We are fortunate that the great skills and integrity displayed by His Excellency Mr. Theo- Ben Gurirab, both as freedom fighter and as Foreign Minister of Namibia, will now be at the disposal of the General Assembly. We desperately need those qualities as we wrestle with the challenges that now face our Organization. We are enriched by the presence of our three new Members, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. We look forward to the coming millennium with great expectations born out of the many great accomplishments of this century, not least of which has been the creation and preservation of the United Nations. But we would be deceiving ourselves if we did not recognize that the world of peace and security envisioned by the drafters of the Charter is as far from achievement as it was at the beginning of this tormented century. This has indeed been a century of extremes. We have witnessed marvelous scientific and technological advances that could liberate humankind from the drudgery and misery that have always been its lot. At the same time, we have seen more billions spent on means of destruction than on the construction of a better life for the billions who still live in poverty. We have witnessed the spread of democracy around the globe, even as inequality between and within nations grows unabated and countless millions of lives are wasted. All too apparent are the tragic victims of the invisible hand of the market. How much has inequality grown during this century? The 1999 Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) tells us that the income gap between the fifth of the world's people living in the richest countries and the fifth living in the poorest was 11 to 1 in 1913. This had grown to 30 to 1 by 1960, 60 to 1 in 1990, and 74 to 1 in 1997. The report concludes in its “Overview”, at page 2, that “When the market goes too far in dominating social and political outcomes, the opportunities and rewards of globalization spread unequally and inequitably — concentrating power and wealth in a select group of people, nations and corporations, marginalizing the others.” The solution, it posits, is not to stop the expansion of global markets, but to create and enforce the rules for stronger governance, both national and global, to ensure that globalization works for people, not just for profits. This crying need for good global governance is not being answered, and it is one of the most important and fundamental tasks facing the United Nations today. During this century there have been two concerted attempts to collectively provide the framework for a new world order, following periods of catastrophic human behaviour. After the First World War the Versailles Treaty and the Paris Conference created the League of Nations, the International Labour Organization (ILO) and certain economic arrangements. After the Second World War we had the United Nations and the Bretton Woods agreements, which again created new institutional arrangements for regulating a new world order. One of the results of that reordering was the ushering in of the era of decolonization, whereby dozens of countries have emerged and formed part of the family of nations, bringing our number in the United Nations up to 188. Today we have witnessed a real change in the world order no less far-reaching and momentous than the first two, with the end of the cold war, the creation of a unipolar world and the phenomena of globalization and trade liberalization. And still we have not been able to sit together and negotiate universally accepted rules and institutions that are workable and fair for regulating this new order. How can we speak of the victory of democracy in this situation? The institutions that, more than national governments, govern the real lives of billions today — the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the G-7, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO) — are dominated by a few rich and powerful countries, and there is no transparency, no accountability, no effective mechanism for civil society participation. In short, there is no good governance. We, the developing countries, are constantly being urged by the international organizations, by the European Union and others, to practise good governance, and are threatened with sanctions if we do not. For our part, we in Belize and other developing countries accept the need for good governance and are doing our utmost to achieve it. It is time we ensured that these all-powerful organizations themselves practise good governance, abide by a global code of ethics that puts people before profits, respect the diversity of our countries and be fully accountable and transparent. While we have made important advances in enlarging democracy at the national level, we have failed to do so at the global level. Our only hope lies with a reformed United Nations that will ensure that the global institutions that determine the quality of our lives are made democratic and just. Small countries like Belize are understandably concerned about the way in which globalization and trade liberalization are being mismanaged. Yes, we believe in the potential benefits of globalization. Yes, we want to be involved, but as partners, not as victims of larger, more powerful economic interests. Belize became independent just 18 years ago. It has been said that we became independent just when independence ceased to be meaningful as a result of the power of international organizations and transnational companies to determine not just international, but also national economic and social policies. Let me say this clearly: do not expect any of us who won our independence after years of struggle — some involving armed conflict and the sacrifice of many lives — to simply give it up and accept a new form of domination. But what does it mean, especially for small developing countries, to be independent in today's world? It means that we must find a way to make interdependence make independence meaningful. This can best be done through effective regional organizations. In our own region, our vision is to work towards a real integration of the Central American and Caribbean countries, to make the Association of Caribbean States the means of inserting our countries into 2 the world economy with a stronger voice to secure fair terms of trade, greater market access and more beneficial investments. The much vaunted new financial architecture that we seek to construct must be designed to enhance the independence of sovereign States. We can only do this through negotiated agreements that are fair, transparent and consensual and in which developing countries are given a real voice. We are heartened by the words of Mike Moore, Director-General of the WTO, who told us, members of the Group of 77, at Marrakesh that he is totally committed to ensuring that the WTO be a family in which every member has an equal place at the table and that trade liberalization bring real benefits to all countries, but especially to developing countries. We, the smaller and developing countries, must be the beneficiaries of unselfish actions on the part of our developed partners. We are aware that free trade can be kind to the strong and deadly to the weak, and so our call is this: Give us time to adjust and move our economies forward. Help us to develop our capacities and technologies to make our people competitive. We are challenged to narrow the gap between those who earn billions and those who work for pennies. If we are to be successful at this, everyone must be included. Our political ideologies and differences will have to be put aside in the interest of the elimination of poverty. But none of this is possible if we do not face up to meeting the first objective of our institution: the achievement of world peace and security. True, since the inception of our Organization there has not been another world war, but local and regional conflicts have taken a more vicious toll than the two world wars combined. If we are to prevent these human tragedies, we will have to move, in the words of our Secretary-General, from a culture of reaction to a culture of prevention: preventive diplomacy, preventive disarmament, preventive deployment. If only we had followed these prescriptions in East Timor, we could have prevented the large-scale massacres and destruction that were visited on an entire people in the presence of our United Nations Mission, which had assured them that they could exercise their right to self-determination in peace and security. None of us can feel comfortable with the fact that although international agencies in the field had warned of the impending massacre for months, nothing was done to prevent it. We still have the task of ensuring that the people of East Timor can live in peace and enjoy the benefits of their courageous decision to be independent, and Belize pledges its unconditional support for any measures taken by our Organization to this end. We do not fail to recognize and applaud the tremendous success of the United Nations in the eradication of colonialism and occupation. How could we fail to do so, when the very existence of Belize as an independent State is due in no small part to the support of the United Nations? How could we fail to do so, when we recall the role of the United Nations in the independence of Namibia, whose Foreign Minister presides over our Assembly, or when we recall the work of the Fourth Committee in brokering the independence of so many of our present members? But the job is not over till it is over, not until all peoples of the world are guaranteed their right to self-determination and independence in peace and security. In this context, we look forward to welcoming Palestine as a full Member of the United Nations at the millennium summit and to achieving peace and security for all the peoples of that region. As we leave this century of unparalleled suffering and violence, we look forward to creating a better world in the next. None of us can dare predict what awaits us. On the other hand, we must all commit ourselves to try to shape the future in ways that redound to the benefit of all human beings regardless of race, colour, sex, nationality, class, religion or political opinions. We will not succeed in this if we do not succeed in eradicating poverty. Poverty, in the words of the President of the World Bank, is much more than a matter of income alone: the poor seek the sense of well-being which comes from peace of mind, from good health, community and safety, from choice and freedom as well as a steady source of income. A necessary condition for the elimination of all forms of poverty is the creation of fair rules for trade and investment. As my Deputy Prime Minister said at the twenty-second special session, just recently concluded, the Seattle Round of negotiations must be characterized by a willingness to implement the necessary reforms to ameliorate the negative impact of the post-Uruguay arrangements. We — the small, vulnerable, disadvantaged States — must benefit from trade liberalization along with our developed partners. 3 Those partners, however, must live up to the commitments they have made to the world over the past decades: it is scandalous that not only has the promise of dedicating 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product to development assistance not been met, we are getting further from this goal every day, with barely 0.2 per cent of gross domestic product now being so dedicated. Effective solidarity between the haves and the have nots is an essential part of the solution to the problems of marginalization and poverty. That is why we commend the actions of the Republic of China on Taiwan, which has not been reluctant to help less well-endowed countries. Taiwan is a good friend of Belize, and I would like to express here our deep condolences to the people of Taiwan for the tragic consequences of the earthquake that struck recently. It is our hope that the United Nations will be able to embrace the Republic of China on Taiwan in the family of nations, as part of a peaceful and just solution to the China question, one that respects the aspirations and rights of all Chinese people. I would like to endorse the support of our Secretary- General for the concept of individual sovereignty in the sense of the right of every individual to control his or her own destiny. This, of course, presupposes a democratic world, one in which people have the right to participate in decisions that shape their lives. Indeed, such participation defines the very existence of people; I participate, therefore I am. But it is tantamount to putting Descartes before the horse if we do not recognize that people cannot participate effectively if they do not have access to education, to knowledge, to information. My Government has made the provision of such access its number one priority, and I urge the international community to focus its resources on assisting developing countries to empower their peoples through human-resource development programmes. We have squandered billions of dollars and millions of lives in the real or imagined defence of State sovereignty; let us now resolve to dedicate our resources to education, the sine qua non for the realization of personal sovereignty. We all want a better, more just, more peaceful and secure world, and to achieve this we must have a world free of the culture of violence and instant gratification, from the scourge of drug-trafficking: we need a world of tolerance and solidarity. None of this is possible without education. People everywhere, but especially in the underdeveloped countries, are asking what there is to celebrate as we enter the new millennium. The least we can do, the least we owe our people, is tell them the truth and face the reality together. Let us not pretend that the future is bright and untroubled, or that we have the answers to all the problems that plague humanity. Let us instead resolve to work together to harness the power of technology, of science, of the marketplace, so that they act for instead of against humanity. Other speakers before me have called for a new century of human development, for the creation of a new global human order. This dream can become reality when, at last, the powerful agree to sit down with the rest of us as equals and together design the political, economic and social architecture that will ensure global prosperity along with global justice. Only then will the world live in peace and proclaim, in the words of the prophet Isaiah: “And he shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people: and they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” (The Holy Bible, Isaiah 2:4) Amen.