The General Assembly stands poised at a
vital watershed. It is a time of opportunity and challenge, of promise and
uncertainty, of hopes and unfulfilled expectations. In many ways we are
entering new and uncharted territory. We must beat out our own track with
caution, deliberation and conviction. We must, above all, invoke and nurture
that spirit of commonality, commitment, innovation and imagination that is so
uniquely manifest today, as we confront together the unprecedented transition
in world affairs.
We are all conscious of the significance of this moment in history. We
are in the last decade of a tumultuous century and millennium. We are
straddling the threshold of a new century a new era carrying with us the
aspirations of our people for a better, more prosperous, peaceful and
fulfilling life. Three years from now the United Nations will celebrate its
fiftieth anniversary. Our efforts in the interim will surely determine its
course for future generations.
There is no doubt that the United Nations is but a reflection of the
wishes of its component parts. It is in a real sense the collective
instrument for promoting the interests of all States, weak or strong, rich or
poor, large or small. At the heart of its success or failure is the
contribution to its purposes and principles that each individual country must
make. It is the sum total of these individual efforts that is the real
foundation of the success of the United Nations in maintaining peace, securing
justice and human rights, and promoting the key Charter prerogative of "social
progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".
I reaffirm today the total commitment of Bangladesh to furthering the
objectives of the United Nations Charter and the cause of multilateralism.
Indeed, this is a constitutional commitment. In doing so, I would like to
underscore the dominant theme of my statement: How can a relatively small
State contribute towards making this Organization a viable instrument, capable
of dealing effectively and comprehensively with all aspects of human
development, be they political, economic, social or environmental?
Mr. President, before I proceed further, let me join my voice to the
well-deserved tributes paid to you. Sir, on your election to the high office
of President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. Your
knowledge and experience will, I am sure, guide us well in these challenging
times. I am confident that you will do great honour to the legacy left by
your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi, of Saudi Arabia, to whom we
are all deeply indebted.
We extend our warm tribute to the Secretary-General,
Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. He has taken charge and is steering the course of
our Organization at perhaps its most daunting period of renewal, revival and
resurgence. We pledge to him our unstinted support and cooperation in the
furtherance of his endeavours.*
I would also like to welcome in our midst the many new countries that
have taken their seat in the General Assembly this year, swelling our ranks to
179 Member States. Most of them represent peoples who have recently gained
freedom. Their" presence strengthens not only our common goal for universality
but adds a new forceful voice that gives meaning to the expression of the very
first words of the Charter of the United Nations: "We the peoples of the
United Nations". We look forward to working with them in close and friendly
cooperation.
Previous speakers have discussed at length the nature of the contemporary
world setting, the massive pressures that have radically changed relationships
between States and individuals, and the resulting positive and negative trends
that have emerged. It is not my intention to repeat this analysis. Suffice
it to say that one paramount task emerges: how to tilt the balance of
contradictory forces in favour of the evolution of a new, more beneficial,
more just and peaceful world order.
At the heart of the issue is the creation of an environment of peace.
Ironically, the sources of conflict are rooted in the absence of progress in
objectives we most seek to promote the enhancement of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, the promotion of sustainable economic and social
development for wider prosperity, the alleviation of human distress, and the
curtailment of the existence and use of weapons of mass destruction.
Of real concern to third world countries are certain negative impulses.
A prime factor is continuing anxiety that their interests are being
marginalized both politically and economically. Insularity and internal
domestic preoccupations of the major Powers open up prospects of a power
vacuum and of the consequent danger of regional competition and hegemony.
Diversion of resources along an East-West axis can leave the South starved of
political resources and investment.
These fears are multiplied by the emergence of new constraints that
circumscribe development cooperation standards of good governance, rigid
structural adjustment measures, environmental criteria and scrutiny of
military intentions and preparedness.
What is basically at issue is a degree of perception. It is not opposition to
these recognizably needed changes, but resistance to any form of dictation
with regard to how they should be achieved. A flexible attitude is perhaps
the best prescription. Too often the role of people has been ignored to the
peril of the world community. One extreme manifestation is that national
self-assertion has resurfaced. It has brought realization to the right of
self-determination, but it has also released long-suppressed ethnic, cultural,
linguistic and cultural rivalries and has unleashed bigotry, extremism and
violence. This is at a time when, after years of patient pressure, racism and
racial discrimination were being isolated and apartheid dismantled. They have
generated powerful centrifugal forces that threaten established boundaries.
At the same time, poverty, disease, famine and repression have joined together
to produce a massive movement of people within and beyond national borders
17 million refugees and 20 million displaced persons worldwide all of which
have combined to create a new dimension of insecurity that must be addressed
in all its ramifications.
The pre-eminent task before us is to forge a new, more focused and
action-oriented world agenda to promote peace, tolerance, justice and
development. It is of crucial import that this should be time-targeted,
prioritized, fully-funded and cost-efficient.
The structure and shape of this agenda has already assumed significant
substance. The first-ever summit of the Security Council members took place
in January 1992. The outcome of that meeting concentrated on an agenda for
peace encompassing preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and what
the Secretary-General characterized as post-conflict peace-building. Other
substantial inputs have been made or are envisaged including, inter alia:
the 1990 World Summit for children; the special session of the United Nations
General Assembly on narcotic drugs; the 1992 Rio de Janeiro Conference on
Environment and Development; the 1993 summit on human rights; the 1994
conference on population and development; the 1995 world conference on women
and a world summit for social development. These accompany far-reaching
proposals that are under way to reform, strengthen and streamline the
Organization to enable it to fulfil its responsibility as the central organ
for the cooperative management of the world's problems.
If the world Organization is to succeed and flourish, it will depend as
much on the resilience of its Member States to prosper individually as on
their ability constructively to contribute to its great goals and purposes.
Positive efforts by each country cumulatively strengthen the sum total of the
United Nations mandate. What then is Bangladesh's contribution to this grand
design?
The quest for a new world order must begin with putting our own house in
order. In our region, Bangladesh has sought actively to maintain the momentum
and credibility of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation
(SAARC) and by promoting its essentially socio-economic mandate to create a
broad-based climate of confidence-building, to reduce tension in the region
and to resolve outstanding bilateral differences by dialogue and negotiation.
It is on us, as Chairman of the forthcoming seventh summit of SAARC, that the
onus of responsibility has fallen to promote these aims in more productive and
tangible ways, especially as SAARC stands poised to enter its second cycle of
annual summit meetings.
Bilaterally, the democratically elected Government of
Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, has initiated concerted steps to bolster a
new chapter of positive interaction with our immediate neighbours, following
years of inactivity. The upsurge of democracy throughout the region has
significantly contributed to this objective. In recent months official visits
by the Prime Minister to Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan have been motivated by
one major determinant to eschew past inhibitions and look to the future.
Some issues remain complex and sensitive but approaches to solutions are being
forged through continuing and pragmatic dialogue.
The exodus of Myanmar refugees to Bangladesh since November 1991 imposed
a heavy additional burden on the new government, coming as it did in the wake
of the devastating cyclone of May 1991 and the cumulative adverse impact of
the aftermath of the Gulf War. The option of confrontation loomed large. Yet
through circumspection, restraint and a conscious defusion of tension, the
groundwork was laid for an eventual solution by mutual agreement in April 1992.
Despite this agreement, some 270,000 Myanmar refugees still remain in our
territory as efforts continue to repatriate them in honour, safety and dignity
and above all on a voluntary basis. Given the dire compulsions under which
the refugees fled, the process of persuading them to return is a difficult and
drawn-out one. Time targets are at best approximate and increase the
liabilities of the Government in terms of costs, environmental damage and
tension with and among the local population. The critical catalyst for
guaranteeing safe repatriation and resettlement remains an impartial United
Nations presence. Efforts continue to overcome Myanmar's reticence on this
score. Yet, bilaterally the two countries are cooperating positively. I am
happy to announce that the first minimal step has been taken with the
voluntary repatriation of some 49 refugees on 23 September 1992. It is hoped
this will constitute a crack in the wall towards the voluntary return of the
remaining refugees.
Globally, Bangladesh supports all measures to strengthen the United
Nation's capacity to prevent war and resolve conflicts and to extend this
capacity in new and imaginative ways. It is of key importance to preserve the
security of small States and to promote the concept of preventive diplomacy,
especially to anticipate and contain damage in times of man-made or natural
disasters. It is a matter of some satisfaction that the role of the United
Nations in helping to resolve the Myanmar refugee problem was the first
objective test of preventive diplomacy in action. The visit of
Mr. Jan Eliasson, the Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs, to Bangladesh and
Myanmar respectively, was to trigger the agreement between the two countries
for repatriation of the refugees.
We believe that there is a real chance today that collective security can
be achieved through promotion of the unrealized premises of the United Nations
Charter, including the fostering of regional security arrangements under
Chapter VIII. Regional groupings can and must concentrate on harnessing
durable structures of stability, starting at the base and working through
confidence-building measures and broad-based socio-economic cooperation.
Reduced reliance on military security must be buttressed through
monitoring, regulating and limiting the growing traffic in arms. At the
national level, doctrines of minimum defence self-sufficiency equated with the
innovative use of armed forces as human development investment could lead to a
realistic release of a peace dividend. One recent measure of note in
Bangladesh is that budget allocations for defence this year are less than
those for education. At the same time, we have purposefully contributed to
United Nations peace-keeping efforts through the despatch of military and
civilian contingents to monitor the elections in Namibia, to police cease-fire
lines in the Gulf, to help clear mines and support the restructuring effort in
Kuwait, and to assist the United Nations peace processes in Cambodia,
Yugoslavia and Western Sahara. We strongly support the strengthening of the
financial and institutional base of peace-keeping and its growth in new and
imaginative directions.
We have striven, through specific initiatives, to participate
constructively and with moderation and pragmatism in all socio-economic
forums, especially to project the concerns of the least developed countries
and to keep alive the commitment to preferential treatment of the poorest of
the poor. The critical socio-economic situation in Africa deserves special
attention.
In Bangladesh we have learnt one fundamental lesson: there is no
shortcut to progress, no matter how reliable or generous our friends may be.
Whether it relates to achieving freedom from political oppression, vindicating
human rights or seeking social and economic emancipation, a country must
ultimately depend on itself.
Three consequent goals have emerged: first and foremost, to bolster
individual self-reliance and move away from aid-centricity to more defined
development cooperation; secondly, to intensify South-South cooperation and
collective self reliance in such specific and practical areas as food
production, manpower planning, trade, investments and joint ventures and
modalities to implement them; and finally, to reactivate constructive
North-South dialogue and the creation of an external environment conducive to
the revitalizing of growth and the targeting, in particular, of the reduction
and elimination of poverty.
There has been a growing convergence of strategies to redress the
critical issues of falling investment, reduction and restructuring of debt,
trade promotion and the transfer of technology. Successful conclusion of the
Uruguay Round remains a pressing priority. These goals must be pursued to a
logical and urgent conclusion.
Another crucial element must be stressed: the development objective must
be put in sharper focus than the theme of adjustment that has long
overshadowed it; structural adjustment measures are necessary, but must avoid
undue hardships which often lead the poorest sections of the population to
bear a disproportionate part of the burden.
At home, a crucial policy imperative has been the drawing up of a vision
and strategy for the future that would align participatory democracy with the
country's development needs. This new development perspective focuses on
human development, participatory planning, and greater induction and
involvement of women in development and the alleviation of poverty. It
recognizes the need to raise investment so as to achieve growth in excess of
5 per cent per annum, and identifies efficiency improvement as one of the
important means of attaining this end. It aims at achieving a symbiosis
between agriculture and industry that will address the needs of growth,
employment generation and poverty alleviation. To ensure that this link is
sustained and can lead to a take-off for the economy, investment in the social
sectors is given central importance.
The factors I have mentioned highlight one basic reality: the fabric of
self-reliance is intimately woven out of three strands democracy,
development and human rights.
Our own experience has underlined certain basic truths. Without
democracy, a people's potential for socio-economic progress cannot flower.
Equally, without improved standards of living and a vision for the future that
can sustain hope, democracy will wither. Human rights become meaningless in
the face of the dire constraints of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy.
No other right can take precedence over the amelioration of this condition.
Bangladesh fully reaffirms that basic human rights and fundamental
freedoms are of universal validity. We believe that a human rights culture
embracing all freedoms must evolve in a uniform way. Perhaps the most vital
aspect of this that has yet to find universal acceptance is recognition of the
right to development. Surely, peace and stability cannot be achieved unless
conditions are created to remove the root causes of war and conflict, that is,
economic and social deprivation.
We look forward to participating in the second World Conference on Human
Rights, in June 1993, and to ensuring that the Conference addresses all
aspects of human rights on the basis of universality, indivisibility and
impartiality.
Since the only real protection of small and weaker States is firmly
rooted in the rule of law, Bangladesh has constantly striven to promote its
progressive development and codification internationally and regionally, and
to promote its due reflection at home through enabling legislation. We shall
remain active in pursuing these endeavours, especially in promoting such
priority areas as the non-navigational uses of international water-courses,
the international law of the sea, environmental protection and the status of
refugees, economic migrants and displaced persons. No one can doubt the
serious potential for conflict that the absence of law holds in these areas.
They remain a pressing priority for concentrated movement forward.
Through national legislation, its regional extension and international
participation, we have also contributed to addressing solutions to global
problems of drugs, terrorism and protection of the environment. We welcome in
particular the outcome of the Rio Conference, which has addressed the issues
of environment and development, which are inextricably linked. Sustainable
development calls for a new global partnership, including the provision of new
and additional financial resources to developing countries and adequate access
for them to environmentally sound technology.
Social aspects must also remain at the heart of our endeavours,
especially concentration on disadvantaged groups that the pursuit of economic
growth tends to bypass. We therefore wholeheartedly support the convening of
the World Summit for Social Development.
Bangladesh supports the view that the full integration of women in the
development process at all levels is of critical importance. We stand
committed to promoting the success of the World Conference on Women to be held
in 1995.
Equally, the rights and status of children remain a paramount priority.
This year the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, along with the
United Nations Children's Fund, is focusing particular attention on the rights
of children in South Asia, in keeping with the commitment of the countries of
the region to the full implementation of the Declaration and Plan of Action of
the World Summit for Children.
No statement is complete if we do not address ourselves to some of the
outstanding conflict and tension points around the globe. Since the creation
of the United Nations, over 100 major conflicts have taken a toll of some
20 million dead. The cold war imposed its own peculiar threat to security.
With its demise, vital new possibilities have opened up for forging a new
security regime. The United Nations has emerged as a central instrument for
the prevention and resolution of conflicts. Bangladesh is determined to
contribute in whatever ways it can, directly or indirectly, to making it more
effective and responsive in new and creative ways.
I turn now to the critical political issues on our agenda.
Bangladesh's consistent and categorical position on the Middle East
question and the issue of Palestine needs no reiteration. We believe the
Palestinians' cause to be founded on justice. We welcome the convening of the
peace conference and the start of substantive parallel negotiations over the
framework of a peaceful settlement. We believe that this should be
comprehensive, should include Palestine, and must be based on a serious
commitment by Israel to abide by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967),
338 (1973) and 425 (1978), and the principle of returning land for peace. It
is our hope that Israel will show sincerity of purpose and greater flexibility
and will refrain from delaying the peace process.
It is our fervent hope that all parties in Afghanistan will respect the
cease-fire and faithfully implement the Peshawar Accord of April 1992, which
reflected a broad consensus of all Afghan leaders. This would lay the
groundwork for holding free and fair elections so that a permanent government
could emerge reflecting the wishes and aspirations of the Afghan people. At
the same time, it would ensure much needed political, economic and social
stability. There is vital need for the world community to contribute
generously and actively towards the reconstruction and rehabilitation of
Afghanistan and towards the safe and voluntary return of refugees to their
homeland.
The implementation of the 1991 Paris Agreement on a comprehensive
settlement in Cambodia has progressed apace, despite obstacles raised by one
of the four factions to move into the second phase of implementation. We
welcome this advance and commend the intense and diverse attempts by the
United Nations to nurture national reconciliation to foster the democratic
process and to build peace and stability. In our own small way, as a part of
the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), Bangladesh is
committed to end the suffering of the Cambodian people and to allow them to
determine freely their own destiny.
The vicious cycle of starvation, factional fighting, the break-down of
central authority, the violence and the exodus of refugees in Somalia has
shocked the world. The response has been belated. We fully support the
Security Council decision to strengthen the United Nations peace-keeping
presence so as to break this cycle through a comprehensive programme of action
that could reach vital relief assistance, consolidate the cease-fire, curtail
violence and bring about national reconciliation. We also welcome the efforts
of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Organization of the Islamic
Conference (OIC) and the Arab League to convene a conference on national
reconciliation and unity in Somalia.
The upheaval in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a
cause of utmost concern. It has unleashed a bitter mix of conflict, ambition,
hatred and ethnic brutality. The August 1992 London Conference and the
mechanisms it has instituted remain a vital hope for the intensification of
the search for solutions in all aspects and on a continuous basis. Meanwhile,
the world is appalled by the Serbian aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by
the massacre of innocent civilians, the systematic persecution and even
annihilation through the abhorrent policy of "ethnic cleansing".
Bangladesh has taken a forthright stand in all international forums to
condemn these acts. It has joined in the call for more decisive and resolute
action that would reverse the aggression, stop the brutality, and ensure the
unhindered supply of relief. We have also denied the claim of Serbia and
Montenegro to be the successor State of former Yugoslavia in the United
Nations and other international bodies. We believe that much more needs to be
done to end the bloodshed and fully restore the sovereignty, independence and
territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We remain steadfast in our support for the people of South Africa in
their struggle to achieve their cherished goal of equal rights and majority
rule. There can be no compromise until we have achieved the complete
dismantling of apartheid. The international community must remain vigilant in
its efforts to bring an effective end to the recent outbreak of violence and
create conditions for negotiations leading towards a peaceful transition to a
democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.
Bangladesh welcomes the intensification of efforts to find a just and
viable solution to the Cyprus problem. We commend the Secretary-General for
his personal initiatives a»id role in the difficult process of reaching
agreement on a broad-based set of ideas leading towards an overall framework
agreement. We hope that the leaders of the two communities who are to meet on
26 October 1992 will pursue direct and uninterrupted negotiations to reach an
amicable and durable solution that will serve the legitimate interests of both
communities.
In Western Sahara, we fully support the Secretary-General's initiatives
to reactivate the implementation of the settlement plan and to help overcome
differences over criteria of eligibility to vote. We hope that the referendum
can be effectively organized and supervised and thus bring about an early end
to this long-standing dispute.
In other parts of the third world, bilateral, regional and international
efforts have seen many positive initiatives and advances. It is the combined
solidarity and sustained moral pressure of the world community that has
created a climate conducive to peaceful change. The enhanced role and
contribution of the International Court of Justice also now assumes much
greater relevance and credibility and must be strengthened.
Let me say in conclusion that the world has reached a critical point in
its struggle to advance stability and well-being. No doubt violence,
aggression, foreign occupation, narrowly conceived nationalism, racial and
religious discrimination and gaping social and economic disparities still
persist. Yet there is today greater confidence and conviction that a better
world is truly within our reach. We are faced with an opportunity rare in the
history of civilization to carry forward the momentum to resolve disputes
peacefully, to promote partnership and responsible relations among States, to
strengthen the rule of law and uplift the quality of life of all peoples in
greater freedom. We must surely move with deliberation towards the
realization of what the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, calls
"the vast potential of this unique Organization to bring new life to the
world of the Charter." (A/47/1, para. 170)