It is a source of particular satisfaction to me to speak for the Guatemalan delegation in conveying to Sir Leslie Munro my Government’s congratulations on his election as President of the twelfth session. Our knowledge of his personality assures us that his clarity of mind, his energy in action and his calm in the control of affairs will bring the work of this session of the General Assembly to a fruitful and satisfactory conclusion.
69. To Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, the Secretary-General, we pay a fresh tribute of gratitude, sincere congratulation and deep-rooted optimism, in the knowledge that his future activity will emulate his past and present efforts.
70. At this juncture I cannot but add, with some nostalgia, a word of gratitude to Prince Wan Waithayakon of Thailand, whose wisdom, tact and courtesy enabled him to carry on the business of one of the Assembly's most difficult sessions. His new humane mission of aiding the martyred people of Hungary could not have been placed in better hands.
71. I now wish to add Guatemala's voice to the welcome rightly extended to the new members of the international community which have entered the United Nations this year. Ghana and the Federation of Malaya are the latest symbols of two phenomena characteristic of this second half of the twentieth century: on the one hand the rise and integration of nations, and on the other the need to undertake a voluntary limitation of sovereignty, through organizations of States which demonstrate the interdependence of mankind, without loss of respect for the freedom and self-determination of peoples. Guatemala, which has always been devoted, heart and soul, to the liberation of subjected peoples, is particularly gratified at the rise of these new States and their advent in the United Nations, and reiterate its hope that this inevitable historical process will take effect speedily and peacefully for the 125 million inhabitants of an area several times the size of Europe who do not yet enjoy a full measure of self-government. We know Ghana and the Federation of Malaya will be valiant and helpful allies in the struggle which all Members of the United Nations have undertaken on behalf of the still dependent peoples.
72. I now turn to a brief explanation of the primary reason for my presence on this rostrum.
73. The delegation of Guatemala has felt it unnecessary to take part in the Assembly's general debates when there was no change in the broad terms of its foreign policy or when, in the absence of any major change in the international scene, the continuity of its policy could be taken for granted. However, as all Members of the United Nations are aware, there has recently been a change of Government in Guatemala. This makes it necessary for us to reassure the international community, and, with particular earnestness the Members of the United Nations, that the foreign policy of Guatemala, under its present Government, remains unchanged and that the Guatemalan delegation to the twelfth regular session of our Assembly is instructed to continue working on the same lines as before, all of which reflects the continuity of the country’s constitutional life and the political stability of its institutions. In assuring you of the continuity of our policy I do not, however, consider it necessary to redefine that policy, which has been adequately stated at previous sessions of the General Assembly and in principal organs and commissions of the United Nations.
74. The spirit which inspires our participation in the work of the United Nations was expressed from this very rostrum by the late President Castillo Armas, who has left such a deep imprint in the memory of his people. On 3 November 1955, addressing the General Assembly, he enunciated three basic principles of international goodwill, which remain valid. The President said: "Fear and mistrust among the nations and their respective Governments represent a danger to peace. In view of these considerations, the new international atmosphere imposes certain inescapable obligations on all countries. "In the first place, a renewed and continuous effort must be made to demonstrate by deeds our unshakable purpose to live at peace with other nations and to respect the domestic sovereignty of others, renouncing any policy of international subversion. Secondly, no manifestation of a change or improvement of policy or attitude in international affairs must be rejected out of prejudice, nor out of hand without careful study and mature consideration, no matter in what quarter the manifestation occurs. Lastly, the same attitude of constant vigilance must at all times be maintained so that we may be able to display our confidence when the deeds and attitudes of others deserve it” [539th meeting, paras. 11 and 12].
75. In addition to these guiding principles, on which our political participation in the United Nations is based, there is another important sector of the work of the United Nations to which the people of Guatemala and their Governments have traditionally and steadfastly devoted their attention and efforts: I refer to colonial problems. This policy, to which we adhere strictly but in a constructive spirit, is not, however, dictated to us solely by the feelings of the Guatemalan people. The General Assembly has also conferred on us a sacred trust by electing us to the Trusteeship Council and the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories.
76. The report of our stewardship which we have always considered it a moral obligation to furnish to our electors is confirmed by deeds, by votes and by statements of position in those organs of the United Nations, and by the tireless devotion and energy with which we have discharged our task. The General Assembly and its Member States may rest assured that our anti-colonial policy likewise remains immutable.
77. Before I end this part of my statement I wish to say a word about the problem which has grieved the Guatemalans for many decades: I refer to the recovery of that part of Guatemala which is named Belize and which, as British Honduras, the United Kingdom Government continues to occupy by right of force alone and in a manner which, while it no longer astounds the world, still affronts its sense of justice, and which prejudices the development of my country and infringes its sovereignty. No Guatemalan will ever abate his efforts to solve this problem, which likewise affects the people of Belize and their development.
78. While the main purpose of our participation in the general debate is to restate our policy with regard to the United Nations, I cannot do less than refer, however briefly, to some problems which are now casting dark shadows on the international political scene.
79. I shall first of all refer to disarmament, a problem with which the First Committee will shortly have to deal. We are convinced that this is the most serious problem on our agenda, and that there have been few occasions in the past when the patience and efforts of the parties mainly concerned have given greater hopes of obtaining a measure of agreement enabling us to take at least the first steps towards establishing peace on more secure foundations. Pending the discussion in the Committee we wish to make known that the Government of Guatemala is devoting due attention to the procedural suggestions made for expansion of the membership of the Disarmament Commission, and to the valuable idea advanced by another delegation that thought should be given to the desirability of appointing a United Nations commissioner for disarmament.
80. As regards the problem — unhappily a related problem — of atomic explosions, the Government of Guatemala shares the profound concern of friendly Governments at the threat these tests represent to mankind and to future generations. Guatemala knows and shares the views expressed by the head of the Roman Catholic community and by many scientific and humanitarian organizations. The sacred trust conferred on us by the Charter and by the Assembly, coupled with the imperishable ethics on which our policy rests, has already impelled us to express our concern in the Trusteeship Council. On the other hand, we are not unmindful of the arguments advanced by other friendly Governments which have been placed in the difficult and serious position of bearing primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. We shall have to follow these principles and to use our calmest judgement in dealing with the specific problems to which this question may give rise at this session of the General Assembly.
81. The Secretary for External Relations of Mexico recently advanced from this rostrum an argument of extraordinary importance concerning the legal responsibility of States which carry out nuclear explosions harmful to the population or territory of other States. This is a highly interesting suggestion which my country intends to study with the closest attention and which will assuredly be examined in the same spirit by other Member States.
82. With regard to the peaceful uses of atomic energy, Guatemala has followed with interest the efforts being made in this direction nationally and internationally. It gave my Government great pleasure this year to join in founding the International Atomic Energy Agency and to make Guatemala the first country to ratify its constituent Statute. My country's satisfaction at President Eisenhower's initiative and my Government's sustained efforts during the time it has taken to bring this initiative to fulfilment were rewarded this past week by the election of Guatemala to the Board of Governors of the new Agency in common with three other Latin American countries. Guatemala welcomed this appointment, and has pledged its active and devoted adherence to the noble international effort to ensure for the atom the only future worthy of civilized man.
83. There is another problem to which we wish to make particular reference because it remains a source of international tension: that of the Middle East. Perhaps at this juncture we should refrain from discussing those thorny aspects of it which appear to be on the way to a satisfactory settlement. The urgency of the present situation is such, however, that we find it essential to restate some concepts which are still valid and which have in the past shaped our attitude towards the many-faceted and disquieting combination of circumstances and political forces which make up the Middle East.
84. We are all aware that, in this continuous struggle to preserve world peace, however relative that peace may be, the greatest danger in an atmosphere charged with tensions is that we may contribute, by our acts or omissions, to the worsening of those tensions in the most sensitive areas of friction. There can be no question but that the Middle East, with its historical and passionate conflicts, is one such critical area.
85. Last year, when the more acute symptoms and unhappy facts of the Egyptian situation were slowly beginning to abate, we pointed out that any disturbance in the equilibrium of that part of the world produced an even greater disturbance, and warned that the price of independence or survival flight be to compromise the very independence and freedom of nations. We were referring to the preparations which had already been started a year previously in a country in that area with the assistance of countries outside the area which were directly or indirectly concerned. We went on to remind friendly nations in the area that, in international situations of the kind which obtained then and which are still recurring today in a less serious degree, any step taken in the Middle East might produce actions and reactions which might endanger world peace, and thus also the peace of the area concerned, or, failing that, seriously endanger the freedom and independence of the very peoples that were trying to preserve peace, as well as the very interests which other nations were trying to protect. That, I said at the time, was the inevitable fate of those regions which found themselves at the crossroads of world politics. Hence it will not be out of order to address on this occasion a new appeal to all the parties concerned to refrain from any step which might help to set off or to prepare for an active conflict in the Middle East.
86. Apart from these aspects of the question, which relate to the most immediate and pressing problem in the Middle East, the region also presents a second basic problem; not only is it an area of friction between two or more major international political or economic forces, but there is also friction within the region, in the relations between Israel and the Arab countries.
87. Possibly this is not the time to touch on this problem; but, equally possibly, it is for us small countries to tell the Arab nations, our dear friends, that we still consider that they must recognize Israel's existence as an irrevocable historical fact and as an essential step towards the well-being and prosperity of the area, and to ask Israel, another friend of ours, to understand the feelings of the Arab nations and to realize that the interest of the Semitic peoples of the area override any outside interests.
88. We venture to restate these ideas with all due respect, and with the conviction that this reiteration of what we consider fair and right can do no harm, and that our reflections will always be received broadmindedly both by Israel, with whose birth my country's name is associated, and by the Arab nations with which we have always maintained the most cordial ties. It was not an accident that, a few days ago, Mr. Lequerica of Spain referred from this rostrum, in colourful and elegant language, to Spain's unshakable historical ties in the Mediterranean basin and North Africa. Spanish America has not been left out of this proud heritage.
89. I should now like to refer briefly to two questions relating to the economic and social activities of the United Nations. The first question, while of a social nature, has both legal and political aspects and is rooted in philosophical and humane considerations. I refer to the international jurisdiction over human rights, a thesis which, the delegations of Uruguay and Costa Rica have propounded, here.
90. We expressed last year, and have reiterated at this session, the deep sympathy with which the people and Government of Guatemala view this initiative. We have not yet reached any conclusion on the legal basis of the argument, which appears to be that compulsory international jurisdiction is implicit in the United Nations Charter. Moreover, we have pointed out that before some States could accept such an interpretation their national parliaments might have to take action. Nevertheless, the ethical and profoundly humane character of the argument cannot fail to appeal to the good will of Member States and impel them to give the proposal their most serious and attentive study.
91. In the economic field I wish to restate Guatemala's policy of giving firm support to every action or step intended to promote the economic development and raise the level of living of the under-development, peoples in accordance with policy of genuine social justice and without prejudice to the sovereignty and the political and economic independence of nations. With these ideas in mind Guatemala cannot but view with sympathy the suggestion that the General Assembly might adopt a declaration of economic principles, even as the American nations at Chapultepec and Buenos Aires defined the rules which should govern their economic relations. Again consistently with this line of policy, we continue to be in favour of the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, which we hope will at last become a reality.
92. Our delegation originally planned to include in its contribution to the general debate some reflections on the principles which govern Guatemala’s participation in the United Nations. We proposed to recall that, whatever the motives of the great Powers might have been in establishing the United Nations, Guatemala's co-operation in that act, its signature and ratification of the Charter, and its continued presence here have been guided solely by the purposes, principles and conditions set forth in that very Charter. But there is no further need to raise our voice to defend the United Nations from attacks the reason for which may have been that the majority of the people in the countries which compose the United Nations held an unfavourable opinion of the actions of some of its Members. There is no further need to add Guatemala's voice to those of such delegations as the Salvadorian, the Costa Rican and the Mexican, which have spoken of the proud dignity with which we small and medium-sized nations participate in the United Nations, and of the conditions for our participation. Suffice it to record our support of and agreement with those delegations and the views set forth in the introduction to the Secretary-General's report to this Assembly.
93. It is not idle, however, to recall that, apart from such ethical or philosophical considerations as may have contributed to the birth of the United Nations, those same political motives which made the association of nations large and small imperative after the Second World War still persist, and have perhaps become more urgent, amid the increasing awakening of the world’s peoples and the crises and tensions which face us half-way through this century.
94. Guatemala reaffirms its faith in the United Nations Charter, but also reaffirms and claims on its people’s behalf, as a basic condition of its participation, recognition and respect of the legal equality of States.