Greece

I should like to express my most sincere congratulations to Mr. Gurirab on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. It is significant that his country, which gained independence as a result of the struggle of its people and the successful efforts of this Organization, will be presiding today over this Assembly and will, I am certain, bring its work to a successful conclusion. I extend my congratulations to his predecessor for the commitment with which he conducted his duties. I express our warmest support to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his tireless efforts. He has used his competent political skill, his moral authority and his deep knowledge of the opportunities and limitations of his office to pursue daunting tasks, often working against all odds. My Government fully subscribes to the statement delivered by Ms. Halonen, the Foreign Minister of Finland, on behalf of the European Union, and to the memorandum circulated by the Union. Globalization in the field of information, ideas, the economy, democracy and human rights has been the dominant feature of the last years of our century. Some people fear it; some try to ignore it; a few try to fight it; others try to avoid it. Many welcome it as a creative challenge. We Greeks are among the last category: we thrive on openness, freedom of exchange, freedom of thought, expression and inquiry. We speak the language of dialogue, the language of ideas. That is our tradition. We are proud of that tradition which sparked off the Renaissance and supported the Enlightenment, whose essence was captured by Immanuel Kant's motto sapere aude: dare to think. Globalization challenges us to dare to think the unthinkable in terms of sovereignty, international relations and human rights. But that is not enough: we know we must go beyond it; we must dare to state a vision for our world; we must dare to hope. We take heart that at the end of our century democracy is being celebrated as the universal system of political rule, the only secure basis for legitimacy in the modern world. Experience teaches us that democracy not only institutionalizes freedom but also brings prosperity. Celebrated economist Amartya Sen has conclusively proved that a democratic system of Government is no obstacle to the creation of wealth: development does not 32 require an authoritarian ruler. Sen has observed that no substantial famine has ever occurred in any country with a democratic form of government and a relatively free press. We take heart from the fact that more States claim to be democratic now than ever before in human history, and we are firmly committed to seeing this trend expand. Slowly but surely, we are observing the globalization of democracy, and we dare to hope. Nevertheless, our challenges and political dilemmas are formidable. We need to globalize peace. We watch in awe as Israelis and Palestinians shake hands once again. The peace might be local, but our pride is international. Equally, when watching India and Pakistan, we dare to hope for non-proliferation. We cringe as pictures of war come out of Africa. We cannot hope for peace yet shut our eyes to war. We need to globalize human rights. Do we apply the same standards everywhere, from Kosovo and East Timor to Cyprus and Rwanda? We need to globalize our concept of rights pertaining to human beings. We understand multinationals that support human rights to protect their investments, but who will protect individuals who seek protection from the indignities of the world market? We need to globalize ethics. From Kosovo to East Timor we have bowed our heads, for we are still ill- equipped to deal with global ethical dilemmas such as those mentioned by the Secretary-General. Can human suffering be subordinated to sovereignty? Can we afford to be inconsistent in the application of military intervention? Is it right to impose trade sanctions on Governments that violate international rules, at the expense of their innocent populations? We seek to globalize values. Technological innovation is calling into question some of our most deeply felt beliefs. From cloning to brain transplants, scientists now face dilemmas that have global implications. We must make sure that fear does not inhibit scientific development, but also that curiosity does not inhibit civility. We need to globalize wealth. The growing gap between rich and poor countries has marginalized a large segment of the world's population and led to dangerous social problems, from illegal immigration to drug trafficking, terrorism, child labour and sexual exploitation. In an effort to contribute what little we can, Greece decided to increase its official development assistance by an annual average of 27 per cent over a five-year plan, targeting in particular sub-Saharan Africa. How can we hope to face these challenges if the people of this world do not share a basic education and do not enjoy basic health? While the electronic media have minimized the restrictions of borders in the transfer of resources, wealth and information, democratic institutions and social policies remain confined within the borders of nations. We cannot wait for democracy to spread at this pace: we need a faster cure. We need to confront this global democratic deficit by supporting global democratic institutions. Beyond the globalization of democracy, I call for the democratization of globalism. This is a vision worthy of the United Nations. We seek a United Nations that is an active centre for peace and justice, a centre for the improvement of the life of each individual on this Earth. We expect a United Nations to respond to our needs for global ethics and global values. We believe in a strong United Nations that will act swiftly and effectively against those who wage war, harbour terrorism and destroy our planet. We aspire to a United Nations which will become the centre for democratic thinking and democratic practice throughout our world. May these United Nations, on our behalf, develop a culture of dialogue and a dialogue of cultures. For this is the essence of democratic politics: not a clash of different civilizations, but an educative dialogue that allows all to take part. We must educate each other to find peaceful and democratic ways to confront our challenges. This is a task for the United Nations. We yield to its authority as the only forum able to democratize the globalization process. We call for all Member States to provide the United Nations with the authority and the means to perform its duties. Greece will do so. As our Ghanaian colleague said yesterday, we continue to ask more of the United Nations, and yet we continue to endow it with fewer resources. We feel that following the important reforms of the Secretariat, the time has come to expand this Organization's authority, responsibility and budget. Do we dare allow this Organization to hope? In Greece we do. My country believes in strengthening the United Nations, but it also believes in doing its own work, on the ground, in the region. Uri Savir, the Israeli negotiator in Oslo, has said that peacemaking is a gradual revolution that moves from hostility to a desired conciliation, a 33 collection of moments in which a new trend is set in motion. Together with the International Olympic Committee, Greece has proposed the creation of such a moment — a global moment: we would like to see the revival of the ancient Greek tradition of the Olympic truce. We hope that this Assembly, which has unanimously endorsed that project, will give its full support to the observance of the Olympic truce during the games of the year 2000 in Sydney, Australia, in Athens in 2004 and at all future Olympics, so that the event may become a momentous festival of excellence, cross-cultural dialogue and peace in our global village. From Cyprus to Bosnia, a “collection of moments” is providing a ray of hope that, one day, a united Balkans and South-Eastern Europe will belong to a united Europe: a family of nations, a bouquet of cultures, a kaleidoscope of ethnicities, where diversity is our strength and where borders are so profoundly respected that they cease to exist. Can we dare see that far? Do we dare not to? We dare to hope. Turning first to Cyprus: following the declaration on Cyprus by the leaders of the Group of Eight and Security Council resolutions 1250 (1999) and 1251 (1999) of last June, there is hope that a new initiative may break the deadlock. Just as we envision a multicultural Balkans, we are striving to see Cyprus as a federal State with a single sovereignty and a single citizenship, a united, demilitarized, independent country with its territorial integrity safe from encroachments and with no foreign troops on its soil. The accession of Cyprus to the European Union would certainly benefit both communities living on the island. We invite the Turkish Cypriots, in the spirit of a newfound friendship between Greeks and Turks, to grab this historical opportunity. Let us break down the last “Berlin wall”, which artificially divides those two peoples. Let us show the world and our children that, yes, we can live together in peace and harmony with respect for human rights and democratic principles, within a wider European family. The tragic events in Kosovo will be remembered for acts of brutal ethnic cleansing and a military intervention that ensued without the authorization of the Security Council. Today, I encounter individuals who, under pressure to “close the case of the Balkans”, opt to redraw the maps, believing that ethnic isolation, constructing new walls and barriers between our peoples of the region, will solve our problems. But it can only compound our problems. I assure the Assembly that there is no short path, no lazy road if you will, to lasting peace in the Balkans. Consistent with our policy in our region is our belief that borders are sacrosanct. But within them we must do our utmost to protect minorities, democratic procedures and human rights. We must strive to develop the three pillars of the Stability Pact for South-eastern Europe: democracy, security and reconstruction. We need to build democratic institutions, judicial and financial systems, competitive business and free media, things we often take for granted. We need to be aggressive in ensuring that all forms of likely threat to security within and among our countries are dealt with directly, openly and with vigour. The protection of minorities is of fundamental importance. We need, as the Secretary-General has said, a new commitment to the prevention of conflict. We need to provide basic economic help that will fight against the poverty and degradation that lead to ethnic and religious fanaticism. But more important, we need a total Balkan approach. When I say “total”, I mean a coherent and consistent approach by the international community. The Balkans are badly served by mixed signals. Greece has drawn for itself a creative and effective role in the region. Greece supports all efforts to deepen democracy in the region. A total Balkan approach to democracy, security and reconstruction will pave the way for our neighbours to enter the European Union. Yugoslavia, of course, is also an integral part of this total Balkan approach. So too are Greece's bilateral and trilateral contacts of very close cooperation with Albania, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Romania. We worked closely together during the recent Kosovo crisis for stability in the region and in providing humanitarian aid to Kosovo refugees. We believe that in our region there are no good or bad people, just good and bad practices. We have delivered and continue to deliver humanitarian assistance, as major humanitarian problems remain in many parts of Yugoslavia, and peacekeeping forces. We have conducted multilateral diplomacy, and we have promoted every effort that adheres to principles I have just stated without discrimination. Yes, in the total Balkan approach there is room for both the Albanian and the Serbian people. We ask them to dare to have a vision, the same vision: that, one by one, each Balkan country will become part of a united democratic Europe. 34 If the road to peace is indeed made up of a collection of moments, then I also dare hope for our relations with Turkey. My Turkish counterpart, Ismail Cem, and I have been engaged in careful diplomacy for many months. We recently inaugurated discussion committees to address a number of bilateral concerns, including trade, tourism, the environment and security, where we feel our two countries have much to gain from mutual cooperation. Peoples' aspirations for the principles of democracy, security and prosperity can overcome historical strife. In this democratic spirit, we believe that our security is bound by the stability in the region; that our neighbours' strength is our own strength. From the outset, therefore, Greece shared with Turkey the vision that one day Turkey would become a worthy member of a united Europe. But we recognize today that our role needs to be to lead the process. The terrible earthquakes that shook both our countries have accelerated that process. Spontaneous and dramatic acts of fraternity and solidarity between our citizens short- circuited elaborate diplomatic strategies and exerted powerful pressure on our Governments to move ahead boldly. I for one shall never forget the sweat, the tears and the genuine expressions of solidarity and friendship shared by so many non-governmental organizations, and particularly by Greek and Turkish rescue workers from the Disaster Management Special Unit (EMAK) and the Turkish Search and Rescue Team (AKUT), sifting through the rubble of buildings destroyed by the earthquakes, looking for survivors. These people did not wait for us to act. Their actions globalize democracy, human solidarity and peace. That is one more lesson for democracy. International relations, humanitarianism, peace and cooperation have much to gain if we allow for citizens' diplomacy and give our full support to constructive roles for non-governmental organizations. Building on this unique experience, in our first joint act as members of this Organization, I join hands today with my Turkish counterpart, Ismail Cem. I join hands with him to announce to the Assembly the establishment of a joint stand-by disaster response unit composed of contingents drawn from governmental and non- governmental agencies of both countries, Greece and Turkey, to reinforce the United Nations capacity in this field. Let me take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt condolences to the victims of the recent disastrous earthquake in Taiwan, and to their families. A comprehensive and methodical approach to dealing with natural disasters is in line with the recent statement by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, that some major risk reduction and disaster prevention programmes require levels of funding that many poor countries simply cannot afford. In this Assembly, great visions founded on a strong sense of realism have helped to make the world more democratic, safer, and a little less painful for those in need. In Greece and south-east Europe, similar visions are helping to build democratic institutions, cement peace and pave the way to prosperity. There simply is no truth in the saying that we in the Balkans are trapped, that we have produced more history than we can consume and that we are prisoners of past conflicts and hatreds. History is not duress unless one makes it so. The challenge to every new generation of Greeks, and the challenge to our neighbours, is to learn from our history, and not to become slaves to it. We are building a new collective vision for the region, slowly but surely. We look forward to the day when Belgrade and Pristina will be an easy bus ride away, when Jerusalem and Damascus, Athens and Ankara and, of course, the two parts of divided Nicosia, will no longer be separated by fear and suspicion, but will be joined in peace. Perhaps that day is still far away but, as a Chinese proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles begins with one small step. History is not compulsion unless one makes it so. The challenge to every new generation of Greeks, the challenge to our neighbours, is to learn from our history rather than become slaves to it. We are building a new collective vision for the region, slowly but surely. We look forward to the day when Belgrade and Pristina will be an easy bus ride away from each other, when Jerusalem and Damascus, Athens and Ankara and, of course, the two parts of divided Nicosia, will no longer be separated by fear and suspicion, but be joined in peace. Perhaps that day is still far away, but as a Chinese proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles begins with one small step. This step we dared take this year. We dared to imagine the world at the end of a thousand miles. Rigas Fereos, a prominent Greek revolutionary, wrote in a constitution for the Balkans more than two centuries ago, 35 “All should be equal with equal rights without prejudice in the Balkans: Christian, Muslim and Jew, Albanian, Slav, Romanian, Bulgarian, Greek, Turk, Armenian, from Bosnia to Arabia.” Today, 100 days before the next millennium, we commit ourselves to keep walking in this direction of a new hope and vision for our world. As they say in Latin America, se hace camino al andar.