Undoubtedly all of us who are meeting in this hall realize the importance of this session of the General Assembly. On the initiative of the Soviet Union, many countries have decided to send their top representatives to attend this session. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has lent its full support to the idea of participation of the Heads of States or Chiefs of Governments in this session.
12. We have come because the nations urge the acceptance of truly efficient measures for the safeguarding of peace and peaceful coexistence. To contribute effectively to the ensuring of peaceful cooperation among nations is the basic task of the United Nations. In order to fulfil successfully this task it is necessary now more than ever to approach the discussions with an extraordinary seriousness and to reject emphatically any attempts which are contrary to peaceful understanding.
13. The central problem of the present-day world is the urgency to ensure that nations may live in lasting peace and devote their energies to peaceful work for their own welfare. The necessity of peaceful coexistence and the elimination of methods of violence in the settlement of disputes among States becomes increasingly more obvious. It has been made necessary by the high stage of social development attained by mankind and the revolutionary changes of the postwar period in technology, particularly in military technique. These changes are of such a character that today any aggressive plan or mere design, any attempt at frustrating the noble endeavour to avert war, assumes a criminal character.
14. We believe that today we cannot even for a moment passively reconcile ourselves to a situation where the threat of war has not been definitively liquidated. We cannot approve of any action which frustrates equal negotiations, makes impossible reasonable settlement of disputes and sharpens tensions.
15. We realize, of course, that it is not easy to seek avenues leading to a lasting peace, because it is a complex and difficult task. Creation of a new world without armies, elimination of war from the life of mankind, the search for avenues leading to peaceful understanding, and the creation of new relations between nations, constitute quite a new problem which mankind never before has faced with such an urgency. It is no wonder that mankind is finding difficulty in getting nearer to its solution.
16. The basic prerequisite of any success in seeking ways to a lasting peace is goodwill on the part of all those who decide the issues of war and peace. The overwhelming majority of mankind is decisively for the cause of peace and for the liquidation of war as a method of settling disputes. This alone is an important factor. But also, all responsible statesmen to whom nations have entrusted their destinies must show their desire for peace.
17. As it stands now, it seems that there are big obstacles on the road to successful negotiation and agreement. However, some people see obstacles where there are none. For instance, different state or social systems in individual countries surely cannot be considered as an obstacle to peaceful coexistence. Is not the way of life adopted by a nation entirely its own internal problem? We consider it an inalienable right for nations to maintain or change their state or social systems, no matter whether some people abroad like it or not.
18. Historical development has brought nations to an important crossroads: they can either continue to follow the present road of the old social system — capitalism, or take a different road which leads to a new social system — socialism. One billion people have chosen the latter road and proceed on it successfully, demonstrating the great advantages of socialism. A number of nations have only now set out on the road of independent statehood and begun to shape their future state and social systems. A number of nations still continue to follow the old road. But should this be a reason for mankind to throw itself into an atomic hell? We do not think so.
19. So far, the developments have shown that both social systems — socialist and capitalist — can live together and compete in peace. There is no other choice if we want to save mankind from a world conflagration. Therefore, it is necessary to recognize the necessity of peaceful coexistence and the competition of countries with different social systems.
20. The people and Government of our country sincerely desire that this session of the General Assembly may help in clearing the way to a further strengthening of peace and in removing obstacles which stand in the way of the peaceful coexistence of nations.
21. As a result of the well-known changes in the balance of power in the world and the active peaceful endeavour of nations, we succeeded a few years ago in embarking upon a gradual process of relaxation of international tensions. Such an atmosphere is necessary for fruitful negotiations and the solution of major international issues.
22. Also, our country participated in furthering these healthy developments. Peaceful coexistence and friendly co-operation among nations are basic to Czechoslovak foreign policy, which enjoys the full support of all our people. In compliance with their will, the principles of peace and peaceful coexistence were laid down in the new Constitution of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, adopted this year.
23. In the forum of the United Nations we support all constructive peaceful proposals submitted by other States, particularly the Soviet Union. In the spirit of peaceful co-operation, Czechoslovakia maintains friendly, mutually advantageous relations with a great number of States with different social systems on all continents. As a country which has a deep interest in peaceful construction and normal international relations, we welcomed all negotiations between the West and the East which took place in the period under review. We welcomed the fact that in the course of the top-level negotiations between the Soviet Union and, subsequently, the United Kingdom, the United States and France, the elimination of the method of violence from the settlement of international disputes was confirmed. We also hopefully awaited such events as, under more favourable circumstances, the Paris Conference of the Heads of the Four Powers in May 1960 might have been.
24. It is common knowledge that the aggressive forces of world imperialism impede negotiations, support feverish armaments and sustain the hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world. On the eve of the Paris Conference they committed particularly condemnable provocations. Our people could not understand why, particularly at the time when the Paris Conference was being prepared, even in the days immediately preceding the opening of negotiations, the United States sent a spy plane over the territory of the Soviet Union; why at the same time it proclaimed again the so-called "Captive Nations Week", which represented a gross affront to the peoples of all socialist countries; why at this particular moment it prolonged for another two years the embargo against the socialist countries; and finally, why, on the very eve of the negotiations, it ordered directly from Paris a state of alert of all its forces.
25. What kind of discussion should it have been? In what atmosphere was it to take place? Undoubtedly, it was intended to emphasize the "position of strength", that is, of United States strength, and to create an atmosphere of concentrated threat and pressure.
26. People thinking along these lines evidently paid little attention to the realities of our time and failed to realize that the other side has grown up into a mighty Power which cannot easily be threatened. It is a well-known fact that even this side, that is, the Soviet Union, is a country with a highly-developed economy, science and technology.
27. Similar threats are well known from history, especially from the whole of the imperialist and militarist policies of Germany from Frederick the Great to Bismarck and Hitler. We cannot say as yet what will be the further developments in Germany, since we do not know what will be the end of their bright pupil Adenauer,
28. To approach the Paris Conference from a similar position cannot naturally mean anything else but to prepare for the negotiations with a firm intention to wreck them.
29. The General Assembly and its organs will undoubtedly deal with these events and their consequences from various points of view. On the suggestion of the Soviet Government, this session will consider agenda item 80: Complaint of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics about a menace to world peace created by aggressive actions of the United States of America against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. We fully agree to the consideration of this item and our delegation will in this connexion point at the continuous, systematic violations of Czechoslovak air space by military aircraft of the United States and of the Federal Republic of Germany.
30. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic considers strict respect for the generally recognized principles of international law and the provisions of the United Nations Charter to be a question of key importance. In other circumstances it might seem strange to remind the Member States of the Charter fifteen years after the establishment of the United Nations. However, it happened that the United States Government, in connexion with the shooting-down of its spy plane over the territory of the Soviet Union, declared through its top representatives, including the President of the United States, that it did not consider itself bound by the obligation to respect the sovereignty of other States and that it wanted to treat it as it pleases. But respect for the sovereignty of other countries is the cornerstone of international law and the basic provision of the United Nations Charter.
31. Fortunately enough, we no longer live in the period when those who ruled the world transformed whole continents into colonies having no rights. We are living in the second half of the twentieth century when peace-loving nations possess means for legitimate defence of their sovereignty and for the prevention of aggression. The principle of absolute equality of rights is the only one which can serve as a basis of negotiations today. This principle is one of the elementary and generally recognized principles governing international relations.
32. Therefore, we think that one of the foremost tasks facing this session is to achieve a situation where the United States Government respects the relevant norms of international law and thereby helps restore the necessary preconditions for useful negotiations. If the General Assembly is to be faithful to the Charter and is to live up to its obligations to mankind, it must take energetic initiative in this respect.
33. Speaking about the elementary principles of international law and sheer decency which cannot be absent in normal international relations, I cannot pass over the really unprecedented decision of the United States Government to place restrictions on the stay of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Nikita Khrushchev, and a few other statesmen, in New York, the very city where the Headquarters of the United Nations is located. On behalf of the Czechoslovak delegation, I most emphatically protest against this act of the United States Government, which showed thereby not only a complete lack of goodwill in seeking ways to understanding, but grossly violated its obligations towards the United Nations.
34. The Slavonic peoples and a number of other nations have an ancient custom of receiving guests and visitors with open friendliness and respect. We pay respect to everybody regardless of whether he has good or bad relations with us. I wonder, however, if the "friendly" reception accorded to us and the "decency" with which we have been treated are the expression of the much boasted American "freedom" and "democracy".
35. Perhaps we are behind the times and do not understand this modern form of "free friendship" with which we were met. In any case we have been much impressed, and after we return home we shall speak about this form of "friendship" for which we in our country have a name of insolence and uncouthness. Not to allow even the Ambassador of Czechoslovakia in the United States to enter the airport to welcome a delegation headed by the President of the Republic which the Ambassador represents, that, I think, exceeds all bounds in its insult. It is unprecedented for police organs to decide such matters.
36. We think that under these circumstances when free representatives of States Members of the United Nations face difficulties in work and when police organs often decide questions concerning their sojourn, a serious question arises as to whether it will serve its purpose to keep the Headquarters of this important world organization in the United States any longer. Similarly, like the Soviet delegation, we are of the opinion that in these circumstances it would be better to move the Headquarters of the United Nations and its activities to some other country.
37. The urgent need for clarification by all States and primarily the United States Government of whether they are in favour of peaceful coexistence is demonstrated by a number of statements made by the state officials of the United States. Thus, for instance, on 20 April 1960, that is, shortly before the Paris Conference of the Heads of the Four Powers was to open, Undersecretary of State, Mr. Dillon stated: "Let us therefore relegate to the scrap-heap the concept of a transitory and uneasy coexistence." To Mr. Dillon and those whose opinions he voices, the concept of coexistence, that is, of life in peace, is uneasy. Should we assume that also all the activities of the United Nations which strives for peaceful coexistence are uneasy to him, that this is the way he feels about its efforts and its unanimously adopted resolutions?
38. If not peaceful coexistence, what else? War? Everybody says: No, we do not want war. We also declare that we do not want war and are struggling for peace.
39. We again repeat to these officials of the United States and other countries: If you do not want war, let us explore the possibilities of understanding. But stop speculating on a change of the social system in our country, speculating on the defeat and destruction of socialism. Socialism is today the way of thinking and the conviction of hundreds and hundreds of millions of people and this cannot be changed by any kind of policy from the position of strength.
40. But what is the situation today?
41. For a number of years Czechoslovakia, like some other countries, has been subjected to repeated interference in Its internal affairs by the ruling circles of the United States. This interference is motivated by the vain desire to see a change in our internal system and the restoration of the capitalist system which was consciously rejected by our people. From time to time the United States Government openly professes its adherence to this aim, spends millions of dollars for its achievement and encourages various campaigns inimical to us as, for instance, the provocative "Captive Nations Weeks".
42. I would like to say to such politicians, you must understand at last that the notion of freedom as you understand it and which you so ostentatiously advocate is today incomprehensible and absolutely unacceptable to our people.
43. We see our freedom from another point of view, the point of view of the interests of the development of the whole socialist society and, therefore, also the full development of man, devoid of the rapacious features of your capitalist society.
44. I would like to mention another characteristic example: On 9 May 1960, the day when the United States congratulated us on the occasion of the Czechoslovak National Day, the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of our country from Hitlerite occupation, the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Christian Herter, deemed it necessary to interfere in an inadmissible way in our internal affairs by uttering foul slander at a press conference.
45. The policy of disrespect for national sovereignty was clearly manifested of late in conspiracies against some new States which have freed themselves from the colonial yoke.
46. The example of the Congo is characteristic of the capitalist conception of political and economic freedom in States which were formerly their colonies. The liberated Republic of the Congo which constituted its Parliament and Government by democratic means faced a flagrant attack at the very beginning of its independent life.
47. When the colonizers saw that the Congolese people and its representatives took seriously the freedom they had won, that the colonialist privileges gained by rough violence in the past are definitely breaking down, they decided to resort to new violence. In order to maintain their political and economic positions, to keep the decisive power over the Congo in the hands of foreign monopolies, they organized a military attack against this newly-born independent country, disregarding the so often proclaimed principles of "freedom", "democracy" and agreements into which they had entered.
48. And what is more, it happened that the just decision of the Security Council was implemented by the representatives of the United Nations and its staff in such a way that steps were taken not to support the Government, which asked for United Nations aid, but against it. In effect, the organs of the United Nations made it impossible for the legitimate Government of Mr. Lumumba and the Congolese Parliament to act, supported various secessionist groups sold to colonizers, and thus in fact prepared the ground for paralysing the political life and the disintegration of the unity of the Congo. The legitimate Government became a prisoner of the United Nations forces and was prevented from ruling the country.
49. These are the facts which cannot be disregarded. Nobody who had his share in those facts can escape responsibility for them. True, the operation in the Congo is a matter for the United Nations, but its execution is in the hands of the Secretary-General. We concur in the views expressed in this respect by the President of Ghana and the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
50. The United Nations is duty bound to arrange through its organs for immediate restoration of the free activities of Mr. Lumumba's legitimate Government and legitimate Parliament. The people of the Congo must be guaranteed the sovereign and inalienable right to decide freely about their country and to get rid of any influence of imperialism and colonialism,
51. I would like to draw attention to another case of unscrupulous pressure against a heroic people who decided to put an end to the exploitation of their country by foreign monopolies and to establish complete freedom and independence in their country. I have in mind the people of Cuba who fought heroically to chase dictator Batista and his henchmen out of their country and who are also liquidating the domination of United States monopolies which unscrupulously exploited the wealth of Cuba and threw its people into misery.
52. But the attempts to force the people of Cuba to bend their knees, to disrupt the economy of the country, and to restore Cuba to the domination of United States monopolies are doomed to failure. These attempts merely expose to a still greater extent the rapacious character of imperialism, which cannot be covered even by phrases, repeated a thousand times, about "freedom" and "democracy".
53. The fight of the heroic Cuban people will open a glorious chapter in the history of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Latin America. This fight has the full sympathy also of the Czechoslovak people who maintain a warm attitude to any nation struggling against oppressors and colonizers. We wish the people of Cuba and their Government the best of success in their endeavour toward the development of their country and the consolidation of national independence.
54. All these and other actions directed against the sovereignty of some States — no matter which imperialist State commits them — are part of a policy which must be most resolutely condemned. It is high time to put an end to all colonial wars which still continue to be waged and, above all, to the long, cruel and unjust war against the people of Algeria. It is in the interest of the people both of Algeria and of France to stop this shedding of blood.
55. We also support the correct and just attitude taken by the Government of peaceful Indonesia in the question of West Irian.
56. We are convinced that it is necessary to abolish forever the whole system of colonialism and give all nations every opportunity to gain freedom. This is why we unreservedly endorse agenda item 87: Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, submitted by the delegation of the Soviet Union at the present session of the General Assembly [902nd and 903rd plenary meetings].
57. I would like to take this opportunity to salute again all the nations which are liberating, or have liberated, themselves from colonial slavery. On behalf of the Government and all the people of Czechoslovakia, I wish them absolute victory, the best of success in the development of their countries and assure them of our sympathies and support.
58. We are well aware of the fact that winning freedom is an important, but only the first, step in the future development of new States. The colonial Powers are trying to put obstacles on the road of the independent development of newly established States and to bind them, from the very outset, by various unequal treaties and political and military obligations.
59. We are against any form of colonialism — whether new or old — which strangles the creative development of nations which have embarked upon the road of liberty and independence. We firmly stand on the side of newly established States which have freed themselves from the yoke of colonialism. We think that all nations should help them in every way to take a dignified place in the world and prevent any interference in their internal affairs which endangers peace and security in the world.
60. These new States should be provided with assistance, especially in the economic field, but in such a way as to promote a genuine development of their economy and culture. They should be given assistance in expanding the output of raw materials and in building factories whose production would be based on these raw materials. At the same time they should be given assistance in the development of agriculture, in the expansion of education, the building of schools, hospitals and the like.
61. Any assistance which would continue to yield profits to monopolies and prolong in another form the exploitation of their country and the misery of their people would be of no avail to them. Whether they like it or not, the imperialist and colonialist circles must reconcile themselves with the fact that the newly liberated nations will take natural and material resources into their hands for their own benefit.
62. Czechoslovakia considers as one of its foremost tasks the rendering of selfless assistance to these new States and all the less developed countries. We have been providing for many years such mutually advantageous assistance, based on the principle of equality and with no political conditions attached, to a number of States. This co-operation has resulted in a firm friendship between the people of Czechoslovakia and the people of the new independent States, a friendship which is a support to peace.
63. We attach exceptional importance to the question of the international position of, and of providing assistance to, the new States. This is why we have submitted for consideration to the present United Nations General Assembly agenda item 77: Appeal for maximum support to efforts of newly emerging States for strengthening their independence. We are convinced that this proposal of ours will meet with due understanding and support of the General Assembly.
64. The time has come for laying a firm and unfaltering basis for peace. And this basis is, above all, general and complete disarmament under effective international control,
65. We are convinced that the realization of general and complete disarmament would bring about a still greater development of the whole human civilization. It would make it possible to release immense material resources spent on armaments for the welfare of nations, for aid to countries which need it so urgently, for the realization of the most audacious plans of mankind.
66. The great initiative of the Soviet Union and personally of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, Just a year ago at the fourteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly [799th meeting] became an important turning point in the discussion of the question of disarmament. The proposal of the Soviet Government was enthusiastically acclaimed and universally supported by a large body of world public opinion. It became the basis for the adoption of an important resolution [resolution 1378 (XIV)] by the General Assembly on 20 November 1959, which singled out the question of general and complete disarmament as the most important problem of our time and called upon Governments to make every effort to achieve its constructive solution.
67. On the basis of this exceptionally important document of the United Nations, negotiations were started in the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva this year in which, along with the delegations of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, the delegation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic actively participated.
68. Czechoslovakia approached these negotiations with the utmost seriousness. Our delegation was given clear directives and instructed consistently to strive, in full conformity with the proposal of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the resolution adopted by the United Nations, for the earliest possible realization of general and complete disarmament.
69. The clear wording of the General Assembly resolution and the unanimous support accorded to it Justified the expectation that the elaboration of the programme of general and complete disarmament would proceed without unnecessary delays. However, the results of work of the Committee give evidence to the contrary.
70. The main reason for the failure of the work of the Committee was the basic opposition of the representatives of the Western States to a constructive solution of the question of disarmament.
71. On the one hand, the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, in consistent conformity with the appeal of the fourteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly, strove for the elaboration of the programme of general and complete disarmament under effective international control within the shortest space of time. As is well known, their delegations showed maximum goodwill and patience for reaching agreement. They submitted a number of new constructive proposals. Particularly in the proposal of 2 June 1960 they took into consideration to a great extent the views and positions of the Western Powers.
72. On the other hand, however, the United States and its allies, in contradiction to the resolution of the General Assembly, frustrated the achievement of any progress and by all means urged the Committee to consider only the establishment of control over continued armaments.
73. The leading representatives of the United States do not try to conceal the fact that the United States Government is not in favour of general and complete disarmament, but only of the establishment of control,
74. On Thursday, in his statement from this rostrum the President of the United States, Mr. Eisenhower, [868th meeting] considered as urgent the discussion of disarmament in outer space and the prevention of wars on other celestial bodies. We can understand this position of the Government of the United States which has not advanced in the field of flights in outer space as far as the Soviet Union has. Everybody knows that the astounding successes of the Soviet science and technology in the field of exploration of outer space are directed exclusively at peaceful purposes and serve all mankind. On the other hand, it is publicly admitted in the United States that preparations are under way to launch cosmic bodies for the purposes of military intelligence.
75. We believe that, as far as the question of war and peace is concerned, today the most urgent task is to discuss the present situation here on our own planet, as called for by the previous sessions of the General Assembly in its resolution on general and complete disarmament. Let us Just recall the question of the great number of military bases from which bombers loaded with hydrogen bombs take off every day and which were not even mentioned by the United States representative.
76. The President of the United States spoke about the idea of complete disarmament, but he relegated its realization to a distant future and as the next step he urged the control of armaments. From this we draw the conclusion that the Government of the United States has not in mind concrete measures of disarmament, but continues to harbour plans for acquiring military advantage. This is exactly the way in which the United States representatives proceeded in the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament.
77. World public opinion is justly raising the urgent question: who needs control without disarmament which enables, above all, the collection of detailed information on the defences of other countries? It is clear that such information can be of avail only to those who are preparing for aggression and try to liquidate by a surprise attack the means of defence of the attacked country and thus make sure against retaliation.
78. This is not the road leading to general and complete disarmament, the road to the consolidation of international peace and security. On the contrary, such proposals cannot but result in mounting distrust and the sharpening of tension in relations among States.
79. No wonder that under such circumstances no progress whatever was achieved in the work of the Committee. A situation was created where the five Western Powers tried artificially to drag out negotiations and to sustain a false Idea in world public opinion that at least something was being done for disarmament. As a matter of fact, such discussions were to serve as a smoke screen covering continued feverish armaments of the Western Powers.
80. The socialist countries — among them Czechoslovakia- refused to be a party to such a deception of world public opinion. Upon exhausting all means to bring the Western delegations to serious discussion, they decided to suspend their participation in the deliberations of the Committee and transfer further discussion of disarmament to the General Assembly, a forum, which a year ago unanimously adopted the idea of general and complete disarmament.
81. The Government of the United States has declared here [870th meeting] through its representatives that such questions cannot be discussed and solved in such a broad plenum. We assert, as a matter of principle, that the General Assembly can solve such questions.
82. Why could not the plenum take decisions on general and complete disarmament under International control? Why could not the plenum express in general terms what Its Idea of disarmament is, and then enjoin other United Nations organs to elaborate the measures for the realization of this task in keeping with these basic directions?
83. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic considers serious and effective consideration of the question of general and complete disarmament as one of the main tasks of the fifteenth session of the United Nations Assembly. To realize general and complete disarmament under effective international control is in our opinion the most urgent task of the present day. Our delegation will make every effort to contribute to the achievement of the pertinent decisions.
84. Our profound interest in a speedy solution of the question of general and complete disarmament stems from the very substance of our peaceful foreign policy and from our vital national interests. Today militarism and "revanchism" in the German Federal Republic attempt again to endanger these interests.
85. We went through a bitter historic experience with German imperialism. With the assistance of the Governments of some Western countries, Czechoslovakia became the first victim of the Hitlerite aggression as a result of Munich which led to the Second World War. This makes us follow with maximum vigilance the dangerous development on our Western border which is again endangering the security of European nations and the peace of the world.
86. While we can express the greatest measure of satisfaction in evaluating the development of the situation In the German Democratic Republic which carried out all provisions of the Potsdam Agreement and where a truly peaceful and democratic State was established, we have every reason to be ever more alarmed by the path followed by the other German State — the Federal Republic of Germany.
87. It has been even more evident that the ruling circles of the German Federal Republic have embarked upon the same road taken by the German imperialism in the times of Hitler. The provisions of the Potsdam Agreement, designed to cut the roots of the aggressiveness of German militarism and to secure peaceful and democratic development in the whole of Germany, have not been implemented in its Western part.
88. We witness today that the same and presently still far more powerful financial and armament circles that brought the Nazi dictatorship to power are the principal pillars of the revived West German militarists.
89. The representatives of the Bonn Government themselves have rendered proof indicating that they do not feel bound by any international obligations. The revival of the German militarism and the equipment of the Bundeswehr with ever more perfect weapons systematically continues. This fact Itself is sufficient proof of how little can be trusted the sincerity of the professed good intentions of the West German Government.
90. In 1949, Chancellor Adenauer said that he was opposed to the creation of a new German army. His present Minister, Mr. Strauss, even said at that time that the hand should be chopped off anybody who would dare to take up arms again.
91. However, already the so-called Paris Agreements of 1954 opened the way to the build-up of the West German army and enabled the German Federal Republic to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The Western Powers stated at that time that the said Agreements were a guarantee of military control over Western Germany and rendered a revival of German aggressiveness impossible.
92. As late as in July 1957, Chancellor Adenauer asserted in Kiel that West Germany wanted no atomic weapons and consciously rejected the atomic arming of the Bundeswehr.
93. What has remained today of these declarations and accepted treaty obligations? Only ruins have remained of the limitations and control measures so many times emphasized. The actual state of affairs today is that the West German Bundeswehr is equipped with the latest planes and various types of missiles capable of transporting nuclear warheads.
94. But even this 1B not enough for the West German militarists today. Last August the General Staff of the Bundeswehr issued a provocative memorandum requesting accelerated equipment of the German Federal Republic with nuclear weapons. Such demands are being raised by the same generals who on Hitler's General Staff prepared and carried out attacks against peace-loving countries.
95. The road of war preparations being taken by German militarism under Chancellor Adenauer is therefore basically the same as that taken before the First and Second World Wars.
96. It is evident to all reasonable people that such a dangerous development could not have taken place if it had not been instigated and supported by the ruling circles of the countries members of NATO, and the United States in particular. It is precisely NATO which has become an instrument of West German militarism for the preparation of new conquests. It is with the help of NATO that German militarism has acquired nuclear weapons, military bases on the territory of other States, and a free path towards an unlimited growth of its military strength.
97. Those who so ardently support the present development in the German Federal Republic, and its aggressive policy, should not forget that, as in the past, this time again the aggressiveness of German imperialism may turn against them. In 1938 this support resulted in the Munich capitulation and the sacrificing of Czechoslovakia. It paved the way to the Second World War. Today, however, the imperialist appetites of Western Germany would not lead to another Munich — certainly not in our case.
98. The present pronouncements of the Premier of the Northern Rhineland-Westphalia, Mr. Meyers, who has formulated claims for the renewal of the German borders of 1871, are not fortuitous.
99. The anti-peace policy of the Bonn Government, backed by the Western Powers, is already having consequences of the utmost gravity today. Nazism, whose alarming anti-Semitic provocations were only recently condemned by world public opinion, is again rearing its head. High offices in the State apparatus of the German Federal Republic are occupied by a number of former Nazis who perpetrated serious crimes but escaped their just punishment. Many of them are leading exponents of the aggressive policy of German imperialism. It was only under the pressure of world public opinion that the Bonn Government was forced to recall from the office of Federal Minister the war criminal Theodor Oberländer, whose crimes also afflicted our people during the occupation of Czechoslovakia. Also alarming is the case of Hans Globke, the closest associate of Chancellor Adenauer. Globke continues to maintain his office of State Secretary, although it has been proved that he took an active part in the massive massacre of millions of citizens — mostly Jews — from different countries of Europe. For instance, in September 1941 he personally assisted in the issuance of the so-called Jewish Codex, which subjected the Jewish population in Slovakia to mass extermination. The Bonn Government failed to take steps even against persons whose crimes were proved by convincing evidence — in numerous cases from Czechoslovak authorities.
100. This dangerous development in the domestic policy of the German Federal Republic also has a destructive influence on the education of West German youth. School curricula, directives, textbooks and methods of instruction give ample evidence of the fact that the Bonn Government bears the responsibility for the psychological preparation of West German youth for war. A result of this notorious situation, and evidence of the aggressive designs of West German Government circles, are the openly proclaimed territorial claims and the desire for revenge. "Revanchist” and revisionist demands against the eastern neighbours of the German Federal Republic — and thus also against Czechoslovakia — are today being raised quite openly by official representatives of the West German Government.
101. In his cablegram on the occasion, last August, of the tenth anniversary of the promulgation of the so-called "Charter of Transferees", Chancellor Adenauer declared that the Federal Government associates itself with the claims of the transferred persons. At the beginning of June of this year, the Bavarian Minister, Stain, said in Munich that West Germany cannot exist without the territories in the East and will be obliged to threaten Europe again If the eastern regions are not voluntarily returned.
102. A number of statements of a similar character have been made by the Minister of Transport of the Bonn Government, Hans-Christoph Seebohm, at various "revanchist" meetings — even directly on the Czechoslovak border.
103. I wish to emphasize that we draw attention to this danger of German militarism neither out of fear for our independence nor out of hatred for the German nation. Our Republic maintains absolutely firm and reliable ties of alliance with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. This is a guarantee ensuring, as never before, the security of our Republic. Neither do we on our part intend to organize demonstrations on the borders of the German Federal Republic nor to "retaliate" by sending balloons, leaflets and other similar articles there. We draw attention to this danger because we have sufficient experience of German chauvinism and fascism, which are likely again to drag the world into war the moment they are given an opportunity.
104. Therefore, it is imperative for all people who cherish peace in the world to take energetic measures to liquidate one of the most dangerous hotbeds of a new war, that being created in Western Germany, Similarly the untenable state of affairs regarding West Berlin must be terminated.
105. The fact that there is no disarmament agreement makes it possible for West German militarists to accumulate aggressive weapons for the equipment of their army, air force and navy, to build an aggressive army, and to take hold of such means as might enable them to fire the fatal "first shot". The fact that the German question remains open, that the Western Powers refuse to conclude a peace treaty with the existing two German States and to solve the question of West Berlin, complicates the general international situation and facilitates the manoeuvres of the opponents of disarmament and peace.
106. The recent proposals of the Government of the German Democratic Republic for a gradual realization of general and complete disarmament on the territories of both German States — proposals which were submitted to all States Members of the United Nations — represent a great contribution to the settlement of the German question. We fully endorse these proposals of the Government of the German Democratic Republic.
107. We appeal to the responsibility of all countries, in the first place to the responsibility of the great Powers; we urge that a peace treaty with both German States be signed and that the question of West Berlin be settled with the greatest possible speed. In this way the aggressive plans of the West German militarists could be thwarted and peace in Europe ensured.
108. All the statements that we have heard in this Assembly so far prove that the present situation is an exceptionally responsible one and imposes very serious tasks upon the General Assembly. But the United Nations will be able to discharge these obligations with honour only if it proceeds and acts strictly in the spirit of the ideas contained in the Charter. Unfortunately, there are instances of actions which have nothing in common with the Charter and which are based on attempts to misuse the name of the United Nations for the unjust policies and selfish aims of some Powers.
109. In the first place it is necessary to point out once again the manner in which the legitimate Government of the Chinese People's Republic has not been allowed to exercise its right of membership in this Organization. The shameful situation still persists in which the place reserved for the Government of China in the United Nations continues to be occupied by people who were expelled from China more than ten years ago and represent nobody. It is a shame that a great Power, which by the number of its population and the size of its territory is one of the largest in the world, which is making great strides in the development of its economy and culture, and the role of which in Asia cannot be disputed, is not legitimately represented in this Organization. The absence from this Assembly of the representatives of the Chinese people seriously harms the cause of peace and international co-operation,
110. Likewise, we have to solve the question of membership in this Organization for the Mongolian People's Republic, whose people and Government are profoundly peace loving and fulfil all the requirements of the Charter for admission to the United Nations. If we want to call the United Nations a universal organization, then all nations must be represented in it.
111. The Czechoslovak delegation expresses its agreement with the view that the executive body of the United Nations should be adapted to the new composition of Member States and to the new tasks before it. Therefore the Czechoslovak delegation supports the proposal of the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, to set up a tripartite collective executive organ of the United Nations and to make changes in the executive body of this Organization.
112. In his reply on Friday [87Othmeeting], the United States representative labelled the criticism of the Secretary-General and the staff of the United Nations as well as the Soviet proposals for solving this question as a crisis of the United Nations. This is more than a strange standpoint. The existence of the United Nations is not solely dependent on the Secretary-General and his staff; they are only its auxiliary, administrative and executive organs. The United Nations is a world international organization composed of sovereign States based of firm principles laid down in the Charter. The General Assembly, the Security Council and other organs of the United Nations consider and solve problems of mutual relations and co-operation among nations, and the task of the executive body is to implement the instructions and put into effect measures agreed upon in the United Nations organs.
113. As we see it, the proposal submitted by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev, for the setting up of a tripartite top collective executive organ is in full harmony with the democratic principles on which the United Nations is based.
114. It is necessary to take into account that in the course of the last fifteen years the composition of this Organization has undergone marked material changes. The number of Member States has nearly doubled. At the same time three groups of States have crystallized. There are a number of States associating themselves with the so-called capitalist system; there is another group of socialist countries; and, finally, a large group of States professing a policy of active neutrality. Such is now the actual situation in the United Nations. The only realistic approach to the real and effective working of the United Nations is an approach which takes into account this objective situation.
115. Therefore, we are of the opinion that in the United Nations the interests of all States, irrespective of which group they belong to, should meet and be expressed. For instance, we shall never agree that the United Nations should express the interests and the will of the Western capitalist countries only. We know equally well that the representatives of these countries would never agree that the United Nations should unilaterally express the interests and the will of the socialist countries. Therefore, it is necessary to endeavour to create conditions under which no one-sidedness can take place and all measures will be agreed upon on the basis of all-round consideration, and under which even the interpretation of the decisions adopted will not damage any country or group of countries as occurred in the case of the Congo.
116. Let us suppose that an agreement will be arrived at in the United Nations to implement general and complete disarmament under effective international control, that even United Nations armed forces or other organs will be created with specific terms of reference. Sooner or later, we shall reach this stage because we want to prevent war and the nations in the end will enforce disarmament. Is there anybody who believes that Czechoslovakia or another socialist country would agree that the armed forces of the United Nations should be, for instance, commanded by the present Secretary-General in his capacity as an individual? We could never agree to this. Similarly, even we are no day-dreamers. Neither do we expect that, for instance, the United States would agree that the United Nations armed forces should be commanded by the representative of a socialist country.
117. We cannot but consider the question of the creation of a collective and representative organ in which all interested parties will be represented. This is exactly the organ the Soviet Union has proposed to create.
118. As far as the neutral countries are concerned, they play — as is generally known — an important part in the present endeavour aimed at peaceful coexistence. The demand that these countries should have a far more clear-cut representation in the United Nations organs, inter alia in the proposed three-member Secretariat, is fully justified. In the same way, the representatives of the neutral countries should be Invited to participate in the concrete discussions on disarmament and enlarge the previously mentioned Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. There is no doubt whatsoever that the neutral States also are interested in preventing war and are interested in disarmament. They well know that the next war would involve even them and that in such a case there would be no mere onlookers. Undoubtedly they have much to say In respect of the questions concerning disarmament and they could certainly make a positive contribution to the discussion of the problem.
119. If we consider without haste and with due deliberation the proposals of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR relating to a certain reorganization of the United Nations In keeping with the objective conditions, we shall realize that this does not mean any "declaration of war" against the United Nations, or any disruption of this Organization, or its crisis.
120. If there is something in the state of crisis, then it is the old conception of the United States Government which proceeds from the premise of a leading part of this country to which others are subordinated. Well, what can be done about it? The Government of the United States will have to reconcile itself to the fact that the United Nations will be no appendage of the United States but an international organization consisting of free and equal Members. Among them the United States can be only a Member State, though a big and an important one. It would only serve the cause if the United States Government parted with its outmoded conception of its relationship to the United Nations and adopted a new conception corresponding to the new situation.
121. The United States representatives must get accustomed to the fact that not everybody will subscribe to principles which they proclaim. And the United States will gain nothing by calling everybody who does not see eye to eye with its policy a Communist or a Communist satellite. The leaders of the United States must realize that the days of the absolute economic and political superiority of the United States over other countries are gone forever. The world and society have moved forward; an ever-increasing number of nations and States has come into being, and it is natural that they seek their own ways in domestic and foreign policies conforming to the interests and requirements of their peoples. No wonder that, as a result, they come into conflict with the interests of imperialist and colonialist Powers. This development cannot be stopped by any policy of strength, any economic, political or even military pressure.
122. If we put into practice the Soviet proposals for the improvement of the activities of the United Nations then we shall strengthen this Organization and increase its authority and effectiveness. It will also help the United States Government to begin to value more the fact that it plays host to the United Nations and treat the visiting delegations accordingly.
123. The Czechoslovak Government sincerely wishes that the United Nations, of which we are co-founders, may remain in every respect faithful to its lofty ideals and contribute effectively to their translation into reality. In drawing attention to some serious shortcomings in the activities of the Organization and recommending certain steps to be taken we are guided by a sincere wish that the United Nations may play an important role in ensuring the peaceful future of mankind.
124. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is not a large country, but It is a country which has a thousand- year-old past and a prominent place in the history of Europe, a country of high culture with an industrious and peaceful people.
125. We are proud of the rich and progressive traditions of our country and we endeavour to develop them in the spirit of the ideals of the new era, in the spirit of the great humanitarian ideas of socialism. During our fifteen years of life in freedom our people have reached remarkable achievements by their assiduous work. Today we live a much better and richer life than in any period of the past. We contribute our utmost to the strengthening of peace and friendship among nations.
126. Our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is an independent sovereign State. Our Government together with our people decides the issues of the domestic and foreign policies of our Republic. We are by no means dominated by what the United States representatives call Soviet imperialism.
127. Our relations with the Soviet Union are based on the very substance of our national existence. In the most troubled times in our history the Soviet Union rendered really invaluable assistance to our country. By defeating the fascist Powers it frustrated Hitler's plans for the annihilation of the Czech and Slovak peoples and helped us regain our freedom and independence. Therefore our destiny is forever linked with the community of socialist States, and the independence of our Republic is guaranteed by treaties of alliance with the Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia will never again become an object of speculation and a plaything in the hands of the Western Powers, as was the case in the not very distant past.
128. The fact that our people have definitively broken off with the representatives of the capitalist world is to an extent their fault too. In 1938 they threw their faithful ally in to Hitler's throat as to the beast thinking that it will be appeased and that by doing so they would open to Hitler the road to the East.
129. This is why the events of February 1948 have nothing to do with a "coup d'état". The people's democratic regime had been in existence and successfully developing since 1945. In February 1948 our people frustrated the attempt to stage a reactionary "putsch" and expelled all those who wanted to pursue the old Munich policy and the policy of collaboration with the enemy which served the Interests of capitalism but was in basic contradiction with the interests of the nation.
130. Those several hundred or thousand people who do not agree with our system and of whom some fled abroad and are also here, in the United States, have no more say and our people nothing to do with them. If you in the West rely on them, well, it is in our opinion a peculiar, though a bit strange, kind of amusement on your part. If you derive any pleasure from it, you may go on; we do not object. The tens of millions of dollars which you annually spend on their subversive and instigatory activities are, in our view, money lost.
131. In conclusion, I would like to assure you that our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic will also in the future march on the road of progress and peace. We shall encourage every initiative and measure aimed at the promotion of the policy of peaceful coexistence and safeguarding of permanent peace in the world.