We are
meeting at a symbolically significant time, between
the 100th anniversary of the First World War and the
seventieth anniversary of the end of the Second World
War. Seven decades ago, at the end of the Second World
War, the United Nations was established. Its mission
was to form a new environment for civilization and
culture in order to prevent the repetition of the previous
tragic events of history.
The year 2015 is of particular significance
for all Armenians around the world. On 24 April,
Armenians around the globe will commemorate
the 100th anniversary of the most tragic page in the
nation’s history: the Armenian genocide. It was an
unprecedented crime, the objective of which was to
eliminate the nation and deprive it of its homeland,
and it remains an unhealed wound for every Armenian.
The 1915 genocide was a crime against civilization and
humanity, and its inadequate condemnation paved the
way for similar crimes of mass murder in the future.
Addressing the Assembly ahead of that 100th
anniversary of the Armenian genocide from this
rostrum, which I would call the podium of honour
and responsibility, I declare our profound thanks
to Uruguay, France, Russia, Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, Germany, Poland,
Lithuania, Greece, Slovakia, Cyprus, Lebanon,
Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, Canada and the Holy See.
We thank them for their recognition and condemnation
of the Armenian genocide, regardless of the form it
took or the language used to express it. I thank the
United States of America, the European Union and all
those personalities, State bodies, territorial units and
organizations in many countries that publicly called
things by their proper name. That is indeed extremely
important, since denial is an integral part of the crime
of genocide.
For an entire century now, Armenians around
the globe and the entire progressive international
community have been waiting for Turkey to show
courage and face its own history by recognizing the
Armenian genocide, thus relieving future generations
of the heavy burden of the past. Alas, instead, we
continue to hear ambiguous and messages with ulterior
motives, in which the victim and the slaughterer are set
on equal footing and history is falsified.
Armenia has never made recognition of the
Armenian genocide a condition for the normalization
of bilateral relations with Turkey. In fact, Armenia was
the party that initiated that process of normalization,
which in 2009 culminated in the signing of the Zurich
protocols. However, those protocols have been shelved
for years now, awaiting ratification in the Turkish
Parliament. Ankara has declared publicly that it will
ratify the protocols only if Armenians cede Nagorny
Karabakh and Artsakh to Azerbaijan. In Armenia
and Artsakh, ordinary people often simply retort: “To
hell with your ratification.” This vernacular phrase
summarizes the age-old struggle of the entire nation
and unequivocally explains to those who attempt to
bargain with others’ homeland that the motherland is
sacrosanct and they had better stay away from us with
their bargain. It is in these circumstances that, currently,
Yerevan is seriously considering the issue of recalling
the Armenian-Turkish protocols from Parliament.
The tragic events in Syria and Iraq that we are
currently witnessing demonstrate how groups whose
creed is hatred are targeting religious and national
minorities. Two days ago, on Armenia’s independence
day, the Saint Martyrs Armenian Church in Dayr
Al-Zour, Syria, dedicated to the memory of the victims
of the Armenian genocide, was mined and blown
up by the terrorists. Such barbarity is a criminal
demonstration of godlessness, which is in no way or
shape related to any faith. The catastrophic situation in
Syria and northern Iraq continues to deteriorate, and
today hundreds of thousands of people are directly in
peril. Among them are tens of thousands of Armenians
in Aleppo, Syria. It is one instance to consider in the
context of our joint commitment to preventing crimes
against humanity. Armenia has voiced on numerous
occasions the need to defend the Armenian population
of Syria and the Yazidi population of north-western
Iraq, and we are encouraged by the unified stance of
the international community in that regard.
The maintenance of international peace and
security is the essence of our Organization. In recent
years, Armenia has consistently consolidated its
peacekeeping capabilities thereby preparing ourselves
for more proactive engagement in that field. Armenian
peacekeepers will very soon be dispatched to the south
of Lebanon in the context of the United Nations Interim
Force in Lebanon. The close collaboration we enjoy
with our Italian colleagues enabled our participation in
that endeavour. I strongly believe that our servicemen
will fulfil their mission with dignity and a high level of
professionalism and will use the extensive experience
they have garnered in the last decade in Kosovo, Iraq
and Afghanistan.
It has been more than 20 years that our neighbouring
State, through its unconstructive and maximalist
stance, has thwarted the international community’s
efforts aimed at the just and peaceful settlement of the
Nagorno Karabakh conflict. The bellicose declarations
and various threats made at the highest level in
Azerbaijan have been completely tolerated on account
of the international community’s failure to correctly
assess them. The President of Azerbaijan has designated
the entire Armenian nation as enemy number one, and
what is considered in the rest of the world to be a crime,
in Azerbaijan is considered to be a heroic act.
Despite the fact that each conflict is unique,
fundamental human rights and freedoms, including
peoples’ right to freely express their will and self-
determination, continue to evolve as a determinant
in their resolution. The vote held a few days ago in
Scotland once again proved that nowadays referendums
are more and more widely perceived as a legal model
for the peaceful settlement of ethnic conflicts. It was
no coincidence that the right to decide one’s own fate
through a referendum is at the core of the proposal put
forward by the co-Chairs of the Minsk Group of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) for the settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh
conflict.
While discussing the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
settlement, I must address the four Security Council
resolutions — resolutions 822 (1993), 853 (1993), 874
(1993) and 884 (1993) — adopted during the war,
which every so often are exploited by the Azerbaijani
authorities in order to justify their obstructionist policy.
Those four resolutions demand, as a matter of priority,
the unconditional cessation of all military hostilities.
Azerbaijan has failed to comply. Azerbaijan’s own
non-compliance with the fundamental demands of the
resolutions make their full implementation impossible.
The resolutions call on the parties to cease their
bombardments and air strikes targeting the peaceful
civilian population and to refrain from violating
the principles of international humanitarian law.
However, Azerbaijan has continued its indiscriminate
bombardments of the civilian population. Azerbaijan
has not spared children, women or the elderly,
thereby gravely violating all legal and moral norms
of international humanitarian law. Now Azerbaijan
cynically refers to those resolutions selectively — citing
them out of context as a prerequisite for the settlement
of the conflict. An adequate interpretation of the
Security Council resolutions is not possible without a
correct understanding of the hierarchy of the demands
set therein.
The resolutions, inter alia, request the restoration
of economic, transport and energy links in the region
and the removal of all obstacles to communications
and transportation. It is no secret that Azerbaijan and
Turkey imposed a blockade on Nagorno Karabakh and
the Republic of Armenia at the outset of the conflict.
In his statements, the Azerbaijani President even takes
pride in that fact, promising his public that such action
would remain the priority of Azerbaijan’s foreign
policy.
The aforementioned Security Council resolutions
call on Azerbaijan to establish direct contacts with
Nagorno Karabakh. Azerbaijan has refused to establish
any direct contacts with Nagorno Karabakh, which
was a legally equal party to the ceasefire agreement
concluded in 1994, as well as a number of other
international agreements. Moreover, Azerbaijan
preaches hatred towards the people it claims it wants to
see as a part of its State.
None of the Security Council resolutions identifies
Armenia as a conflicting party. Our country is called
upon only to continue to exert its influence over the
Nagorno Karabakh Armenians in order to put an end
to the conflict. Armenia has fully complied, and due
to its efforts a ceasefire agreement was concluded in
1994. All Security Council resolutions refer to Nagorno
Karabakh as a party to the conflict.
The Azerbaijani authorities have failed to
implement the fundamental demands of the Security
Council resolutions, including abiding by and adhering
to the humanitarian norms. Incidentally, Azerbaijan has
occasionally gravely violated that demand. Azerbaijan’s
cruel and inhumane treatment of Armenian civilian
prisoners of war regularly results in their deaths,
although I imagine that no one would be surprised about
that, since Azerbaijan is the very State that suppresses
and exercises the most inhumane treatment of its own
people. A clear proof of that was the decision of the
Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture to suspend its
visit to Azerbaijan due to the obstructions it encountered
in the conduct of the official Baku.
The OSCE Minsk Group is the only specialized
structure that has been dealing with the Nagorno
Karabakh issue according to the mandate granted
by the international community. While Azerbaijan
knows that it could not possibly deceive or misinform
the Minsk Group, which is well aware of the essence
of the problem, it attempts to transpose the conflict
settlement to other platforms by trying to depict it as
a territorial dispute or exploiting the factor of religious
solidarity. That is ironic, since Armenia traditionally
enjoys very warm relations with the Islamic nations,
both in the Arabic-speaking world or, for instance, with
our immediate neighbour Iran.
We highly value the indispensable role of the
United Nations in the adjustment and implementation
of the development goals. I strongly believe that,
through the new post-2015 development agenda, we will
continue our efforts to seek solutions and respond to
global challenges, in accordance with the Millennium
Development Goals.
In conclusion, I would like to underline that we
have covered a substantial part of the path towards the
shaping of the post-2015 development agenda and we
will continue our endeavours in that regard, displaying
the flexibility necessary to bring the process to its
logical conclusion.