments when my Government, as well as some of its friends, would have preferred him to follow a different line from that on which he had decided within the purview of his competence. It would indeed be unthinkable that an official of his calibre and with his responsibilities would not, from time to time, act in a manner not in accordance with the wishes of some Members of our Organization. But the fact that sometimes we may have a judgement different from his on some question does not mean that the Secretary-General is carrying out his duties injudiciously. Bather it is an indication that he takes them seriously and tries to act impartially. I cannot agree with the proposal made by the representative of the Soviet Union, to the effect that the Charter of the United Nations should be amended so as to abolish the post of Secretary-General and replace it by a body of three persons. The acceptance of such a proposal would lead to paralyzation of the executive arm of the United Nations. 220. This proposal did, however, contain one element which was most welcome to us. By proposing an amendment of the Charter, Mr. Khrushchev indicated that the Soviet Union has definitely abandoned its policy of opposing any Charter amendment. As we know, for years it has taken the stand that the much needed increase in the membership of the main organs of the United Nations could not be brought about, because no amendment of the Charter would be permissible so long as the representatives of the People’s Republic of China did not occupy the seat of China in the Organization. Now that the Soviet Union has abandoned this stand — for otherwise Mr. Khrushchev could not himself propose an amendment to the Charter — I expect that a large majority of the Assembly will be eager to take advantage of this opportunity to achieve the enlargement of the Economic and Social Council from eighteen to twenty-four members. 221. Under the circumstances that unhappily prevail, the most important contribution we can make to peace is to increase our economic assistance to underdeveloped countries and to buttress the work of the United Nations in that domain. 222. I have noticed that some speakers in this debate have taken several hours to tell us that all countries which do not keep a continuous revolution boiling are their enemies. I would say that, under certain special circumstances, a revolution can be a necessary and, indeed, a salutary process. My own country had that experience centuries ago. Under all other circumstances, however, the promotion of quiet economic reconstruction would seem to be an infinitely better course. Each man prefers the safety and well-being of his kin to the rattling of machine guns in the street! 223. During those protracted discourses I heard much invective, but few constructive suggestions about the means to create a happier life for the individual members of the community. The Prime Minister of Cuba in his speech [872nd meeting] poured scorn on all foreign investments, but failed to explain how an under-developed country could raise the standard of living of its people without such investments. It is not least on account of the endeavour to raise the standard of living of the needy millions in the less developed countries that we in the Netherlands place our faith in the United Nations. To that faith we have testified again and again in the Economic and Social Council as well as in this Assembly. With the President’s permission, I would like to expand a little on this theme. 224. A rapid glance at the problems raised by the Secretary-General in his thoughtful statement to the ministerial level session of the Economic and Social Council last summer shows the depth and width of United Nations involvement in economic and social issues. Balanced economic and social growth, the role of economic projections, the consultation and policy role of the Economic and Social Council, the promotion of international trade and the solving of commodity problems, the flow of private capital, the role of international economic assistance, these are only some of the problems now within the purview of the United Nations family. In particular, the schemes of international economic assistance have shown a spectacular and still continuing upsurge. Concepts which not so long ago were held imprudent or impossible are becoming commonplace to private citizens, governments and academic institutions. As has so often been emphasized by Mr. Paul Hoffman, Managing- Director of the United Nations Special Fund, international economic assistance is not an act of charity; it is a necessity for all nations, rich and poor alike. 225. I wish to pay tribute to the proposal presented by President Eisenhower, in his address to the Assembly [868th meeting] for a special educational assistance programme for Africa. Without wishing to prejudice the discussion in the appropriate committee of the Assembly, I should like to suggest that existing machinery, such as the Special Fund, already active in the field of education, might be the best to administer this additional activity. 226. Fortunately, the United Nations has an impressive array of institutions capable of dealing with the teeming programmes for international assistance. In Washington the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, and, shortly, the new International Development Association — whose Articles of Agreement my Government has already signed — are increasingly active. From this building, the United Nations Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance are administered, in close and indispensable co-operation with the specialized agencies. The gradual expansion of these programmes has been a basic tenet of the United Nations. This growth is now more than ever demonstrably urgent. In 1957 the General Assembly laid down a provisional financial target, for the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund together of $100 million. Very soon, at the 1960 United Nations Pledging Conference on the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund to be held in this hall, that target may be reached, I believe that it would not be farfetched, nor financially unsound, if the General Assembly were to consider at this session an increase of this target to $125 million. It has been made abundantly clear by both Mr. Hoffman and Mr. Owen, Executive Chairman of the Technical Assistance Board that, within the present limited scope of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme, even such an amount would not be quite adequate for the carrying out of the most urgent programmes and projects. 227. Last week the President of Indonesia reminded us of the words of George Canning, who, in the early nineteenth century mentioned as the fault of the Dutch that of "offering too little and asking too much". I am grateful to the distinguished President for having provided me with this theme, and I should like to present some variations on it that did not occur to him. Indeed, the Dutch are "offering too little" in comparison with the immensity of the existing needs. All of us are offering too little. Nevertheless, in contributing to the United Nations activities, the Netherlands has made a great effort — an effort greater, both absolutely and in terms of percentages, than that made by many other Member States. For the Special Fund we intend to pledge again for 1961, subject, of course, to parliamentary approval, the sum of $2.4 million. 228. Contributing that amount made us the second largest contributor to the Special Fund in 1959, and the third largest in 1960. Our contribution to the Expanded Programme for 1961 will be increased by 7 per cent. Our contribution to these programmes has been, and is, considerably in excess of our share, calculated on the basis of the assessment percentage in the regular budget. I am glad to note that not only several highly developed countries, such as Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom, are contributing to those programmes more than their proportionate share, but also — and this is especially noteworthy — a number of the receiving countries, of which I may mention as examples: Brazil, Ecuador, Ghana, India, Liberia, Sudan, the United Arab Republic and Turkey. It is to be hoped that all countries will contribute their proportionate share, so that the target of $100 million will be reached. 229. It may be that we are still "offering too little"; it is more than likely that we are "asking too much". What we are asking — from the United Nations and from the Assembly — is that our joint efforts to collect even more money for the speedier economic development of all the territories in the world in need of assistance produce greater results in a shorter time. That is the new sense that we give to Canning’s quip, and in that; sense we are proud of it. I consider myself fortunate to be able to say this today in the presence of so many new Members of the United Nations from the African continent. I extend a most cordial welcome to them and I assure them that we are earnestly concerned in endeavouring to help them with their problems, and that we will do so primarily through the United Nations. 230. One of the gravest of these problems at the moment is that of the Congo (Leopoldville). In mentioning this problem, and in paying tribute to the great United Nations undertaking that is there moulding and shaping the future of a country, I wish to state two things for the record. The first thing is that it is an undeniable fact that it was Belgium that took the initiative to grant independence to the Congo. For this initiative it deserves praise and gratitude. The second is that the only thing that matters now is that the United Nations undertaking to which I referred should be continued and carried through for the benefit of the Congolese people. 231. I am gratified to be able to state that, in thus speaking, we intend to bear our share of the burden. I am able to announce that the Netherlands Government will make an appropriate contribution to the United Nations Fund for the Congo. The Secretary-General has stressed the immediate need for a sum of 100 million dollars. On the assumption that other Governments will act likewise, my Government is willing to contribute to that fund approximately one million dollars, a share corresponding to our percentage assessment in the regular budget of the United Nations. 232. Finally, I have some important things to say concerning a Territory pertaining to the Australian continent. The Territory I am referring to is Netherlands New Guinea, the western half of the island of New Guinea, on the continental shelf of Australia, in the Pacific Ocean, which island is inhabited by approximately 2 million Papuans. The eastern part of the island is administered by Australia. 233. Netherlands New Guinea is the only Territory administered by the Netherlands to which the terms of Article 73 e of the Charter of the United Nations apply. Our administration has no other aim than to prepare the population of the Territory, within the shortest possible time, for the exercise of its right of self-determination. That is to say that the population should freely determine what its own future is to be. It is to say that it should decide for itself whether it wishes to be an independent country, or to join up with the eastern part of the island, or to become part of Indonesia, or to opt for any other form of political existence. 234. I repeat: Netherlands policy in Netherlands New Guinea is solely and exclusively aimed at creating as soon as is humanly possible, the conditions under which the right of self-determination can be exercised — a right sanctioned by the Charter of the United Nations and praised in several speeches in this general debate as the sacrosanct and inalienable property of every people; a right, moreover, to which many countries here represented, including Indonesia, owe their independent existence, 235. The process of development towards self-determination has been accelerated, as can be seen from the details set out in our latest yearly report. Already the population has full freedom of political organization. A governing council in which the population is represented through election is being formed. Papuan Government officials are undergoing intensive training. Each year the Netherlands submits to the United Nations a detailed report on all the aspects of its administration. In these reports it does more than comply with its obligations under Article 73 e of the Charter; voluntarily it reports not only on economic, social and educational conditions, but also on the political development of the Territory. 236. During this debate suspicions have been voiced concerning the intentions of administering Powers. Our intentions are clear, unequivocal and open to verification. We have no secrets, and we invoke no immunity on account of domestic jurisdiction. To my fellow members of the General Assembly, I declare publicly from this rostrum, that the Netherlands is prepared to subject its policy and its actions, aimed at the speediest possible attainment of self-determination by the Papuan people, to the continuous scrutiny and judgement of the United Nations. I make this declaration as another proof of the sincerity of our will to guarantee fully, honestly and completely the Papuan population’s right to self-determination, 237. In spite of the difficult moments experienced by the Assembly in the recent past, my Government maintains its faith and its confidence in the Organization, which embodies, indeed, all our most fervent hopes for the future. We shall try to give it of our best, in order that out of the efforts of all, with the indispensable blessing of the Almighty, good may result.