Allow me, first of all, to extend to
you. Sir, the warmest congratulations of the Greek Government on your election
to the presidency. Your personal qualities and diplomatic skill augur well
for progress on the work of this session. Moreover, we are especially pleased
to salute in your person the representative of a neighbouring country with
which Greece maintains long-standing relations of close friendship. I also
wish to pay tribute to your predecessor. Ambassador Shihabi, for the effective
manner in which he discharged his functions as President of the Assembly last
year.
Allow me also to point out how impressed the Greek Government is by the
way the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has
been discharging his duties since he took office at the beginning of the
year. We are absolutely certain that he will continue his work with the same
dynamism and diplomatic dexterity, for the benefit of both the international
community and this Organization, which has grown since the General Assembly
last met a year ago.
Let me also join other representatives in welcoming the new Members that
have been admitted to the United Nations as independent States, namely
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and
Uzbekistan.
The admission of these new Members is a renewed expression of the desire
of our Organization to welcome in its midst all those States that undertake
the commitment to adhere to the purposes and principles set out in the United
Nations Charter.
Earlier this week the Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, in his
capacity as President of the Council of the European Community, delivered a
statement on behalf of its 12 Member States. My Government fully subscribes
to the contents of that statement.
Greece is firmly committed to, and fully supports, the process of
European integration. We believe that the economic and political union we
agreed on when we adopted the Maastricht Treaty last year will strengthen
progress and enhance prosperity not only on the European continent, but also
in all the countries the Community is trading with. Greece was among the
first European countries to ratify the Maastricht Treaty, and we are happy
that the French people as well ratified the Treaty at the referendum of last
Sunday. Allow me to note that the "yes" vote in the Greek Parliament was
overwhelming 286 positive votes out of a total of 300 deputies voting - and
is indicative of the extraordinary degree of unanimity of the Greek people
concerning the position of our country for a united Europe.
I have the honour to stand before this Assembly as the representative of
a nation that is now completing a year-long celebration marking 2,500 years
since our ancestors first invented a form of government called in Greek
demokratia. which in rough translation means "rule by the people": democracy,
which was destined to become one of the most outstanding contributions of
Greece to the collective heritage of mankind and a cornerstone of world
civilization. We Greeks felt happy and, allow me to say, proud a year ago, as
we saw democracy and its twin principle, freedom, gaining ground throughout
the world and consolidating its presence in countries where totalitarianism
had long held sway. In welcoming new members to the community of free
nations, the Greek Government expressed the hope that the post-cold-war world
would be based on the principles of democracy and freedom, on respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms, and on the rule of law.
That hope was expressed a year ago. Can we now, a year later, ascertain
the extent to which it has been met? Admittedly, a year's time is too short
to allow a conclusive judgement, but the events of the last 12 months offer
some evidence of the direction in which the world is moving. And, I must say,
the evidence available is not as encouraging as our expectations were. In
fact, we have witnessed developments that threaten the fragile positive trends
we had begun to see. We have seen peoples that gained their freedom and
independence taking the path of nationalism. Signs abound that we are
entering a dangerous and unpredictable world situation, where conflicts,
extreme nationalism and tensions of a new nature are erupting, and where the
clash of interests could take the place of the ideological confrontations of
which we have had bitter experience in the past.
In spite of the comfort of being safe at last from the threat of nuclear
annihilation since the recent enormous strides in disarmament, in some areas
the world seems to be moving into a state of uncontrolled proliferation of
conventional arms and civil strife. In some cases, that civil strife seems to
be on the brink of spilling over and becoming a threat to regional and
international peace and security. To make matters worse, the weak economies
of many developing countries remain in the grip of a deepening crisis, while
growing poverty, and in certain cases even hunger, is becoming a menace to
recent gains in democracy. And the environment continues to deteriorate at an
alarming pace.
Faced with such a situation, the world community has to react
collectively. And as it is the United Nations that embodies the collegiality
of the world community, it is incumbent upon it to devise ways and means to
help humanity deal with the situation. In this respect, the nations and the
peoples of the world are fortunate in that, with the cold war behind us, the
paralysis that had for a long time plagued our Organization has now
disappeared. The United Nations is now indeed showing signs that it is
willing to live up to the expectations placed in it.
A series of actions is being undertaken to deal with the major problems
confronting humanity now. In this context, earlier this year, the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development, the largest summit ever
held, met at Rio de Janeiro. Next year we will see the Second World
Conference on Human Rights. In 1994, population and development will be dealt
with. In 1995, the World Conference on Women will take place. Finally, a
world summit for social development has been proposed.
But the first in this series of actions was taken last January and
directly concerned international peace and security. The Greek Government
welcomed the convening of the Security Council at the summit level to reaffirm
the world community's devotion to the principle of collective security and to
the settlement of disputes in accordance with the principles of the United
Nations Charter, and to consider anew the means by which collective security
can be upheld through the Organization.
Greece has also welcomed the document entitled "An Agenda for Peace", on
preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping, issued by the
Secretary-General in response to a request made by the members of the Security
Council at their January summit meeting. I take this opportunity to express
our appreciation to the Secretary-General for a document of vision, lucidity
and challenging ideas. We in the Greek Government have studied it with great
interest and are looking forward to participating in the fruitful debates that
are bound to follow in the various bodies of our Organization.
We are pleased that the Secretary-General sees the concepts of preventive
diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping in their proper perspective within
the larger concept of peace and security that goes beyond the military sphere
and encompasses social and economic factors, primary among which is the
enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
We are also encouraged that the Secretary-General has not failed to
emphasize the importance of democracy not only within nations but also among
the family of nations.
The perception of selectivity in the application of the principles of the
Charter must be avoided if the moral authority of the United Nations is to be
maintained. This is particularly urgent now that the enforcement capability
of the Organization is being enhanced and put to use. Enforcement without
moral authority is coercion and tyranny. Smaller nations need to be reassured
that no Power will succeed in usurping the moral authority of the United
Nations and using it for the advancement of its own interests.
It is the fervent hope of the Greek Government that the current turbulent
situation will prove to be only a brief transition and will soon be replaced
by a spirit of international cooperation and solidarity. The deployment of
common efforts for the maintenance of international peace and security through
preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping are an indispensable
manifestation of such international solidarity. The other two foundations on
which this solidarity must be based are respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms and a common concern for the protection of the
environment.
The subject of human rights is, of course, not new. We rejoice that the
European Community has time and again emphasized that respect for, and
promotion and safeguarding of human rights is an essential element in
international relations and, therefore, one of the cornerstones of cooperation
and of relations between the Community and its member States and other
countries.
The expression of concern about human rights violations can no longer be
considered mere interference in a State's internal affairs. Established
principles governing relations among States - such as non-interference in the
internal affairs of other States and respect for the national sovereignty of
States must accommodate efforts by the United Nations and by regional
organizations to protect the human rights of individuals and social groups
that are threatened in particular States.
A few words about Greece's relations with its neighbours and the state of
affairs in our region.
We have repeatedly and officially stated that Greece has no territorial
claims whatsoever against any of the countries neighbouring ours. We offer
our friendship to all of them and we hope, indeed we are certain, they will
reciprocate. We maintain the best possible relations with our Balkan as well
as our Mediterranean neighbours.
Regarding our relations with Turkey, we consider that it is of primary
importance for Greece and our neighbour Turkey that our two countries display
the necessary will and imagination to create a climate of mutual confidence,
security and stability which will redound to the benefit of the Eastern
Mediterranean in general and our two peoples in particular.
Greece believes that it is high time for our two neighbouring States to
find the way, on the basis of international law and international conventions
and treaties, to establish closer relations, compatible with the requirements
of the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter
of Paris, as well as with the expectations of our peoples, dictated by
geographical proximity and by common interests. This intention, our political
will and our sincere desire have been repeatedly stressed by our Prime
Minister, Mr. Mitsotakis, who has already met with the Prime Minister of
Turkey, Mr. Demirel, four times this year, while I have had the opportunity to
speak in the same spirit to my Turkish counterpart, Mr. Hikmet Cetin, with
whom I have already met three or four times. We, for our part, laid emphasis
on the fact that the problem of Cyprus, which exercises a negative influence
on our bilateral relations, should at last find a proper solution on the basis
of all relevant United Nations resolutions.
I should like to remind the Assembly that despite coordinated efforts the
problem remains unresolved. Cyprus continues to be divided and a large part
of its territory is still under Turkish occupation. The other consequences of
the 1974 invasion, such as those of the refugees, the missing persons, and the
continuing efforts to change the demographic structure of the island and to
plunder of Cyprus' cultural heritage, still exist and constitute the main
elements of the tragic reality of this Mediterranean island, an integral part
of the European family and a State Member of this Organization. In this
respect, the report of the European Commission of Human Rights published on
2 April 1992 sets out the violations of human rights in Cyprus, concerning
missing and displaced persons, separation of families, deprivation of
possessions and so on.
Despite the present status quo in Cyprus which the most recent Security
Council resolution explicitly characterizes as not acceptable we, together
with the international community, look forward to the systematic efforts of
the Secretary-General with the active support of the five permanent members
of the Security Council to bring about a just, a viable and a functional
solution to the Cyprus problem.
In this respect, we note that the Secretary-General's set of ideas,
including the map attached thereto, which was initially discussed last July
and August, with special emphasis on the territorial, refugee and property
issues, should form the basis of negotiations during the follow-on talks
scheduled to be resumed in New York in late October.
We urge Turkey to use all its decisive influence on the Turkish-Cypriot
side to ensure that it approaches the talks in a constructive manner which may
well contribute to the solution of the problem and the elimination of a real
anachronism in today's Europe.
In conclusion on this subject, I wish to stress once again that the just
settlement of this problem would greatly benefit relations between our two
peoples and our two countries. Moreover, it would also constitute an
important element of Turkey's aspirations to its European orientation. We
have been trying, most emphatically, to make it clear that it is our will to
establish the most friendly relations with our neighbour Turkey. I do not
think that the international community would be proud if it were to leave this
problem, which has been dragging on for over 18 years, unresolved.
The situation in the Balkans remains a cause of major concern to all.
The Yugoslav crisis continues to constitute a potential danger for
destabilization of the whole Balkans and a danger for peace and security in
the wider area. Greece, as a Balkan country, naturally is directly concerned
and, therefore, from the very beginning of the crisis has not spared any
effort to achieve a speedy and negotiated solution. The convening of the
London Conference under the co-chairmanship of the European Community and the
United Nations represents our only hope for a lasting settlement. We wish to
reiterate here our full support to the chairmanship of the Conference, to
which we are ready to offer all our assistance.
The Assembly should send a clear message to all former Yugoslav parties
that there can be no alternative to a negotiated solution of the crisis and
that the international community is determined not to recognize any
fait accompli created by force. We believe that no single party is to blame
for the current crisis and its horrors and that all share part of the blame.
In any event, we must act swiftly to stop the war before it is too late, for
the dangers of spill-over of the crisis are real.
Any form of military intervention in the former Yugoslavia is highly
inadvisable. We have cautioned against it because we consider the staging of
a war to stop another war absurd and self-defeating. Indeed, if a majority of
other States were to decide on some form of military intervention in
Yugoslavia, Greece would in no way participate. All States - and mainly
Balkan States - that neighbour the former Yugoslavia, and all States with a
special interest in the area, should in any case be excluded from such
action. Otherwise, the enmities, the mistrust and the rekindling of bitter
memories of the past will be a source of persistent bitterness and instability
for generations to come.
We want the Balkans to be an area of peace and we wish to avoid a return
to the time when they were known as the powder-keg of Europe. We want good
relations with all our Balkan neighbours. We are ready to support them
economically and also to facilitate the development of their relations with
the European Community. We have no claims against anybody and we expect them
to have similar motivations toward us. It is for this reason that, as regards
the former "Yugoslav Federal Socialist Republic of Macedonia", we have
actively and consistently advocated full compliance with the Lisbon
Declaration of the European Community, according to which that Republic should
be recognized under a name which does not include the term "Macedonia".
Otherwise, we will surely have sown the seeds of future tensions and
conflicts in the area and we will have jeopardized the ability of the peoples
of the Balkans to live and coexist peacefully together. Our insistence on
this point is not only an emotional or sentimental matter, now is it only a
matter of historical accuracy. It is, more than anything, a matter of
political realism. The usurping of a Greek name and of ancient Greek emblems,
combined with constitutional provisions insinuating territorial expansion, is
nothing if not a clear indication of territorial claims. If we allow this
policy to be pursued we shall condemn future generations for we shall be
forming the nucleus of friction for some time to come.
Having said that, I wish to make it quite clear that we have never
harboured any enmity towards this nascent republic. Even when, recently, we
reluctantly had to discontinue fuel exports there, in order to counter
unjustified, unfounded accusations that Greece was circumventing Security
Council resolutions 713 (1991) and 757 (1992), we never interfered with the
supply of food and humanitarian aid. As a matter of fact, exports of fuel
supplies have already been resumed now that the European Community has adopted
new regulations to ensure the movement of goods towards the former Yugoslavia
that safeguard the effectiveness of the United Nations embargo.
The arms embargo should also be reinforced with respect to all sides and
an effective mechanism for its control should be put in place.
Concerning Kosovo, which is a particularly sensitive, potentially
dangerous area, we should encourage the Serbian Government and the ethnic
Albanians to pursue a serious and open dialogue within the framework of the
London Conference with a view to reaching an early solution to the problems of
this area. We maintain that a status of autonomy, without any change of
frontiers, would satisfy all concerned.
The international community must also be alerted to the various reports
from many parts of the former Yugoslavia concerning atrocities. It should be
made clear to all those who are responsible for such acts that they will be
held personally responsible. This is a point about which my Government feels
particularly strongly.
The easing of international tensions with the end of the cold war
provides new possibilities and resources for development. Our immediate
objective should be to restore growth that would not irreparably destroy the
air, the rivers, the forests, the oceans or any other part of nature. The
United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held at Rio de
Janeiro last June has raised high hopes that the consensus which has emerged
and which strikes a balance between environment and development will be
sustained. At the same time, we note with great satisfaction that a political
consensus is growing concerning the fundamental relationship between
pluralistic democracy, respect for human rights, and development as an
equitable and sustainable process.
Now that the end of the cold war has raised the hopes of millions, a
system of collective security is envisaged to preserve world peace and
stability and to provide a new vision of development very much along the lines
of the Charter of the United Nations. Economic and social development is not
possible without peace and stability, which are prerequisites and not
substitutes for development. The last 18 months have witnessed profound
historic changes in the world economy. A large part of the world remains in a
state of transition and uncertainty while it is being transformed
fundamentally. The Secretary-General has offered us a new concept of
integrated development no longer based on the traditional strict
differentiation among political, economic and social issues. In his
introductory remarks to the high-level segment of the Economic and Social
Council, he argued in favour of an integrated approach to global issues under
which the United Nations system, through preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and
peace-keeping will bring its political influence to bear on the solution of
economic and social issues. This approach is best suited to the Organization
because it will secure "a unit thrust" in all the activities of the United
nations system through enhanced coordination of agencies.
The recently concluded Conference on Environment and Development held at
Rio de Janeiro is a first example of this approach. A conceptual bridge was
crossed there. We hope that fundamental principles agreed on at Rio de
Janeiro will be translated into concrete action.
The world economic situation presents an uneven and variegated picture.
In countries where there is a movement towards a market system, economic
difficulties are increasing, exacerbated by new assertions of nationalism, as
well as by ethnic and religious challenges, which threaten social peace and
the cohesion of States.
In the developing countries growth remains on the whole sluggish, while
there has been great diversity in performance among them. Moreover, the
problems which plagued the developing world in the 1980s still persist. As
pointed out in the World Economic Survey. 1992. world production fell in 1991
for the first time since the Second World War, and the recovery that was
beginning to take shape appeared to be exceptionally weak. The Uruguay Round
of trade negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)
remains stalled. Financial assistance for development purposes is still hard
to come by, while developing and other countries must complete painful
adjustment programmes. High inflation, large-scale deficits, debt burdens and
lack of adequate investments have not yet shown signs of improvement.
Furthermore, economic hardship has given rise to fanaticism, unchecked
migratory movements, civil strife and criminal acts. Development continues to
be the most serious challenge of all countries.
The world economic situation provides an opportunity for a strengthening
of the role of the United Nations system as regards enhancing international
cooperation for development. The important political changes of the last two
years and the integrated nature of political, economic and social issues call
for the United Nations to play a major role in shaping the directions of
social and economic development.
Progress in the regional conflicts that have been on the agenda of our
Organization has again been uneven. Peace in the Middle East remains
elusive. The most important element of the Middle East problem is the
Arab-Israeli conflict. Two of the most ancient peoples in the world, each of
which has made outstanding contributions to the common heritage of mankind,
have for decades confronted each other, seemingly unwilling to accept for the
other what each demands for itself, that is, the right to exist within safe
and recognized borders, the right to a homeland, and the right to take charge
of its own destiny. However, the events of the last 12 months seem to
indicate that each side may now be prepared to accept for the other at least
part of what it demands for itself. And this development, although in itself
not sufficient for the solution to the conflict, does seem to justify the
judgement that the chances for peace are better now than they were a year ago.
I wish in this connection to pay tribute to the commitment and
perseverance of the sponsors of the peace process launched in Madrid in
October 1991, as well as to the wisdom and courage displayed by the parties
directly involved. It is the fervent hope of the Greek Government that the
new Israeli Government, as well as the Arab parties involved, will seize the
opportunity to work together towards a comprehensive peace.
No one can dispute today that apartheid is an unacceptable political
system that has to be eradicated in all its forms and practical consequences.
Furthermore, the international community and the main political leaders in
South Africa are committed to the creation of a united, non-racial and
democratic South African society through peaceful means and through
negotiations involving all parties concerned.
However, the recent wave of violence in South Africa, which claimed many
innocent lives, seemed to pose a serious threat to the negotiating process,
and to undermine the results achieved so far. Greece firmly believes that no
effort should be spared to help South African society keep the momentum and to
continue building upon what has been achieved. Let us bear in mind that, now
more than ever, the new reality of intensified subregional, regional and
international cooperation in the political and economic fields points to an
important role for a new, democratic, united and non-racial South Africa.
In the Horn of Africa, in Somalia, a human tragedy of almost
unprecedented scale is unfolding. War, drought and the collapse of civil
authority threaten the very existence of the country: the physical
existence the lives of its people. Starvation has already claimed
thousands of lives.
We know, however, that the difficulties of the two regions I have just
referred to are only part of a more complicated, multifaceted structural p
problem faced by the whole continent of Africa in all fields of human
activity. We have to give all possible help to the countries of Africa to
solve their present problems and to undertake new efforts of cooperation and
integration which will foster development, peace and stability.
The Greek Government welcomes the positive results of the Helsinki summit
of 1992 in the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE) and attaches particular importance to the comprehensive nature
of the CSCE process, which brings together the Governments and the peoples of
Europe and those of the United States and Canada. The Helsinki follow-up
meeting provided an important opportunity for discussions on the future role
of the CSCE. In particular, the strengthening of its institutions is expected
to increase the effectiveness of the CSCE in the prevention, management and
peaceful settlement of disputes. The Concluding Document adopted at the
summit characterizes the CSCE as a regional arrangement in the sense of the
provisions of Chapter VIII of the United Nation Charter. In that way, the
CSCE process contributes substantially to the collegiality of the world
community and is therefore supported wholeheartedly by the Greek Government.
Although the international community has increased its cooperation in
combating drug abuse and the illicit production of and trafficking in
narcotics, this scourge continues to plague and undermine our societies.
Consequently, further intensified and more effective international cooperation
is required within the existing international and regional mechanisms provided
for by the United Nations and regional organizations.
My country, which lies at the crossroads of the world, continues to be
actively engaged in the fight against drugs. It is in the process of adopting
new legislation and policies to enhance its effectiveness in combating the
problem. Furthermore, we have increased our cooperation with all States of
our region with a view to adopting and implementing effective practical
measures against drug trafficking.
In conclusion, I should like to reaffirm my country's commitment to the
United Nations and to the spirit of international cooperation and solidarity
it embodies. We join forces with the other nations of the world and pledge to
make every possible effort for world peace and stability and for a humane
international community, on an enduringly beautiful planet.