These days, the days of the
general debate of the General Assembly, fall this year
at a time of unique significance for the Jewish people.
They come on the eve of the Jewish New Year and the
Day of Atonement and are known as the Days of Awe.
In Jewish tradition, these are days of soul-
searching and prayer, of judgement and of renewal.
That concept of reflection is fitting not just for the
faithful. It should be a time of reflection for nations as
well. Let us use this time and this gathering to look
deeply and honestly at the world in which we live —
the world as it is and as it might be. The United
Nations emerged from the horrors of war and offered a
vision of a new and peaceful world, but we see the
suffering of the people of Darfur, we see bloodshed and
violence across the globe, and we know that that is not
yet the world in which we live.
Our planet remains torn by conflict, At its heart,
this is a conflict about values — a battle of ideas. It is a
conflict about whether to respect or to reject the
other — a conflict between tolerance and tyranny,
between the promise of coexistence and the
hopelessness of hate. We see it played out in internet
chat rooms and in houses of prayer, in classrooms and
newsrooms, on the battlefield and in the corridors of
power. It is the challenge of our time.
We, the people of Israel, have lived for many
years on the frontlines of this conflict. Our nation has
felt its fury; our soldiers have fought and died in its
battles. An ancient people in the heart of the Middle
East — great in history but small in number — we
have been a constant target of those that oppose our
very existence. We face this conflict on different
fronts — as Jews against the dark forces of anti-
Semitism, as Israelis against the enemies of our
statehood, and as members of the free world against
the merchants of global terror.
We have been guided in this conflict by two core
values that are embodied in our declaration of
independence and shape our national identity. The first
is that Israel, with Jerusalem at its heart, is the national
homeland of the Jewish people, their refuge from
persecution, their first and last line of defence. The
second is that Israel is a democracy and that the values
of justice, peace and humanity — first expressed by the
prophets of Israel — are an integral part of our nation’s
sense of mission. We share the same values as the
community of democratic States. We are ready and
proud to be judged by them. They are our own.
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But too often there is a gap between perception
and reality. Too often, Israel is not seen for its unique
creativity and spirit of enterprise, or for its
contribution — well beyond its size — to the sciences
and to literature, to human development and
innovation. In many parts of the world, we are seen
mainly through the lens of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
And too often, that lens is distorted. To many, this
conflict is portrayed as a clash of David and Goliath,
with Israel perceived unjustly as Goliath, but this
simplistic image ignores the fact that Israel remains a
threatened democracy in a hostile region.
We have, of necessity, the capacity to defend
ourselves, but we will always be constrained in its use
by our values. And yet, we face an enemy willing to
use all the means at its disposal to kill without restraint
and without distinction. Every innocent casualty in this
conflict is a tragedy. There is no difference between the
tears of a grieving Israeli mother and a grieving
Palestinian mother, but there is a critical moral
difference between the terrorists who hunt down
civilians and the soldiers who target terrorists while
trying to avoid civilian casualties.
To protect its integrity, the international
community must uphold that basic moral distinction.
Terror is terror, even when it is called resistance. It
cannot be justified and it cannot be equated with the
actions of those seeking only to defend themselves
against it.
If we want to protect our values, it is not enough
to believe in them — we must act according to them.
There is no greater challenge to our values than that
posed by the leaders of Iran. They deny and mock the
Holocaust. They speak proudly and openly of their
desire to wipe Israel off the map. And now, by their
actions, they pursue the weapons to achieve that
objective, to imperil the region and to threaten the
world. The moment of truth is here.
The international community is faced with no
greater responsibility than to stand against that dark
and growing danger — not for Israel’s sake, but for its
own; for the sake of the values it claims to embrace;
for the sake of the world we all wish our children to
inherit. What more needs to happen for the world to
take the threat seriously? What more needs to happen
to end the hesitation and the excuses? We know the
lessons of the past. We know the consequences of
appeasement and indifference. There is no place for
such leaders in this forum. There is no place for such a
regime in the family of nations.
For any who still had doubts, the Iranian threat
was exposed to all in the recent conflict in Lebanon.
Armed, financed and directed by Iran, Hizbullah
kidnapped Israeli soldiers and targeted Israeli cities,
but it was the hopes of an entire region that they sought
to take hostage. Out of the conflict — and because of
Israel’s response to it — opportunity has emerged, but
much is needed to turn opportunity into reality.
Hizbullah can never again be allowed to threaten the
future of the region. The world faces a critical test —
to ensure the full implementation of resolution 1701
(2006) and the immediate and safe release of the Israeli
hostages.
As we gather here, we think of anxious families
that ache for the return of their loved ones — parents
waiting for a son, a brother for a brother, a wife for a
husband. Israel will not rest until all the Israeli
hostages are returned safely to the arms of their
devoted families and to the embrace of a loving nation.
Let us all make them the same promise today.
Last year, a great leader of Israel, Ariel Sharon,
stood before this forum and said:
“The Palestinians will always be our neighbours.
We respect them and have no aspirations to rule
over them. They are also entitled to freedom and
to a national, sovereign existence in a State of
their own.” (A/60/PV.5, p.46)
That was not only the voice and vision of one
man. It is the voice and vision of a nation. We do not
believe that Israeli-Palestinian relations are of
necessity a zero-sum game. Not every Israeli interest is
at odds with Palestinian interests. There is, in fact, a
common vision that binds together Israelis, moderate
Palestinians and the international community. It serves
the goals of both peoples and represents the basis of a
genuine and lasting peace. At its heart is the vision of
two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in
peace and security. Israel believes in this vision, and
from this vision we have drawn our principles for
peace.
The first is inherent in the very idea of two
States. For the Jewish people, Israel was established to
be our national homeland. It was the solution for
Jewish refugees and the realization of Jewish rights.
And this is the true calling of the future State of
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Palestine: a national homeland for the Palestinian
people — the solution to Palestinian claims, the
fulfilment of Palestinian dreams, the answer for
Palestinian refugees, wherever they may be. If
Palestinian leaders are unwilling to say this, the world
should say it for them. Instead of giving false hope, it
is time to end the exploitation of the refugee issue and
to begin to resolve it on the basis of the vision of two
States, two homelands.
That is the real and only meaning of the two-State
vision. It requires each people to accept that their
rights are realized through the establishment of their
own homeland, not in the homeland of others.
The second principle for peace is drawn from the
concept of living in peace and security. On the basis of
this principle the international community has insisted
that the State of Palestine that emerges next to Israel
cannot be a terror State. A terrorist State is the last
thing our troubled region needs. It is for that reason
that the road map requires an end to terror. It is for that
reason that the international community has demanded
that any Palestinian Government fulfil three basic
conditions: renounce terrorism, recognize Israel’s right
to exist and accept existing Israeli-Palestinian
agreements. Those conditions are not an obstacle to
peace or to the establishment of a responsible
Palestinian State; they are a crucial ingredient for the
realization of those goals.
An end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will also
require agreement on a common boundary. There are
those who believe that if only we could turn back the
hands of time to 1967 all would be resolved. But, in
1967 there was no Palestinian State; there was no link
between the West Bank and Gaza; and there was no
commitment to lasting peace. A two-State solution
requires the creation of a new reality which never
existed in the past. For it to succeed, both sides will
need to commit themselves to compromise and to
believe in coexistence.
If only we could end the conflict today. But we
have learned from bitter experience that to reach
lasting peace it is not enough to have a vision. Peace
must be built on the solid foundations of shared values,
not the shifting sands of false promises. Without this,
the political horizon will always be out of reach. We
have seen negotiations doomed by mistrust and
frustration. We have seen them lay the ground for
greater violence, not greater understanding. We cannot
afford to repeat that experience.
Unfortunately, the Palestinian Authority is
dominated today by a terrorist organization that teaches
children to hate and seeks to transform the conflict
from a resolvable political dispute into an endless
religious confrontation. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict
is the consequence and not the cause of this ideology
of intolerance and hatred. We cannot reach peace by
ignoring these realities. We cannot find the solutions
for tomorrow without addressing the problems of
today.
But we also cannot give up hope, and I refuse to
do so. In a Middle East where being moderate is often
the same as being weak, our challenge is to empower
the peacemakers and disempower their opponents. The
road map phases and the three international conditions
are designed precisely for that purpose. But if the
world hesitates in enforcing these standards, the
extremists sense opportunity. And if it appeases, they
sense victory. This is the moment for determination not
half-measures and vague formulations. It is the
moment to demand that those Palestinian leaders that
believe in peace determine the future on these terms,
not on the terms of terrorists.
Unfortunately, there are no shortcuts on the road
to peace. But stagnation is not in our interest, and it is
not our policy.
It is in this spirit that Israel embarked on the
painful process of disengagement, to create an
opportunity for progress. But, sadly, we received terror
in return. And it is in this spirit that I met with
Chairman Abbas two days ago, and we agreed to re-
energize the dialogue between us and create a
permanent channel to pursue ways to advance together.
The parties do not need another forum to act out their
differences, and the only forum that will resolve them
is the bilateral negotiating table. We have no illusions
about the difficulties before us. We must face them not
ignore them. But we can advance along the road to
peace if we have the strength to defend its principles
and the courage to confront its enemies.
In these days, while Jews prepare to welcome a
new year, Muslims around the world prepare for the
holy month of Ramadan. As two great faiths begin their
annual journey of reflection and decision, let the
nations of the world begin it too.
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The Jewish prayers tell us that this is a time of
decision not just for individuals but also for States:
“which for the sword and which for peace, which for
famine and which for plenty”.
Those are sobering words, but they are also
empowering ones. The message of these special days is
that no future is predetermined; no conflict is
inevitable. It is up to us to make the right choices.
History will judge us by them. In the words of the
traditional greeting: may the curses of the last year
end; may the blessing of the new year begin. Shana
tova: may it be a good year.