Belgium

I should like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly and to thank you for having accepted the weighty task that you will be carrying out during this session. We also wish to express our best wishes to your country, Namibia, which you so ably represent. We also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Opertti, for the manner in which he guided our work during the previous session. I should also like to take this opportunity to extend my sincere congratulations to the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga on their admission to our Organization. My statement is in line with the statement made here by the Presidency of the European Union. I wish merely to highlight some of the issues that are particularly important for us. Early in the month of August, two young African children, Yaguine and Fodé, were found dead, stowed away in the landing gear of a Sabena aeroplane, victims of an idealism and an innocence that led them to embark on a reckless voyage in search of the mirages of western society. Yaguine and Fodé left us a moving message, of which I would like to quote some passages here: “To the people in charge in Europe: it is to your solidarity and to your kindness that we make an appeal for help for Africa ... We are suffering enormously ... We have war, disease ... We have schools, but in order to get a good education and good teaching, one needs large amounts of money; and our parents are poor. “So, we Africans, especially African children and young people, ask you to create a great and effective organization for Africa ... We need you to fight poverty”. The great organization of which Yaguine and Fodé dreamed is here before me in its most universal form. It was conceived from the outset for the maintenance of peace and for economic and social development. The authors of the Charter regarded those two aspects as inseparable. Over the last decade, this great Organization has succeeded in laying a worldwide foundation for economic and social values aimed at creating a more civilized world, a world in which globalization has gradually come to the fore. Here I am thinking of the discrete but tenacious work at the great United Nations conferences and summits to find new directions for development. That significant work must be continued and consolidated. The 15 universal commitments made at Jomtien for education, at Rio de Janeiro for the environment, at Vienna for human rights, at Copenhagen for social development, at Cairo for population and development, at Beijing for women, at Rome for hunger and at Istanbul for human settlements constitute irreversible gains for mankind. It is gratifying that the concerns debated and the conclusions adopted at those conferences have increasingly become the inspiration for our national policies and are helping to bring about the indispensable convergence among those policies. But the tragedy of Yaguine and Fodé brings us face to face with the harsh reality of unbalanced development. As I speak, 1.3 billion women and men are surviving — or trying to survive — on less than one dollar per day; 840 million of them, including 160 million children, suffer daily from hunger or malnutrition. Even more serious, as those two teenagers remind us, 260 million children have no access to primary or secondary school because of a lack of means. Every day, 250 million children go to work instead of to school. At the dawn of the third millennium, it is increasingly difficult for our civilization to tolerate such social and human marginalization and such a lack of solidarity, in particular for our children. We must forge stronger solidarity within the United Nations. We must restore humanism to its rightful place in international relations. For this fight against poverty and this campaign for emancipation to succeed, we must agree to a decisive review of the mechanism that underlies the economic fluctuation, that causes financial tension and its attendant social consequences, and that tolerates massive exploitation of the weakest by forces that are often impersonal and unidentifiable. Hence, we are deeply convinced that we must restore the primacy of political leadership in our globalized society. We must endeavour without hidden agendas to organize a new world political order. We need stronger and more coherent United Nations action for economic and social development, which requires the use of all available global tools for economic, financial and commercial governance. This means we must be more determined to restoring the primacy of policy and no longer to permit democratic legitimacy to be circumvented or even flouted by selfish or speculative interests. The rights of peoples must always prevail over the power of money. Belgium will support United Nations efforts to restore the Organization's mission to protect against the unacceptable side-effects of globalization. In that spirit, my country attaches great importance to the success of the coming Millennium Assembly. In that context, Belgium is pleased that it will serve as host to the Third United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries in the spring of 2001, which will bring together in Brussels all development partners. We hope that this major event will lead to a renewed commitment to the integration of these countries in the world economy on the basis of concrete and quantifiable objectives. The Belgian Government, which recently came into office, has clearly expressed its political will gradually to increase our funding of bilateral partnerships and cooperation. We shall pay particular attention to the quality and the coherent implementation of the projects we sponsor. I express the wish that this Assembly session be conducted under the banner of Africa. Your stimulating opening statement, Mr. President, and the addresses by President Mbeki of South Africa and by President Bouteflika of Algeria, sent a strong message in that regard. We Belgians have a traditional interest in the political, economic and development prospects of Central Africa. Belgium must reestablish the bonds with that region which history and experience have bestowed upon it. This also implies responsibilities which my Government will endeavour to shoulder in a responsible and coherent manner. I am thinking in particular of the twofold task of the United Nations as an organization both for the maintenance of peace and for the promotion of development. I also have in mind human rights issues, of which my Government is particularly aware. Against this backdrop, the new Belgian Government has placed cooperation with Central Africa at the top of its agenda. To us, it is important that peace and stability should return to Central Africa. The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement offers hope. It requires the political will of the various parties concerned to address the root causes of the present conflict and to seek solutions at a regional level. A significant effort by the international community will be necessary to encourage and support them. My country will do its share, and will intensify its direct contacts and its financial support. Belgium has responded to the appeal of the Security Council by placing liaison officers at the disposal of the Secretary-General. They will be deployed in accordance with Security Council resolution 1258 (1999) of 6 August 1999. It goes without saying that we fully respect the wish of African leaders that they should find their own political solutions to the conflicts that undermine the continent. But this can imply no ambiguity about the roles of the Security Council and of the General Assembly. Nor does 16 it mean that the rest of the world should refrain from action: achieving peace in the Great Lakes region will require tremendous efforts and resources. Here we must think about concluding a true partnership pact with the countries of Central Africa. Inspired by the Stability Pact for the Balkans, this would form part of a genuine strategy for cooperation among countries. With the support of the major financial institutions, such a pact could revitalize the economic mechanisms of partner countries and reinvigorate their social and democratic development. We believe such s partnership pact should be based on the voluntary and mutually respectful cooperation of each African and non- African signatory country and should in no way be construed as an attempt at neo-colonial domineering of that part of the world. Other regions of Africa deserve more attention and effort on the part of the international community. I think in particular of the bloody conflict which has plunged Angola into unspeakable humanitarian tragedy. I also think of the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which must be prevented from extending into Somalia. In Sierra Leone, the efforts of neighbouring countries, which Belgium and other partners have supported, give reason for optimism. We also hope that Guinea-Bissau will regain civil peace. But much remains to be done to improve the situation of the peoples of southern Sudan and of Somalia. Whatever the media's focus, now turned towards other parts of the world, it is important that we do not forget the suffering of men, women and especially children of those countries of Africa, who aspire to education, health and development. The new international policies, based more on balance and on the sharing of prosperity, should be directed towards them, too. I turn briefly to North Africa. The presidency of the European Union recalled that the Maghreb countries are experiencing significant growth. They remain an essential partner for Europe and for world peace, prosperity and development. Economic, social, cultural and political ties with the southern Mediterranean basin will have to be strengthened in the coming months and years. I also hope that the international Community will fulfil its commitment to support the Middle East peace process. There, too, it will be a matter of releasing the financial and human resources to ensure the economic, social and democratic development of the various regions and peoples who are committed to peace. My country is ready to respond to calls for cooperation in this regard. There is another region where the United Nations has been called upon to play a crucial and difficult role. The Kosovo crisis has implications for the security of my country and Europe as a whole. It also obliges us to ask a sensitive question about the limits to the right of the international community to intervene in the internal affairs of a State. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervention has appreciably reinforced the idea that moral and ethical considerations are in the process of overshadowing the traditional concept of national sovereignty in international relations. If there is one lesson for our Organization to learn from the twentieth century, it is that for no State can the massacre of its own people be considered an “internal affair”, under any pretext. This legal formalism would ultimately amount to admitting that, as the head of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), Bernard Kouchner has said, it would be “legitimate, although not elegant, to massacre one's own people”. Yet the Security Council is well-equipped to deal with massive violations of human rights. Article 42 of the United Nations Charter allows the Council to qualify such violations as a threat to international peace and security and to authorize armed intervention, as it has on several occasions — for example, in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1991; in Somalia in 1992; in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1994; and in Liberia and Sierra Leone in 1997. If the Security Council could not fully play its role at the beginning of the Kosovo crisis, this was due less to a divergence of views between States over the essence of the problem than because there was a rift between the advocates of the right of humanitarian intervention and the defenders of the traditional legal system, which regards national sovereignty as the absolute foundation of international relations. My country deeply regrets that a potential double veto constituted an insurmountable obstacle that was inappropriate given the extreme urgency of the situation. We hope that resorting to force without the Council's approval will not constitute a precedent. The world needs an international legal order that prevails over the law of the jungle. In this respect, we all hope that resolution 1244 (1999) signals a return to international legality. 17 Belgium welcomes the decisive attitude of the Security Council regarding East Timor. We hope for a speedy restoration of normality there, with the return of its inhabitants, reconstruction of the country and the establishment of a state of law resulting from the expressed will of its people. Here it is opportune to recall the urgent need for the international community to provide itself with the tools needed to prevent and punish barbaric acts. We need a tribunal charged with prosecuting those responsible for the gravest crimes affecting the whole international community. The adoption in Rome of the Statute of the International Criminal Court is an important landmark. I appeal to all States to sign and ratify it so that the Court can start to operate as soon as possible. Belgium's ratification of the Statute is imminent. This new tribunal must be endowed with the human and material means necessary for the accomplishment of its mission. This leads me to the issue of United Nations reform, and primarily the reform of the Security Council. For six years a Working Group under the guidance of the President of the General Assembly has attempted, with more or less success, to ascertain which reforms would make it possible to re-gild the coat of arms of the Security Council. In spite of the efforts of successive Presidents, little progress has been made. Nevertheless, the scope of the issue and possible improvements have been identified. I believe that new momentum can come only from a new determination on the part of our Governments. In the view of my country, the Security Council is an anachronistic reflection of the world of 1946. In 53 years the number of independent countries has grown fourfold, and new great Powers can, whether on economic, demographic or geopolitical grounds, legitimately claim a larger share of international responsibility. The reasons for reform are evident. Lack of it, continuance of the status quo and opposition to change involve the following dangers. Countries which are legitimate candidates for a permanent seat on the Security Council, frustrated in their ambitions, will be less inclined to contribute to the collective effort to maintain peace, prevent conflict and give multilateral development aid. Equally, other countries, unable to justifiably claim a permanent seat, will be deprived of participation in shouldering global responsibilities, because of their number and the lack of objective rotation criteria. That will bring about a loss of representativeness and legitimacy, and ultimately of the Council's authority. My country chairs a group of 10 Member States seeking a solution that can command the broadest possible support. In spite of the obstacles, we intend to persevere. The reforms that we are considering are not limited to the Security Council; they also aim at rendering the machinery of the United Nations more effective and efficient. I pay tribute to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who has thrown himself into the task with great determination. The United Nations continues to be an indispensable Organization. It must be strengthened so that it can carry out the tasks and responsibilities given it by the Charter. Reform is therefore essential to strengthen the mechanisms for the solidarity and harmonious development to which we all aspire. This reform must be accompanied by a sound financial outlook. There has been no improvement over the last 12 months; this situation must be redressed. Belgium, like the many other States which pay their contributions on time and unconditionally, calls for all Member States to do the same. It will be understood, of course, that here I am looking particularly towards Washington. Belgium, a friend and ally of the United States, reaffirms that it is essential that that country play its role in the United Nations. We all need the United States, but it must shoulder its responsibilities, including its financial responsibilities, within our Organization. So far I have mostly spoken of what is not working. But there are many areas where progress, even considerable progress, is being made. The Organization has played a considerable role in giving an ethical dimension to the criteria governing international relations. My country welcomes this. As the first victim of chemical weapons — gas used on the battlefields of the Yser — Belgium was a passionate advocate of the process that led to the conclusion and the implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. Similarly, we are supporting the efforts to combat biological and bacteriological weapons and the fight to abolish anti- personnel mines. We are also presently engaged in efforts to reduce the spread of small arms. 18 The anarchistic accumulation of small arms and the scourge of anti-personnel mines remain among the most acute problems at this close of the century. These weapons exacerbate conflicts and are instruments of death and terror, in Africa as well as in Asia, Latin America and the Balkans. Nor do the societies of Western Europe and North America escape this cancer, the full extent of which has yet to be felt. Several initiatives have been taken to tackle these problems, and my country was fully involved in them. By way of example I would like to mention the Brussels conference of October 1998 and the Code of Conduct and the common action of the European Union, as well as our participation in and financial support for the expert groups set up by the Secretary-General. We will continue our policy of prevention and reduction with regard to accumulations of small arms, as well as our fight for the abolition of anti-personnel mines. In general, in the appropriate forums we will continue to take initiatives to promote arms control and disarmament. I am thinking, for example, of the reinforcement of the Biological Weapons Convention, limitations on arms- trafficking, the intensification of the fight against the violation of embargoes on weapons transfers and the fight against the increase of nuclear arsenals. From economic and social development to disarmament or humanitarian intervention, there is a central theme that underlies all our actions: human rights. It has become clearer and clearer in the past few years that human rights are intertwined with the promotion of international peace and security, economic prosperity, sustainable development and social justice. In all the reforms of the activities and the structures of the United Nations that have been carried out with the impetus of the Secretary-General, the promotion of human rights is a cross-cutting theme involving all the organizations and agencies that operate on a global scale. Belgium supports this global and integrated approach without reservations; but the task is immense. Thus, it is in the interest of the United Nations to ensure the collaboration of regional organizations, whose competencies and potential in this field can help in the achievement of these common objectives. The inaugural address of the new Belgian Government unequivocally put human rights at the top of its agenda and announced its intention of pursuing an active policy within all the relevant international organizations. I would like to pay particular homage to our Secretary-General, whose patience and tact have often made the difference in extremely difficult circumstances. My Government remains a steadfast supporter of all his initiatives to prepare our Organization for the challenges, known and unknown, that lie ahead in the next century. Through the Secretary-General I would like to pay special tribute to the United Nations personnel, and particularly to all those who died on the field of honour in humanitarian or peacekeeping missions. Every year the list of victims gets longer. My country appeals to the global conscience to respect United Nations personnel and to ensure that crimes against them do not go unpunished. In conclusion, I sincerely hope that the actions of the Secretary-General will make our Organization more credible and more effective, for the United Nations remains the indispensable universal instrument to achieve our common goals. It is a beacon in an increasingly interdependent world, a source of hope for the Yaguines and Fodés of all the continents.