It gives me great pleasure to extend to you.
Sir, my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election as President of the
forty-seventh session of the General Assembly. To your distinguished
predecessor. Ambassador Shamir S. Shihabi, I should like to convey our deep
appreciation for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the last
session.
I am also pleased to see our eminent Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, by your side. His incisive analysis of the
impediments to the realization of the full potential' of the United Nations and
his recommendations on how to strengthen its capacity to maintain peace,
secure independence and justice and foster generalized prosperity in the
world, as contained in his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277),
do indeed deserve our serious consideration.
We welcome the new Members in our midst: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of
Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Their
accession to membership not only brings us ever closer to the goal of true
universality of our Organization but also underscores the unflagging hope that
humanity reposes in this multilateral forum for resolving the global issues of
our time.
It is my privilege and responsibility to bring to the Assembly a message
from the developing countries belonging to the Non-Aligned Movement. I come
here from the Tenth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Movement
of Non-Aligned Countries, which Indonesia had the distinct honour to host
earlier this month. It was the largest Non-Aligned Summit ever convened.
I am honoured, therefore, to address the Assembly not only on behalf of
the 180 million people of Indonesia, but also on behalf of the Non-Aligned
Movement, which has 108 members, representing the vast majority of humankind
and close to two thirds of the members of the Assembly.
On behalf of the leaders of the Movement, whose consensus views were
summed up in what has come to be known as the Jakarta message, may I
convey to the Assembly the gist of that message.
As a political coalition encompassing more sovereign States than has
any other grouping in history, we shall not be mere spectators nor agree
to be on the sidelines of the currents of historical change now sweeping
across the globe. We commit ourselves to the shaping of a new
international order free from war and poverty, intolerance and injustice,
a world order based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and genuine
interdependence, one that takes into account the diversity of the social
systems and cultures of the world. We pledge to seek that new
international order through the central and irreplaceable instrumentality
of the United Nations.
Holding fast to the principles of the Movement as first articulated
at Bandung 37 years ago, we affirm the fundamental rights of every human
being and every nation to development, to social progress and to full
participation in the shaping of their common destiny. Through dialogue
and cooperation our Movement will seek to place itself as a vibrant,
constructive and interdependent component of the mainstream of
international relations so that a new international order can take shape
on a truly universal basis, ensuring harmony, peace, justice and
prosperity for all.
That is the essence of the Jakarta message. Permit me now to
elaborate on a few points.
The comprehensive decisions and positions adopted by the tenth
non-aligned summit, as recorded in its final documents, constitute both a
response and an initiative, a dynamic adaptation in the face of the
challenges and opportunities posed by the profound and radical
developments that have transformed the patterns of international
relationships. To a large extent the Non-Aligned Movement contributed to
these global transformations. The unrelenting drive that it imparted to
the world-wide decolonization process and to the struggle against racism
hastened the demise of colonial empires, the rise of numerous newly
independent States and the retreat of the inhuman policy of apartheid.
And yet the world today is still far from being peaceful, just and
secure. Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign
occupation, interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of
hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms
of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism continue to obstruct the
building of harmonious coexistence between States and peoples and have
even led to the disintegration of States and societies. A profoundly
anguishing example is that of the former Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, whose break-up has led to the formation of separate,
independent States, three of which, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and
Slovenia, have since become Members of the United Nations.
On these explosive and tragic crises in various parts of the world
our Movement has taken a clear stand. We have called for speedy and
resolute action to end the carnage in Bosnia and Herzegovina and condemned
the massive atrocities and violations of human rights being committed
against the people of that Republic, especially its Muslim population. We
have also condemned the repugnant policy of "ethnic cleansing", reaffirmed
the inadmissibility of aggression and of acquisition of territory by
force, and called for full respect for the sovereignty, independence,
territorial integrity and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We have launched collective action to help alleviate the immense
suffering of the people of Somalia and to play a critical role in the
search for a comprehensive solution to the fratricidal conflict in that
land.
We have reiterated our unflinching support for the struggle of the
Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), to realize their inalienable right to self-
determination, independence and sovereign statehood in their own
homeland. We call on the world community to prevail upon Israel to
contribute to the search for peace through the implementation of the
Security Council resolutions that provide for the withdrawal of Israel
from all occupied Palestine and Arab lands. And once again we stress the
imperative need to end the universally condemned system of apartheid, once
and for all, and of establishing a non-racial, democratic and united South
Africa.
Having welcomed the end of the Gulf War and the restoration of
Kuwait's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, we have
urged the commencement of a process of reconciliation that will finally
heal the wounds of war and restore stable peace and harmonious cooperation
in that region.
While we rejoiced at the establishment of the transitional
government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the tenth summit noted
with regret that the process towards national reconciliation and the
establishment of a permanent government through free and fair elections is
still marred by continuing internecine strife. We hope that these
obstacles will soon be overcome so that peace can be restored and national
reconstruction can commence.
On Cambodia, we have reiterated our confidence in the
determination and capability of the Cambodian people, under the leadership
of Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk and the members of the Supreme National
Council, with the assistance of the United Nations Transitional Authority
in Cambodia (UNTAC), to uphold the Paris Agreements in their balanced
totality. We remain convinced that the Paris Agreements are still the
best basis for the achievement of a comprehensive, just and durable peace
in Cambodia, based on national reconciliation and reconstruction. Only
through their strict implementation will it be possible to bring to an end
the protracted war that has inflicted unspeakable suffering and
devastation on the Cambodian people.
A world caught in the throes of pervasive change and transition is
basically an unstable and unpredictable world. The Movement has therefore
resolved to intensify its efforts in the field of disarmament. While it is
true that there has been encouraging progress in limiting nuclear and
conventional armaments, the disarmament agenda is still largely unfinished. A
nuclear-weapon-free world has always been the vision of our movement, for
until it is achieved this threat to human survival will continue to cast its
shadow over all other endeavours and aspirations. We have urged accelerated
efforts on other priority disarmament issues, particularly the prohibition of
all weapons of mass destruction.
Besides posing an acute danger to world peace and security, the
continuing global arms race and unbridled military spending also constitute a
huge drain on national economies and on the world economy. Our Movement has
consistently maintained that the resources released through disarmament and
arms reduction should be redirected towards the social and economic
development of all countries, especially the developing countries. The
establishment of this productive linkage between disarmament and development
will also make it possible to attain security at lower levels of armament.
We should now recognize that peace and security depend as much on
socio-economic factors as on military ones. Sharply reduced prospects for
economic and social advancement, large-scale unemployment, abject poverty,
massive cross-border migrations and severe environmental degradation also
endanger peace. We cannot hope to attain comprehensive security and stable
peace without making substantive progress in the war against poverty,
underdevelopment, disease and social injustice.
That is why it should deeply concern us that the world economy is mired
in sluggish and uneven growth. With few exceptions, developing countries are
experiencing stagnation or vastly inadequate growth rates, with the most
vulnerable ones slumping into sharp decline. Most alarming is the prolonged
critical situation in Africa where the plight of millions requires speedy and
decisive action. Africa deserves our special attention.
Developing countries in general are severely hampered by an unfavourable
external economic environment characterized by inadequate access to
technology, unabated protectionism, historically low prices for commodities
and raw materials, severely contracted financial flows and the crushing burden
of external debt, resulting in reverse financial flows to the developed
countries and the multilateral financial institutions.
The external debt crisis of the developing countries has intensified in
magnitude and global impact, and is being exacerbated by volatile
exchange-rate fluctuations for the major currencies and by high interest
rates. The debt-reduction schemes that have been tried are far from adequate;
they need to be broadened to include all kinds of debts and all categories of
debtors, including those that have made great efforts to meet their debt
obligations. A differentiated approach should be adopted that would allow
debt cancellation for the least developed countries and more generous terms,
in both debt servicing and new concessional loans, for lower-income developing
countries. Our Movement will continue to press for a coordinated and
development-oriented approach to the solution of this problem that will bring
relief as well as allow for the recovery and continued growth of debtor
countries.
Even global developments that appear to imply positive prospects could
have a negative impact on the developing countries. The transformation of
Central and Eastern European economies and the formation of powerful groupings
among developed countries could deflect the focus from poverty alleviation in
developing countries and adversely affect their trade and growth prospects.
Particularly lamentable is the continuing impasse in the Uruguay Round of
multilateral trade negotiations. The Non-Aligned Movement has therefore
called on the developed countries to ensure without further delay a balanced,
equitable and satisfactory conclusion of the Uruguay Round that would take
into account the interests of all parties, especially the development needs
and concerns of the developing countries.
We, the non-aligned countries, realize too well that global problems are
interlinked, especially in the economic sphere. And because most of today's
problems are global in nature, they cannot be solved through short-term relief
measures or through piecemeal reform. Hence, it is time the countries of both
the North and the South forged a new compact on development and a new
democratic partnership in fashioning global solutions to these global
problems. Only in that way can we deliver the world economy from its present
disarray and do away with the inequitable international structures and
modalities that have resulted in deepening disparities and unacceptable
injustices in international economic relations and an inexorably widening
prosperity and technology gap between the developed and the developing
countries. Only in .that way can we hope to restructure the international
economic system and international economic relations so as to make them more
equitable and thus more viable.
We, the non-aligned countries, have therefore called for a revival of the
constructive dialogue between the North and the South. But this time the
dialogue should be based on the imperative of genuine interdependence,
mutuality of interests and of benefits, and shared responsibility, with the
positions of each side clearly elaborated and presented, and rationally
discussed and negotiated. Never before have the fate and fortunes of the
North and the South been so inextricably intertwined.
In the absence of stability and development in the South, the North
cannot hope to sustain its economic prosperity. Without a favourable global
environment, which the policies of the North should provide, the South cannot
achieve its development goals. Thus, common sense dictates the need for both
sides to sit down and discuss how together they can manage the massive changes
and challenges of the decades ahead.
At the same time, we have resolved to intensify South-South cooperation
on the basis of collective self-reliance. This is imperative, for South-South
cooperation is vital for promoting our own development and for reducing undue
dependence on the North. It is also an integral element in any strategy for
the attainment of a new and equitable international economic order. Towards
that end, we are initiating concrete cooperative ventures in such areas as
food security, population, trade and investment, and devising practicable
modalities for their implementation. By thus pooling the resources, expertise
and experience of the South, we hope to translate the concept of collective
self-reliance into reality. We invite the developed countries and the
multilateral financial institutions to support us in this endeavour, for it
should be clear that the fostering of expanded economic cooperation among the
developing countries will in turn impart added vitality to the growth and
expansion of the world economy as a whole and yield corresponding benefits to
the developed countries as well.
A global concern that requires the heightened attention of the entire
international community is the rapid degradation of the environment. We, the
non-aligned countries, welcome the results of the Conference held in Rio de
Janeiro. They confirm the long-held conviction of our Movement that the
issues of environment and development are inseparable and should be integrally
addressed on the basis of equitably shared responsibility. The pursuit of
environmentally sound and sustainable development will require a global
partnership that will have to address the need of developing countries for
commensurate, additional financial resources and access to environmentally
sound technology. Even more important is the effective implementation of the
agreed policies, which will require constant monitoring and consistent
follow-through. In this context, we welcome the establishment of the
high-level Commission on Sustainable Development.
We also believe that social development is no less vital than political
and economic development. We therefore support the convening of a world
summit on social development which should place the social needs of people at
the heart of United Nations endeavours. The full and equal integration of
women into the development process has always been a goal of the Non-Aligned
Movement. Consequently, we shall fully cooperate in ensuring the success of
the World Conference on Women in 1995. We believe that all children should be
raised with a standard of living that is adequate for their health and
well-being. We shall work to achieve that goal as a matter of moral
imperative and commit ourselves to the full and effective implementation of
the Declaration and Plan of Action of the World Summit for Children.
At Jakarta, the non-aligned countries enunciated an unequivocal stand on
human rights. Allow me to quote from the Jakarta Message:
"We reaffirm that basic human rights and fundamental freedoms are of
universal validity. We welcome the growing trend towards democracy and
commit ourselves to cooperate in the protection of human rights. We
believe that economic and social progress facilitates the achievement of
these objectives. No country, however, should use its power to dictate
its concept of democracy and of human rights or to impose conditions on
others. In the promotion and protection of these rights, we emphasise
the inter-relatedness of the various categories, call for a balanced
relationship between individual and community rights, and uphold the
competence and responsibility of national governments in their
implementation. The Non-Aligned Countries, therefore, shall coordinate
their positions and actively participate in the preparatory work for the
Second World Conference on Human Rights in June 1993 in order to ensure
that the Conference addresses all aspects of human rights on the basis of
universality, indivisibility, impartiality and non-selectivity."
Moreover, it is our firm conviction that the objective of human rights is
the realization of the full potential of the human being, and human potential
is not confined to the political field. The fundamental right to economic and
social development, for example, cannot be separated and cannot be treated
separately from the other categories of human rights. These rights apply to
nations as well as to individuals. Thus, every nation has the right to
determine its own political and economic system and to preserve its cultural
identity as shaped by its own particular historical experience.
The advanced countries of the West have recently been vocal in calling
for democracy and good governance as an integral part of the development
process, especially in the developing countries. Some are even inclined to
make it a new conditionality in development cooperation. The call for
democratization and democratic reform in all countries is indeed valid, for it
relates directly to the basic aspirations of individuals and nations. But
democracy is not a static concept limited to certain established forms and
practices. Its basic principles and tenets are indeed of universal and
immutable validity. But no single model of democracy can be assumed to be of
universal applicability, given the diversity of cultural values and historical
experiences of the nations of the world.
Moreover, it would be a denial of the basic tenets of democracy if its
values were to be strictly observed within nations while they are being
ignored among nations. Hence democracy and democratization are dynamic
processes that should conform to the fundamental values of each nation and
constantly adapt to evolving realities in order to remain relevant and, more
important, democratic.
These observations equally apply to the United Nations. That is why the
Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has always insisted that this multilateral
Organization should likewise reflect the democratic spirit of equality, equity
and transparency, in representation as well as in the processes of
decision-making. Therefore the United Nations and its principal organs should
periodically undergo a process of review and revitalization in order to ensure
its dynamic adaptation to the evolving realities of international life, and in
order that it may continue to play an effective role as the focal point for
the management of the critical global issues of our time.
We the non-aligned countries have therefore resolved to play an active
and constructive role in the revitalization, restructuring and democratization
of the United Nations system. For this purpose, we have decided to establish
a high-level working group charged with elaborating concrete proposals for the
restructuring of the United Nations.
We believe that a balanced relationship among the General Assembly, the
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the Secretary-General is
imperative. There should be greater accountability of the Security Council to
the General Assembly on decisions and actions affecting the interests of the
entire international community. The role of the General Assembly as a forum
for deliberation, negotiation and decision-making must be enhanced.
It is our conviction that the United Nations capacity for enhancing
international development and cooperation should be strengthened by
revitalizing the Economic and Social Council. We believe that the office of
the Secretary-General should be provided with resources that are commensurate
with its tasks, which have vastly expanded as a result of recent world
events. The Secretary-General's mandate should be enlarged to enable him to
take the necessary initiatives in the pursuit of preventive diplomacy and in
enhancing the efficacy of United Nations peace-making, peace-keeping and
peace-building operations.
We believe also that it is time to address the matter of the size and
composition of the Security Council. This, we realize, should be done with
circumspection, for it involves a fundamental aspect of the Organization's
purposes and functions.
When the Charter of the United Nations was framed and its organs
established in 1945, the main preoccupation of its founding members was
rightly so that never again should the scourge of war be allowed to
devastate humankind. They therefore envisioned a collective security system
that they thought could be capable of preventing another world war.
Since then, however, the world has changed in a most profound way. Over
the past 47 years, numerous nations achieved their independence and joined the
United Nations as sovereign Member States, thus giving the Organization
near-universality in its composition. Their entry reflected the universal
drive of peoples to liberate themselves from colonial bondage. But what was
the ultimate goal of the struggle? They fought for political independence,
not because it was an end unto itself, but because it was the necessary
condition for the attainment of a further and larger goal: development.
Those who fought for independence invariably had a vision of their own people
attaining the blessings and the dignity of economic and social progress, which
is never possible in a state of political subjugation.
In a very real sense, true freedom is attained only through development,
and the formal trappings of political independence are empty until they are
substantiated by economic and social progress. While it may be true that
colonialism in its classical form has virtually come to an end, the process of
decolonization will not be finished until economic independence is achieved.
Thus, if in the past the major preoccupation of the United Nations was,
rightly, the prevention of another world conflagration and the liberation of
peoples from political bondage, today the world, and therefore the United
Nations, should be seized with the struggle of all countries for national
development. This preoccupation should be reflected in the work of the United
Nations and in the composition and dynamics of its organs, in particular the
Security Council.
We live in an age of development in which economic power has become more
decisive than ever. We live in a world where billions of people in the
developing countries of the South are beginning to assert their right to
realize their economic and social potential.
We believe therefore that the Security Council should be expanded to
accommodate new members who, if they are not to be given veto powers, should
at least serve as permanent members. They should join the Council on the
basis of a combination of relevant criteria that more faithfully reflect the
world situation today. That means that the criteria should also take into
account the changing concept of security, which has now to emphasize the
economic and social aspects as much as the military. We cannot close our
eyes to the fact that the economic policies of industrialized countries and
the economic weight of the developing countries, particularly the most
populous among them, have as much bearing on international peace and security
as the armaments of the military Powers. We further believe that it may also
be timely and pertinent that the manner in which the veto powers are now
exercised should be subjected to a constructive review.
The full elaboration of the meaning and intent of the Jakarta message
will be found, not in our speeches, but in the concrete work of the Movement
in the days to come. It is a momentous task that we have to undertake the
building of a new world order dedicated to peace as well as to justice, to
security as well as to development, to democracy both within and among States,
and to the promotion of the fundamental rights of nations as well as of
individual human beings. Let me re-emphasize that to the non-aligned
countries, any new world order is viable and commonly acceptable only if based
on recognition of the United Nations as its center-piece and its universal
framework and if rooted in the fundamental principles of the United Nations
Charter.
This endeavour will take more than the exercise the best efforts of any
single country or any group of countries. But with the help of God Almighty,
with the support and participation of all nations that share our aspirations,
we shall, God willing, achieve that new world order.