Angola

Allow me, to begin, Sir, by congratulating you on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Angola, and on my own behalf, on your election as president of the General Assembly at this fifty- fourth session. Your election to such an important post is recognition of your experience, ability and diplomatic capacity, as well as of Namibia’s role internationally. Angola and Namibia not only share a long common border, but also have close political, economic, cultural and historical links. We sincerely hope that your mandate will be crowned with success. Our congratulations also go to the outgoing President, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the excellent work carried out during his mandate. To the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, we would like also to express our thanks for the wise and transparent manner in which he has led our Organization. It is also a pleasure for us to welcome the new members of the United Nations, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Their accession reflects the universal nature of the principles and rules of the United Nations Charter. Angola is convinced that these States will be able to successfully take up their responsibilities, thereby contributing to the strengthening of our Organization and the stability and development of the South Pacific region and the world as a whole. For half a century, the Organization has carried out activities to promote the ideals contained in its Charter. With the end of the cold war we thought that large-scale fratricidal wars would be things of the past; that the world would no longer experience tension and insecurity; that by now we would be in a position to welcome a narrowing of the gap between the rich and poor countries; that a significant part of humanity would be free from the danger of dying of poverty and misery. However, these things have not happened. The world is hostage to itself. There is a plethora of new armed conflicts as a result of hatred and racial, ethnic and religious intolerance; of the denial of people’s right to self-determination; and even of the unfathomable ambition of certain politicians to take power by force or to attempt to thwart peoples’ sovereign will to choose their own destinies. The proliferation of armed conflicts is, to some extent, a reflection of the absence of an international security system under the aegis of the United Nations that would be able to respond immediately and correctly to potential conflicts. Despite instability in various areas of the world, there has been a weak commitment to establishing such a security system because of a lack of political will on the part of certain members of the international community. This indicates that the world is still very far from achieving the long-desired peace and development. Worse yet is the fact that certain entities of international law approach the need for peace in the world from a perspective of material and global strategic interests — and at the expense of the universal human values. It weighs on our conscience to see that we still have a long way to go to find solutions to situations of this nature, and that the international community’s reactions to similar situations of human suffering are not consistent. These facts might lead us to believe that we are dealing with a double standard and with measured policies that are at variance with the spirit and letter of 32 the Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations and the international community as a whole have the political, legal and moral duty to work a little harder, so that peoples facing the scourge of the war will be able to achieve lasting peace. The main objective of the United Nations can be achieved worldwide, provided that there is coherence and determination in the application of principles and decisions. The global tolerance of impunity has been encouraging the leaders of the rebel groups proliferating throughout the world to carry out their terrorist and destructive campaigns, the main victim of which is civil society. The differential treatment accorded to identical situations of systematic and massive violations of human rights and the war crimes that are occurring in some areas of the world makes it impossible for the international justice system to act with the required effectiveness in dealing with some of the most barbaric and bloodthirsty criminals that Africa has seen this century. We are convinced that if the political and moral power of the United Nations were exerted against all the perpetrators of serious crimes, it would dishearten all those who might be willing to resort to subversion and terrorism. Thus the international community would be preventing the emergence of new conflicts. We are fully aware that States have the primary responsibility for paving the way for the prevention of conflicts. The implementation of democracy, which may promote respect for human rights and the establishment of neighbourly relations, may be able to contribute to preventing the occurrence of conflicts. Indeed, many of the current crises would not have lasted long if the States involved in them had, in good faith, fully complied with their international obligations as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and as established by regional organizations. I refer in particular to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. For this reason, the mechanisms for the fulfilment of such international obligations by States should be further reinforced. The Government of the Republic of Angola commends the work undertaken by the Secretary-General regarding the reinforcement of the preventive diplomacy mechanisms. However, the increase in the number of wars, particularly since 1998, leads us to conclude that the efforts in this regard still fall short of reaching the objectives. It is thus necessary for us to strive to create the institutional capacity for conflict prevention, including regional early-warning mechanisms. Regarding conflict resolution, Angola’s experiences force us to stress that there is an urgent need to re-define methods and strategies, mainly in the field of peacekeeping operations. Other factors underlying the limited success of some peacekeeping missions carried out under the aegis of the United Nations are: the obvious frailty of the verification systems of peace agreements; the tendency to treat similarly the violator and the fulfiller of these agreements; the overlooking of early signs that suggest a lack of political will and ill-faith by one of the sides; and the subsequent delayed application of coercive measures. As a member State of the international community we need to rely on and have recourse to the United Nations in its important role regarding the issues of peacekeeping and security in the world. Angola will continue to believe that, in order to establish peace in the world, the United Nations role is of paramount importance. We simply want to suggest that, given the current international situation, this role should be played in a more realistic and effective way, with a view to living up to the expectations of people eager for peace and to ensuring the credibility of our Organization. I would like now to refer to the situation in Angola, where five years have passed since the Lusaka Protocol was signed between the Government and UNITA. However, the main tasks involved in attaining a lasting peace have not yet been achieved. In particular, UNITA has not been completely disarmed and State authority has not been restored in the illegally occupied areas. Rather, the persistent refusal of the rebels to fully honour their obligations and their preference for taking power by force have plunged the country into a new era of violence. Following this rejection of the people’s will, as expressed at the polls during the 1992 general elections, and the non-fulfilment of the provisions of the three peace accords entered into with the Government — in 1989 in Gbadolite, in the former Zaire; in 1991 in Portugal and in 1994 in Lusaka — Mr. Savimbi is still interested in continuing his destabilization campaign. This includes preventing the smooth running of the democratic institutions; destroying cities, towns, villages, infrastructure and public and private assets; and mercilessly killing civilians. In this way he has been condemning to misery, disease and famine all of the people in Angola. As a result of these actions, in addition to the thousands of civilians who have already been killed, 33 almost 3 million others have left their homes in search of refuge in the Government-controlled areas. Those communities require humanitarian assistance from the international community. In the framework of the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol, the Government has, in good faith, undertaken all the tasks provided for it in the peace accords, in spite of the fact that Savimbi and his military wing have resumed the war. The Government continues to ensure the functioning of the democratic institutions resulting from the general elections, and UNITA members are represented in the Government and the parliament. In the national armed forces, military troops, officials and soldiers appointed by UNITA remain faithful to the ideals of democracy and national accord. Only Mr. Savimbi and a fairly reduced number of qualified personnel who remain faithful to him are still interested in making war with a view to taking power. All of Savimbi’s propaganda of recent years has merely been playing for time and anticipating that developments on the international scene might come out in his favour. His false messages on negotiations, allowing him time to prepare the ground for new military adventures, are elements of that strategy. Indeed, what remains to be done in the Angolan peace process is to enforce what was negotiated in-depth at Lusaka over an entire year, particularly the disarming of all of Mr. Jonas Savimbi’s military forces and the restoration of state administration throughout the national territory. The Angolan Government has long waited for Savimbi to decide to opt for peace. Angola is currently facing other political and economic challenges that cannot be indefinitely postponed as a result of the actions of a single power- hungry individual who considers war to be the only way to fulfil his personal plans. Furthermore, in rejecting Savimbi’s posture, many UNITA militants and leaders have distanced him from the party. These women and men are working in good faith to consolidate the Angolan democratic process. Given Savimbi’s obstructionist behaviour, the Security Council decided to impose global mandatory sanctions against UNITA, including the prohibition of international travel for top UNITA officials directly involved in the Angola war project. In the same vein, and as a result of the crimes that Savimbi has been committing against the civilian population, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) declared him a war criminal and thus an unreliable stakeholder in the implementation of peace in Angola. The Non-Aligned Movement, in its ministerial meeting of 23 September 1999 held here in New York, expressed its strong support for the resolution adopted at the recent OAU Summit, which deems Mr. Savimbi a war criminal and requires that he be treated as such by the entire international community. We trust that there is no further doubt about the criminal nature of Mr. Savimbi or the need for him to be held responsible internationally for his crimes and actions. The Angolan Government reiterates its ongoing commitment to paving the way for a lasting peace and, to that end, to making use of all the means at its disposal, and undertakes to proceed with the process of national reconciliation and social democratization. A clear demonstration of its commitment is the fact that, despite the war climate pervading the country, at no time whatsoever has the Government denied the rights and individual liberties of citizens or of national legal political forces. In the framework of the political reforms initiated in 1991, a new constitution is being prepared in a process in which all political parties are participating. The new constitutional text will reinforce the rule of law and consolidate the type of society that we intend to establish in Angola: an economically prosperous one under democratic rule of law and a State of social justice. In the economic context, the reforms will follow their course with a view to reinforcing the creation of other conditions for an effective market economy and of a more favourable environment for foreign investment. In order to meet these challenges, we call for the support and solidarity of the international community, particularly regarding the implementation of sanctions imposed by the Security Council against UNITA, so that Angola can more rapidly achieve peace and consolidate and accelerate the economic reform process. It is our sincere hope that the new initiatives of the Security Council, proposed by Ambassador Robert Fowler, Chairman of the Committee on Sanctions, as well as the support already expressed by some Governments and international institutions, may contribute significantly to reinforcing sanctions, dismantling the illegal diamond- trafficking network, which is subsidizing the war carried out by Savimbi, and bringing its perpetrators before the court. In tandem with its efforts to implement peace, the Angolan Government is also committed to implementing social-impact economic programmes and to relaunching 34 the basis for the resettlement of communities with a view to economically rehabilitating the country. In this regard, we wish to call upon all United Nations Member States to support the draft resolution that Angola will submit to the General Assembly on economic rehabilitation. In addition to lending their support to the draft resolution, we call on our partners particularly to participate in the economic rehabilitation of Angola. The disarming of anti-personal landmines is another task that requires the ongoing involvement and support of the international community. The Angolan Government will remain engaged at the national, regional and international levels in order to overcome that scourge. A clear demonstration of this determination is the fact that we were one of the first State parties to the Ottawa Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction. The security, stability and territorial integrity of Angola and its neighbours depend on the stability of the region. We are currently facing a dangerous increase of destabilization which, if not controlled, may seriously affect the development of that part of the continent. Angola will continue to lend its support, under SADC, to the implementation of peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Ceasefire Agreement signed in Lusaka and its complete fulfilment will pave the way for the return of refugees and the initiation of dialogue between the Congolese political forces, to which falls the responsibility of deciding the destiny of their country. The United Nations and the OAU are also called upon to play a crucial role in the establishment of a lasting peace. It would be reasonable for the invading countries to make a gesture by withdrawing from Congolese territory and ceasing to expand their occupation. In the African Horn, Angola welcomes the acceptance by the Governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea of the Framework Agreement prepared by the OAU with a view to settling the dispute between the two countries. We wish to call upon both countries to demonstrate flexibility in order to ensure that a peace agreement, taking into account the interests of their peoples, can be celebrated. With respect to Somalia, we call upon the international community to support the efforts of the OAU to reconcile the political and military factions and to establish an elected Government so that the country can resume its place in the community of nations. In Western Sahara, the fulfilment of the Ceasefire Agreement enabled the further development of the joint efforts of the United Nations and the OAU leading to the holding of a referendum. Angola expects the process to be transparent and fair and that both parties shall accept the verdict of the Sahraoui people. Concerning East Timor, whose people is connected to Angola by a shared language and a historical past of struggle against Portuguese colonization, we were disturbed by the acts of violence that followed the announcement of the results of the popular consultation. The decision of East Timor’s people in favour of self- determination and independence should be respected. It is now the United Nations responsibility to prepare an enabling environment. In this regard, we strongly support the dispatch of a United Nations international peace force. As to the Middle East, Angola welcomes the celebration of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreements between Israel and the Palestinian Authority that have enabled the peace process to be relaunched. It is our view that the new agreements conform to the aspirations of the respective peoples to living in peace and security. The Government of the Republic of Angola and its people are concerned about the difficult political, economic and social situation of the Cuban people, which has worsened under the ongoing economic embargo imposed on their country. We hope that the matter will be resolved through a constructive bilateral dialogue. The latest international developments and the challenges of the next millennium require that the United Nations and its main bodies, particularly those dealing with peace and security, economic development and the administration of international justice, be adjusted to the new situation. Reform and an increase in the membership of the Security Council will be crucial to making the decision-making process more transparent. In this respect, it is essential that all the regions of the world be represented equally. Angola reaffirms the position of the non-aligned countries on the reform of the Security Council, as well as the common African position adopted by the OAU. Despite the progress achieved in some economies and the disappearance of the signs of a new world depression, the international economic situation continues to be characterized by serious imbalances. The root 35 causes of the difficult situation faced by some developing countries include the unfair system governing international economic, monetary and financial relations; the adoption of protectionist measures; the unilateral nature of world trade; and the worsening of the external debt, which has become a heavy burden for the developing countries. It is necessary to take concrete measures which may lead to structural changes in international economic relations and may contribute to the balance of the world economy. To this end, there should be a serious and transparent will in the North-South dialogue.