Djibouti

On the occasion of this historic final session of the General Assembly of the current millennium, which is my first, as I took office in May this year, I extend, on behalf of the people of Djibouti, our sincere best wishes to all the members of the Assembly. I should also like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this fifty- fourth session. Your long and extensive experience with the United Nations, beginning as the representative of the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) before your country's independence and continuing as its Permanent Observer, has afforded you a deep insight into the internal workings of the Assembly, and the challenges it now faces. We are convinced that, thanks to your ample skills and commitment, this session of the Assembly will bring a remarkable period to a close on a very positive note. We also wish to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of the General Assembly. The fact that the Assembly was able to accomplish so much at its fifty-third session was in great measure due to his dedication, skill and intelligent management. We must also acknowledge our great admiration for the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General in continuing his exemplary work under difficult and trying circumstances. On too many fronts the Organization has been facing challenges which jeopardize its proper functioning, whether dealing with issues of peace and conflict, development, or addressing the severe poverty faced by many in the world community. Despite a sharp reduction in the inflow of funds at a time of escalating demands on the Organization, the Secretary-General has succeeded in maintaining a high degree of effectiveness through intelligent rationalization and restructuring. The Organization is therefore continuing to play an important role in world affairs, which is in no small measure attributable to the enlightened leadership of the Secretary- General. As this millennium draws to a close, we find ourselves in a post-cold-war era of globalism. The doctrine that the general pursuit of economic and financial prosperity will necessarily lead to open markets, greater international movement of resources, capital and labour is deeply entrenched. As we progress, it is claimed, this global system will produce freer societies and expanding middle classes, which, in turn, will exert pressure for political freedoms. In the end, it is also claimed, we can all expect the spread of peace as countries become more interdependent and economically integrated, for free societies do not go to war, at least with each other. This model calls for the ascendancy of a more efficient private sector and a reduced role for government. For developing countries, the pursuit of maximum economic flexibility has been accompanied by a massive reorganization of legal, social, financial, economic, political and institutional structures — or, as it is known, structural adjustment. The cost of these changes has been considerable, not only in financial terms, but also in human and social terms as well. As the social safety net in many countries consists of government jobs and services, downsizing government has meant considerable suffering, and often with a political price to be paid. Thanks to the spread of technology, particularly in the communications sector, it is now possible for companies and organizations to operate on a global scale and to enter virtually any local market of their choosing. Consequently, economic domination has shifted to the large, transnational corporations and financial conglomerates, which are increasingly the prime movers in most economic systems. Predictably, the poor and unprepared are increasingly isolated and marginalized. It is therefore not surprising that there is a mounting and widespread backlash against the destructive effects of this global juggernaut. The old market economy system following the Second World War — the Marshall Plan era — survived because there were few persistent losers. Everyone got something from the system and could claim ownership. We cannot say that today, for the roster of losers is mounting ominously. This is a distressing omen for the new millennium, made all the more tragic and infuriating because of the abundance of possible remedies. We can make the system work effectively and beneficially if the will is there. But at present the international community lacks determination and a sense of compassion. That does not bode well for mankind. Globalization and the rapid expansion and integration of the international economy have undoubtedly brought immense benefits to many countries and positive changes in the living conditions of many individuals. However, many countries and their populations, particularly in the developing world, are increasingly facing marginalization and hopelessness because they are not able to cope with the rapid pace of integration. The least developed countries in particular require special attention so that they do not slip further into the abyss of poverty and disintegration. Clearly, the Horn of Africa has had far more than its share of wars, natural disasters, collapsing States, economic decline and wasted national and human potential. For Djibouti, survival alone has consistently presented an enormous challenge. However, our nation today is stronger and more unified than ever before. We owe this to the wisdom, perseverance and foresight of our first President and father of the nation, my mentor, The Honourable Hassan Gouled Aptidon, who voluntarily retired a few months ago — a praiseworthy decision. He forged a nation and gave it purpose and strength. His enlightened leadership enabled us to remain at peace, while sensitive to our region's difficulties and needs. I am proud to follow in the footsteps of this great soul, and I am determined to safeguard his legacy and our democratic traditions and institutions. Djibouti will continue to work for good governance, democracy and independence, with respect for human rights. We will continue, true to our cultural heritage, to give sanctuary to people displaced by conflicts in our region, despite the severe strain this puts on our meagre resources. Africa has many hopeful spots, but there remain a number of disturbing conflicts involving nations, countless rebel and separatist movements and factions. Democratic elections took place a few months ago in two major States of sub-Saharan Africa — Nigeria and South Africa — and in smaller ones, such as Djibouti, while in most of the major conflicts ravaging the continent ceasefires or peace processes are under way. In looking over these developments, what can we reasonably expect? What must we strive to bring about? Our first priority must be to bring conflict and destruction to an end. That is why ceasefires, the withdrawal of combatants, disarmament, the settlement of conflicts, and the resettlement of displaced persons are important priorities for Africa. As conflicts rage in the heart of the continent, a dangerous new tendency has begun to appear. Conflicts are no longer localized or fought between two clear adversaries, but attract a growing legion of participants 2 with divergent agendas. It is depressing to witness the massive loss of life, the wanton destruction and the virtual collapse of societies. We are therefore relieved that the brutal conflict in Sierra Leone is at last resolved. Besides Somalia, perhaps the most worrying conflict now is Angola, where again outside actors appear to be playing significant roles. We therefore naturally support the call of the Secretary-General, who in his report on conflict in Africa called for a reversal of the international community's great reluctance in recent years to assume the political and financial responsibilities associated with deploying peacekeeping operations. We must also do everything we can to augment the United Nations capacity in humanitarian assistance, as well as in post-conflict peace-building. None of this, though, should absolve Africa of the need to come together to strengthen its own crisis response and peacekeeping capability, through the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and subregional organizations. Last year, in his address to this Assembly, my predecessor noted the sudden and surprising outbreak of massive hostilities between our neighbours, Ethiopia and Eritrea. This has been the cause of much anguish, apprehension and instability in the Horn of Africa. The loss of life on both sides is among the greatest ever witnessed between African States. Persistent efforts by the OAU and various countries, including Djibouti, have proved to be in vain. Ethiopia is presently seeking further clarification on the “technical arrangements” proposed by the OAU, and we hope that the ongoing efforts will produce the desired breakthrough. If a ceasefire does not take effect and agreement is not reached, the destruction and further loss of life will once again be deplorable. Years will be needed to repair the damage done to ethnic tolerance and trust in the Horn of Africa. We therefore support the OAU, which is demonstrating its tenacity and foresight in trying to bring about a lasting resolution of this crisis. Clearly, Eritrea needs to be a good neighbour to all its neighbours. Djibouti is now facing a relentless threat of destabilization through incursions and landmines, as well as the training and arming of disaffected elements. Rather than being confined to Ethiopia, hostilities have spread to practically every country in the Horn. We sincerely believe that Eritrea would gain more as an equal partner in the collective regional efforts to fashion a comprehensive peace, augment development and address the challenges of environmental degradation, rather than pursuing a policy of confrontation and senseless and reckless destabilization. The renewed dialogue between the Palestinians and the new Israeli leader appears to offer a promising opportunity for charting a new course in the Middle East. The most urgent need is to restore confidence — a task that will involve winning over the hearts and minds of Palestinians jaded by the cynicism of successive Israeli Governments. The timely implementation of the provisions of the recent agreement should help build the necessary confidence by making the parties see reason. Advantage must be taken of the current momentum, despite the efforts of hostile factions. Now that a time-table has been set for the consideration of final-status issues such as borders, settlements, the status of Jerusalem, refugees, water and statehood for Palestine, the outcome will depend on the will and commitment of both sides. The road should also be cleared for a settlement of the Golan Heights question and for the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, in accordance with Security Council resolution 425 (1978). The crippling sanctions imposed on Iraq almost a decade ago have taken a heavy toll on the population, particularly on the elderly, women and children. We urge the international community to undertake a realistic review of these sanctions with a view to lifting them altogether. The Arab world and the world as a whole have recently lost several remarkable and pragmatic leaders. King Hussein of Jordan, the Amir of Bahrain and King Hassan II of Morocco are no longer with us. Although we all feel a sense of loss at their premature demise, we have every confidence their legacies will live on. Mr. President, I beg your indulgence, as I would now like to speak at length about the tragedy in Somalia. For nearly a decade now we have been witnessing the inexorable disintegration of Somalia. With their country racked by violence and lacking a government, the Somali people are being denied their basic human rights. It is imperative that every effort be made to alleviate the suffering of the millions of Somalis who have been living a precarious existence for a decade now. Housing and water are alarmingly scarce. Rampant lawlessness prevails, the country is at a political impasse, and its future is bleak. If no concrete steps are taken, the result 3 will be continued misery and despair, as well as the continued destabilization of Somalia's neighbours. This unique situation, I would even say this tragedy, ought to be given priority — the kind of serious consideration that is given to other tragedies. We strongly believe that international and regional stability depend to a large extent on the domestic stability of all of the States Members of this Organization. It is tragic indeed that the international community is unwilling to acknowledge this reality, simply because, it seems, it has no vital national interests at stake there. So the warlords are left to fight it out until a victor emerges and a degree of order is restored. Political will on the part of the international community can bring peace to Somalia, too. Because of pervasive indifference and a lack of resolve, vision and action on our part, Somalia is crumbling. It is no longer a politically viable entity. Indeed, the continued anarchy in that country is indicative of the failure of global governance to serve poor countries in the developing world. The Somali people know that only too well. A decade of violence, hunger, disease and uncertainty has given rise to unparalleled levels of despair. All Somalis, it is safe to say, are living below the poverty line, and the devastating civil war shows no signs of abating in most parts of the country. Somalia could easily become a magnet for criminal elements, drug traffickers and terrorists as well as a dumping ground of dangerous toxic wastes. Overfishing by foreigners of Somalia's unprotected waters is also a cause of great concern to us. The latest comprehensive report of the Secretary- General on Somalia accurately notes that the country has degenerated into a black hole of anarchy, with no national government or attributes of statehood. The principal victims of this senseless conflict are an entire generation of Somali children, who are being denied access to education. The United Nations intervened in Somalia in 1992 with all the right intentions: to restore peace, stability, and law and order. In this respect, it was entrusted with assisting the Somali people in rebuilding their economy and their social and political life; restoring their institutional structures; achieving national political reconciliation; and recreating a Somali state based on democratic governance. Regrettably, those laudable intentions came to naught following the termination of the United Nations Operation in Somalia, due to the lack of cooperation from the Somali factions over security issues, and despite the exceptional circumstances, in particular the absence of a government in Somalia. Since the end of the United Nations operation, two conferences have given rise to a certain optimism — the Ethiopian-sponsored Sodere conference and the Cairo conference, sponsored by the Egyptian Government. However, both conferences succeeded only in highlighting the divisions among the warlords on the one hand and the interested countries on the other. Several countries and organizations have worked tirelessly to restore some measure of governance in Somalia. The focus, though, has always remained on bringing together the feuding warlords in order to assist them in reaching an agreement that would end the stalemate. But seeking a lasting settlement through the warlords, as has repeatedly and unambiguously been demonstrated throughout the conflict, has proved to be wishful thinking; uncertainty reigns, and the culture of impunity persists. Lately, we have seen the formation of all sorts of political and military alliances across factional lines in a bid to pacify the country, but such initiatives are often greeted with scepticism or even criticism by other factions and even by certain countries. Clearly, not a single factional leader can claim national support or acceptance, because Somali civil society has grown cynical about a political game devoid of sincerity, vision and substance. Everybody agrees in recognizing that the warlords can offer nothing that would lead us to believe that they will ever agree on a lasting settlement, much less the implementation of conclusions agreed between them. The people are tired of false rhetoric and deception, as they become poorer and their future becomes bleaker every day. Even beyond Somalia, the warlords pose a potential threat. They need to be resisted, for there is the very real problem of a “contagion” effect, whereby chronic instability in one country in the Horn might prove to be a real threat to its neighbours, if it is not contained or eliminated within a reasonable period of time. Liberia’s seven-year war, with its child soldiers and unspeakable atrocities against civilians, helped set a tragic pattern that was repeated in Sierra Leone. Obviously, already inundated with weapons, Somalia hardly needs external involvement by way of arms supplies or proxy confrontations, but that is precisely what is now taking place in that country. For all of us, this situation only increases our worry about Somalia’s future. 4 The challenge that we now face is therefore of establishing an authority to fill the void that is continuously being exploited by the warlords. Convening more conferences that always yield the same results, as has been the case over the last 10 years is not the remedy. If we continue to entertain the notion of holding yet more of the so-called national reconciliation conferences indefinitely, or into the next decade, in search of peace in Somalia, then we are, in effect, saying that Somali civil society is condemned to an uncertain future, because the international community is not prepared to protect it from criminal elements that usurped power. Despite the “legitimacy” wrongly accorded them by the international community, they have never agreed, and will never agree, on anything. Trying to appease the warlords has never succeeded and never will. The Somalis, too, have human rights; they have the same right as others to be protected from oppressive, malicious and power-hungry individuals who continually and freely move from one capital to another, raising funds and securing armaments. Although these individuals are responsible for the destruction of their country, for the deaths of tens of thousands of innocent civilians, countless numbers of casualties and for the paralysis that immobilizes the country to this day, the international community did not intervene in Somalia, “to defend humanitarian principles and to stand up for the values of civilization and justice”, as one Western leader stated in justifying the Kosovo operation. The United Nations Operation in Somalia was also saddled with ambiguities in its mandate and there was never an intention to rid the country of the warlords. Furthermore, Kosovo represents a clear case of determined and vigorous action to achieve a specific objective — to drive the marauding Serb army from Kosovo. Furthermore, the United Nations operation in Kosovo is vested with unprecedented power, because the circumstances warrant the exercise of nearly sovereign powers. It has authority over the territory, the people of Kosovo, the legislative and the executive powers of Kosovo, including the administration of the judiciary system. That mandate is a far cry from that in Somalia; but then Somalia is not Kosovo. We all agree that the current level of fragmentation cannot be allowed to continue. Many ideas have been floated in the past, but none of these will succeed or even survive as long as the warlords have the luxury of determining the fate of Somalia. Indeed, they continue to exercise a veto over the restoration of peace and national authority. The question remains, for how many more years will Somali society have to wait until the warlords accept a power-sharing coalition? Until a final victor emerges? For ever? Liberia was reconstituted through strong international efforts. Warlords of varying levels of power and support eventually submitted to international pressures and accepted independent, internationally supervised democratic elections, followed by the implementation of agreements during a year of transition carried out under the leadership of an individual — in fact, a woman — not affiliated with any of the warlords. The elections were described as “free and fair”, and Liberians were thus able to bid farewell at last to a destructive and intractable conflict. This was indeed an exemplary process in which the Economic Community of West African States, supported by the United Nations, played a leading role. Since the outbreak of the Somali crisis some 10 years ago, the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and our subregional organization, as well as many countries, both within and outside the region, have tried to salvage that nation from mayhem, anarchy and political paralysis through all kinds of conferences, meetings and contacts with and among the warlords. Sadly, however, the warlords have repeatedly demonstrated their unwillingness to heed the international community’s call to put the good of the country above their individual lust for power and control. We have to ask ourselves, as leaders of the world assembled here, what should be done about Somalia. The time has come, in our view, for the international community to take a decision to break the long silence on this forgotten conflict by supporting bold, decisive measures against the warlords. That is why, after deep reflection and after taking into account all relevant factors, I felt compelled to set out before the Assembly today a series of proposals and phased measures that would be the expression of our outrage, frustration and impatience with the status quo perpetuated by the warlords. The first phase has to do with the fact that the warlords, as I have described with great sorrow, have failed on every count during this long, intractable civil war. Thus, I am loath to support yet another conference held for these men who have completely lost the 5 confidence of their people. It is time Somali civil society — including intellectuals, artists and mothers — assumed responsibility. The Somali people has matured politically during these years of suffering and knows what it needs: economic prosperity and social progress in a context of democracy, liberty and peace. In line with the wishes of the Somali people, Djibouti is embarking upon measures intended; to enhance and strengthen Somali’s confidence in themselves, in each other and in their common destiny; to make a real contract of trust and progress between the actors of economic, social, cultural and intellectual life; and to implement with determination, serenity and equity the work of rehabilitation, political, economic and administrative normalization and the promotion of the culture of dialogue between the Somali people in order to create a lasting environment of dialogue for the emergence of a new generation of decision makers. In order for Djibouti to have confidence in the Somali people’s responsibility for its future, Somali citizens must finally be given the right to speak out so that they can restore the essential values of liberty, truth, justice, responsibility and transparency. By working for and basing themselves on Somali civil society through the holding of a genuine reconciliation conference, the representatives of the Somali people, including the warlords, will be committing themselves to the path of peace and national reconciliation. We seek a Somalia led and governed by the best people drawn from all generations, in particular people who inspire confidence because of their commitment to law, justice, freedom and peace; those who will govern with a view to fulfilling a mandate that can be withdrawn at any time in accordance with the requirements of the common good; those who do not think only of profiting by the misfortune of their brethren to gain a scrap of power no matter what the cost to the Somali nation. Somalia needs those men and women who in spite of everything have retained their ethical values, the force of their personalities and their intellectual and spiritual dynamism: free men and women who are ready to offer their fellow Somalis a credible way out of their tragedy that will be consistent with the cultural heritage and collective memory of the Somali people. The reconciliation conference must give rise to agreement and commitment by all Somalis to the following principles. First, there must be acceptance of the basic principle that the Somali people is free to exercise its democratic right to select its own regional and national leaders in accordance with a time-frame of its own choosing. Secondly, the warlords must agree to convert their factions into political parties that can compete in elections if they choose to do so. Thirdly, the warlords must agree to the complete and verifiable disarmament of their fighters. Fourthly, the warlords must submit to the primacy of law. Fifthly, the warlords must accede to the international community’s request to participate in the restoration of normalcy, law and order, and a framework for governance. And finally, a national police force must be established, one that will represent the entire Somali community and that can incorporate the various militias, which will have the opportunity to participate in it. Here I should say that some countries in or outside of the Horn of Africa, which in one way or another are fueling the conflict in Somalia, must reconsider their positions. These countries are pursuing narrow national interests by supporting the profusion of warlords in various ways, and they are only prolonging the agony and privation of Somali civil society. I call on all actors in the civil war to review their priorities with a view to achieving peace in Somalia. It is time that they controlled themselves: high time. When they can agree that the warlords fully support or accept the parameters of phase one, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations and the countries of the region must work together to help Somalia in its transition to democracy. As in Guinea- Bissau, the United Nations should establish a post-conflict peace-building office in Somalia to initiate projects in support of this process, including by coordinating and monitoring the holding of legislative and presidential elections. I turn now to phase two. If the warlords place insurmountable obstacles on the road to peace, the international community will have to shoulder its responsibility and demonstrate robustly that it cannot let the persecution of Somali civilians continue indefinitely without taking action. The warlords must in that case be prosecuted for crimes against humanity: for abuse of power, especially through the unjustified persecution of civilians; for flagrant violations of human rights; and for having caused the collapse of the State and the destruction of their country. With their unabated violence and their erratic behaviour, the warlords have stolen the childhood from Somalia’s young people; they have 6 deprived their nation of hope and of a future; they have condemned their people to a precarious existence. Moreover, harsh and targeted punishment must be meted out to warlords who do not agree to the international community’s demand that peace and a framework for governance be restored in Somalia: they must be confined to their bleak and battered areas; they must be banned from freely traveling abroad to further their sinister designs; all foreign support and all assistance, whether monetary or material, must be banned; and all their assets, in all forms and wherever they are located, must be frozen. Turning to phase three, if the measures set out in the first two phases cannot achieve the objectives because of obstruction by the warlords, we would be faced with two difficult choices: We could continue to remain indifferent and to do nothing about the decade-old siege of Somalia; or organizations to which Somalia belongs, first and foremost the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, with support from the United Nations and from other countries, could decide that they were obliged to resolve the situation by using all necessary means on the principle that no State — or criminal warlord in this case — may continue indefinitely to commit flagrant violations of human rights and to hold a country hostage forever. Those are the critical scenarios we need to discuss, because, however much one might wish to forget Somalia, it will not just go away. We must do something to remedy the situation, and we must do it as quickly as possible. Let me reiterate that we must put an end to the complacency we have displayed towards the warlords, and that Somali civil society must be more closely involved in any future process. It is important to note that the situation is not the same in all regions of the country; anarchy does not prevail everywhere. Somalia has many contrasting faces depending on the region. While disorder reigns in areas of the centre and the South, northern regions such as the self-proclaimed states of Somaliland and Puntland are enjoying relative peace and stability. Those two areas fortunately escaped most of the conflict that ravaged the country in the 1990s. They have made a great effort to strengthen security and, with very little outside assistance, have carried out admittedly limited economic reconstruction programmes. The international community has thus far been wary of providing meaningful assistance, on the pretext that the political and security situation makes it impossible. As we meet here today, communities in many towns and regions are organizing to determine their own future. This trend towards decentralization or self-administration is based on the strong determination of the Somalis not to succumb, but rather to survive. The international community is duty-bound to provide economic support for these regions and communities that have achieved relative peace, security and the beginnings of development: near- normalcy. The international community should reward those who are trying to provide their people with basic services, including an institutional framework and mine- clearance efforts. I am grateful to the Secretary-General, who has placed the question of Somalia high on the international agenda, and to United Nations agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Children’s Fund, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food Programme and their partners, who have provided food and care to the Somali people despite the risks for the safety of their personnel. But these praiseworthy efforts seem to be showing some fatigue, even frustration, because of inadequate support from donors, as reflected in the lukewarm response to the 1999 United Nations appeal. We urge the international community to continue to help the Somali people during these times, which are particularly difficult due in part to the long drought, further exacerbated by the ongoing civil war.