Syria

I should like first of all to add the congratulations of the Syrian delegation to those which have been addressed to Sir Leslie Munro on his election as President of the twelfth session of the General Assembly. 2. May I also congratulate the Secretary-General on the unanimously approved and well-deserved renewal of his mandate. 3. Our present session is being held at the close of a turbulent period during which our Organization was subjected to one of the most serious ordeals in its existence. 4. It is neither my intention nor my desire to revert at the present time to the tragic events of the past. These events — and I am referring in particular to the tripartite aggression against Egypt — have given eloquent proof of the futility of military adventures. They have also emphasized the important and effective part which our Organization can play in maintaining international peace and security. The new responsibilities of the Organization and its widening spheres of activity are striking evidence of this fact. 5. It is a particular pleasure for me to stress the very important part played by our Secretary-General during the various international crises and especially during the aggression against Egypt. 6. The Assembly still has to discuss a number of questions which have been placed before it for consideration and solution under the terms of the Charter of the United Nations. Some of these questions are not new, but they require renewed effort or different methods. 7. For example, the disarmament problem, with which the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission has been dealing for several years, has not yet been solved. In this connexion, the concrete proposals made in this Assembly that the public should be kept informed about the work being done on disarmament might constitute a new method which the United Nations would be well advised to adopt. These proposals are an unmistakable indication of the steadily increasing interest of peoples and Governments in this problem. 8. Other questions, such as that of Algeria, which we shall consider in due course, are particularly argent in nature and therefore require rapid solutions. 9. Lastly, there are a number of favourable developments which deserve to be mentioned. One of these is the admission of new members, as a result of which the Organization is in a position to reflect more faithfully the realities of the world situation. 10. I should like to take this occasion to welcome the delegations of Ghana and the Federation of Malaya to our midst. Their admission to the United Nations as fully independent and sovereign States is for us Syrians a particularly heartening and significant event. 11. However, there are countries which occupy a highly important position in respect of population, size, wealth and civilization but which are still improperly and unjustly excluded from the Organization, in violation of its principle of universality. 12. Important steps which were taken last year — such as the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency — have resulted in a strengthening of organized international co-operation in the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. 13. The problems which we have to consider are obviously varied in nature and interest some delegations more than others. Nevertheless, we believe that the solution of these problems could be promoted by a large number of factors which are favourable to a relaxation of world tensions. Among these factors, we should like to note particularly the rebirth of Asia and the reawakening of Africa. During the past decade, nearly 600 million human beings in Asia and Africa have been freed from a foreign yoke. Today, their delegations are sitting in this Assembly and playing a useful part in its activities. 14. Special importance should also be attached to the economic and social development of the under-developed areas of Asia and Africa. The object of this development, in the economic and political fields, is to enable the liberated countries of the two continents to co-operate on an equal footing with the other members of the international community. It also contributes to an increase of world wealth and to the improvement of the standard of living of the liberated peoples, to the benefit of peace and general welfare. The crowning event in this development was the Bandung Conference, which marked a turning point in the history of the peoples of Asia and Africa. 15. Since the effects of the liberation of peoples and of the improvement of conditions in the under-developed countries are so important to peace and progress in the world, the United Nations should devote increasing attention to consideration of the relevant problems. 16. For these reasons, I believe that it is necessary to consider in greater detail the movement of liberation and development in the Arab countries. The fundamental factor in Western Asia and North Africa is Arab nationalism. The nationalism of the Arab countries is a liberating and constructive nationalism, similar to that which has developed in other areas of Asia and Africa. It is based on the fundamental fact that the Arab nation is one and indivisible, that it has the same language and culture and the same historical past. The Arab nation is made up of countries having identical conditions of life and constituting a single people, imbued with the same ideals and aspirations. Moreover, the Arab homeland is geographically continuous and well-defined. 17. Arabism is based not on a racial concept but on a national concept. It is no novel idea that the Arabs of today are seeking to establish but a well-established reality that has always existed. 18. Although the Arab nation is one, it has nevertheless been dismembered — especially during the last century — by colonial powers which transformed it into a number of politico-economic entities. In this way, the frontiers which today separate the Arab States are often nothing more than lines drawn on the conference tables of colonial Powers, devoid of a real significance with respect to the nature of the countries which they divide and the areas which they carve up. 19. Some of these entities, for example Syria, have lately regained their freedom as sovereign Arab States. Syria, by the nature, the convictions and the will of its people, and by the provisions of its Constitution, is an integral part of the Arab homeland. The Syrian people are an inseparable part of the Arab nation. For us in Syria, there is no Syrian nation distinct from the Arab nation. 20. It is these fundamental facts of our life which form the basis of Syrian policy and make of it an Arab policy whose objectives are clear and common to all Arab countries. Chief among these objectives is the liberation of all the Arab countries from foreign domination. This effort to achieve liberation is in keeping with the right of peoples to self-determination, a right which is recognized by and embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. It is therefore obvious that we are strongly in favour of the liberation of Algeria, Oman, the British protectorates in the Arabian peninsula and of every other Arab territory which is now occupied and subject to foreign domination. We also support the efforts of all other dependent peoples to achieve freedom and independence. 21. This nationalism is also concerned with the reunification of the Arab countries. That is to say, it aims at making the Arab nation a collectivity which is capable of functioning and of fulfilling the needs and requirements of the Arab people while freely cooperating with the other nations of the world. 22. Fundamentally, the liberation of the Arab countries and their reunification are but two aspects of the same process. The dismemberment of these countries was and continues to be the basis of colonial policy, which is a policy of divide and rule. It is this policy based on division which is the source of the basic conflicts which have aligned Arab nationalism against the imperialist policy of colonialism and Zionism. In struggling for their reunification, the Arabs are in reality struggling for their complete liberation. 23. A process of this kind is undoubtedly a process of evolution and peaceful development and one which is in keeping with the right of peoples to self-determination. This right entitles a divided people to unite in the way in which it chooses to do so and in conformity with the principles of international law. 24. At the present time other nations too are the victims of disunion in various forms, for example Germany, Korea, Ireland and Viet-Nam. It goes without saying that we Arabs are well qualified to understand the problem of reunification wherever it exists and to sympathize with peoples who are struggling to achieve their reunification. 25. It is astonishing to hear Arab nationalism described as imperialistic and expansionist. Is it reasonable to apply such descriptions to the efforts made by the Arabs, in conformity with the principles of the United Nations Charter, merely to establish a collectivity which will give practical form to the unity of the Arab nation? 26. Mr. Dulles, the United States Secretary of State, was apparently referring to all these facts when he spoke of extreme nationalistic ambitions in the Arab countries. His words merely betrayed his fear of Arab liberation and reunification. 27. We know that our road to national union is strewn with many external difficulties. Nevertheless, the Arab States have made definite progress in the right direction by establishing the Arab League and by concluding a number of reciprocal economic, cultural, security and other agreements. 28. One fact is already established and open to no doubt: the solidarity existing between the Arabs is such that it cannot be broken by foreign efforts like those recently undertaken with a view to isolating Syria. This fact is amply confirmed by the official statements which have been made lately by a number of Arab Governments. 29. Still another basic objective of Arab nationalism is to achieve a more advanced and progressive society through a policy of economic, social and cultural development. 30. We fully realize that such development requires international peace and co-operation. The efforts and resources now given over to armaments for defence or war could much more usefully be devoted to the satisfaction of development needs. The cold war with its alliances, with the International tension and the armaments race it entails, creates a situation which both endangers the security of nations and hampers their development. It is an evil which we must all try to cure. 31. We do not, however, think that the aid offered by a country should be utilized as a means to influence the policy of the receiving country. In its present particular situation Syria has chosen to accept no aid of the character described. 32. In this field we have always looked to the United Nations. Now as before, we fully endorse the plan for the establishment of a Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development and the policy which the Fund is intended to adopt. 33. The world situation certainly calls for economic co-operation, freely accepted and carried out by the countries concerned. The fact that the Middle East is an area rich in oil and other resources which find their markets in the West makes such co-operation even more necessary. Economic interests, however, such as the need to ensure oil supplies, cease to be legitimate or valid if they are used as pretexts for foreign interference, pressure, threats and direct or indirect aggression of the type that we undergo from time to time. 34. To achieve its national objectives, Syria's international policy is based on the concept of broad cooperation with all nations. This policy requires non-alignment with either of the two camps or Power blocs. Our neutrality is positive. It leads us to follow world events and developments closely, to examine and judge them objectively. We do not believe in a world consisting of spheres of influence or power orbits, in which small nations are destined to be satellites. 35. Seen in its true light, Arab nationalism is essentially democratic, because it expresses the hopes and embodies the creative efforts of the average Arab and of the masses to which he belongs. 36. Our national policy and our development, it is true, are bound to displease colonialists, Zionists and their associates. Our policy obviously runs counter to their unlawful purposes, which consist in dividing and exploiting the Arab people and in thwarting their aspirations. Arab nationalism is henceforth a fact of international life. Its friendship can scarcely be gained by threats. The reality being such, would it not be wiser to recognize the facts and to act on them? Arab nationalism is a reality of major importance and of the greatest urgency, which must be taken into consideration whenever the problems of the Arab world are discussed at international assemblies and meetings. There is no doubt in our minds as to the role which the realization of Arab aspirations may play in the Middle East as a factor of peace and stability. 37. I hope you will forgive me for having dwelt at some length on this question of Arab nationalism. I did so because the situation in the Arab world is largely governed by that national policy. 38. In the world of today, colonialism in its old form is on the decline. But it has not disappeared. It even takes on new forms. So far as the Arab countries are concerned, colonialism is still very active. In this part of the world it takes two main forms. 39. The first is that of colonial domination imposed by war and by foreign occupation pure and simple. That is what is happening in Algeria and in the southern part of the Arabian peninsula. 40. The second form consists of foreign interference, pressure, threats and acts of direct or indirect aggression committed by certain great Powers in order to impose a policy on Syria and other Arab States. It is in this context that the nature and aims of the aggression perpetrated last year against Egypt must be understood. It is also in this context that the campaign of defamation, intimidation and threats to which Syria is being subjected must be understood. 41. This policy regards the Arab countries as a sphere of influence reserved for certain great Powers. With that aim in view, those Powers seek above all to ensure what they call "stability" in that area. Stability in that case means nothing but the stabilization of the situation such as existed, with all its negative and harmful elements, which militate against the Arab countries’ complete liberation, their re-unification, their democratic evolution, their cultural, economic and social progress and the strengthening of their means of defence. This so-called stability, which is inimical to natural evolution, requires foreign intervention and explains the character of the means used for this purpose. 42. It is a fundamental element in this colonialist policy in the Middle East that it supports the world Zionist movement and is supported by it. Experience has shown that this is a permanent and constant factor of that policy, by no means a mere coincidence. In fact, Israel, as the embodiment of world Zionism, was established in Palestine under the British Mandate. 43. In addition, the association between colonialism and Zionism was revealed last year in the tripartite aggression against Egypt. Israel now serves the colonialist plans and is used as a jumping-off ground for a new venture of imperialist expansion in that part of the world. 44. What is more, Israel by its very nature pursues its own expansionist policy at the expense of the Arab countries. The maintenance of a steady flow of immigrants into Israel is one of the essential elements of that policy. The existence of a million Arab refugees expelled from their homes is one of the direct consequences of the creation of Israel and its expansionist policy. 45. Some Powers supporting Israel, it is true, contribute to the assistance which the Arab refugees receive under United Nations auspices. But we must not overlook the enormous and disproportionate aid lavished simultaneously on Israel, enabling it to defy United Nations resolutions, to maintain the flow of Zionist immigration and thus to perpetuate and to aggravate the Arab refugee problem. In this connexion it must be emphasized that the United States is now the chief centre of Zionist world activity and the most important source of the assistance furnished to Israel. 46. If the policy we are examining had confined itself to normal diplomatic activity, we should not have dealt with the matter at such length. Unfortunately it did not remain within the limits laid down in the Charter; its aims are opposed to the Charter; its purpose is to ignore the United Nations each time the originators of this policy consider that the Organization might not do as they wish. Instead of basing itself on the United Nations, which is pre-eminently the centre for harmonizing international action, this policy relies on its own concept in its conduct of world affairs. It is, in effect, a policy intended to serve above all the interests of certain Powers, while trying to create the impression that it serves the international community. 47. As regards my country in particular, the application of such a concept would be tantamount to subordinating our national policy to the will of the foreigner. This, as we see it, is the true problem to which I consider it my duty to draw the Assembly's attention, a problem which has already been discussed by several other delegations. 48. A few days ago we heard Mr. Dulles, the Secretary of State of the United States, make a declaration to the General Assembly regarding the situation in the Middle East. That and earlier statements would lead us to believe that a serious situation has developed in the Middle East as a result of Soviet penetration. Mr. Dulles had accused my country of being in a certain sense the instrument of this penetration, He particularly stressed that the unusual concentration of Soviet arms in Syria constituted a growing military danger for neighbouring countries, both Arab and non-Arab, and also for the free world in general. These statements are consistent with the Press campaign which is directed against Syria and other more serious activities for which the United States is largely responsible. 49. Mr. Dulles did not speak to us of foreign interference in the internal affairs of Syria which went so far as to include activities of a subversive nature; certain of these activities were discovered and brought before the courts. Another case of the same kind has recently been uncovered and is now being tried. As a result, my Government has been obliged to request the recall of three United States diplomats who were directly involved. Mr. Dulles did not allude to economic, financial, political and military pressure brought to bear on my country in an attempt to induce it to adopt policies subordinated to the views of the United States. He also failed to allude to acts of provocation, military demonstrations, the concentration of troops on our frontiers and threats made against Syria. In addition, Mr. Dulles deliberately forgot to mention the joy with which Israel daily receives enormous quantities of arms from the Western bloc. These arms are more than a mere threat to Syria and the other Arab States for they have in fact been used by Israel in its repeated acts of aggression against the Arabs. It was for this reason that Syria was obliged to acquire arms wherever she could, to ensure her own defence. The arms acquired by Syria in no way constitute a danger for our neighbours and more particularly Turkey, as we harbour no thought of aggression. 50. We regret Mr. Dulles should have used this rostrum to repeat his unjust and unjustified attacks against Syria. 51. At the beginning of my address I drew the General Assembly's attention to certain aspects of the situation in the Middle East and to certain wrongs perpetrated in that part of the world. 52. Apart from the activities that I have just mentioned, we are accused of taking part in the cold war with the aim of confusing the issue. Until now we had been spared this additional accusation but it would seem that Syria has now become the object of special attention in this respect. 53. We believe that this attitude has been adopted in certain quarters as a result of a biased approach. It would seem that certain people have an unfortunate tendency to interpret everything in terms of the cold war. It would seem too that this is a result of insidious propaganda designed to hide from world public opinion the real character of the conflict in the Middle East between the colonialist-Zionist camp and the Arab liberation movement. 54. The problem is simple and can be summarized as follows: should Syria, which has only recently become free and whose population and area are relatively small, be left to enjoy the full measure of its independence and carry through its development, or should it be content with fictitious independence and be made to submit to the will of certain great Powers and comply with the desires of world Zionism, colonialism and those who support those policies? For us the answer is clear. Unfortunately certain great Powers continue to try and make us enter into alliances, adopt doctrines and accept views which would make us depart from the policy of non-alignment to which we have resolutely subscribed. 55. The part played by the United States in this field deserves a special brief comment. This Power would seem to be becoming the chief actor on the Middle Eastern stage. With its strategic and economic interests it appears to be gradually replacing the European Powers which have traditionally dominated the area. The policy at present pursued by the United States in the Middle East consists not only of supporting indirectly the aims of colonialism and Zionism but also of filling the alleged vacuum left by the decline in the influence of the European Powers. In these circumstances the methods employed by the United States are coming to resemble more and more closely the methods of the past. 56. I should now like to examine a number of questions in the solution of which my country is particularly interested. 57. The. first of these questions, Algeria, appears once more on the agenda of the General Assembly. The present conflict in Algeria has now grown into a veritable war. The atrocities daily committed by the French and the sacrifices of the Algerian people in human life and material wealth make it more than ever necessary to seek a swift and just solution to this problem under the auspices of the United Nations. The repercussions of the Algerian war in Tunisia and Morocco render necessary the participation of these countries in any settlement of this conflict. The massive influx of Algerian refugees into Tunisia and Morocco and the serious incidents which have occurred on the frontiers of the two countries turn the Algerian question into a North African problem. Furthermore, this question is having profound repercussions throughout the world. 58. The resolutions adopted by the United Nations regarding Palestine have remained a dead-letter because Israel has refused to take notice of them. A just solution to this problem must be found — a solution based on a re-examination of the Palestine question from its beginnings. I do not wish to dwell on this subject at any greater length as it has already been amply dealt with. I examined it at the beginning of my own speech and the representatives of Arab countries who spoke before me have also expounded their views on it. 59. We note that no equitable solution has so far been found to the Cyprus question, and this is of grave concern to Syria. Indeed the fate of Cyprus touches us very closely by reason both of its nearness to our shores and of historical links which bind us to its people. The use of Cyprus as a military base against the Arab countries is a possible danger and indeed one which materialized at the time of the aggression against Egypt. We believe that the only solution to this problem is the application of the right of the Cypriot people to self-determination. A solution of this kind should also include the demilitarization of the island. 60. 1 should also like to mention the abnormal situation created at present in Yemen by repeated British acts of aggression against the territorial integrity of that country. These acts of aggression have been frequently brought to the attention of the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council. Yet such steps have not provided sufficient inducement so far to bring such acts of aggression, which seriously jeopardize peace in this area of the world, to an end. 61. Let us recall recent events in another part of the Arabian Peninsula resulting from the intervention of British armed forces in Oman. The Security Council has unfortunately not been able to investigate these events, although the people of Oman have the same right as any other people to freedom and peace. 62. I should not conclude this brief survey without drawing the Assembly’s attention to the case of West Irian and to the need for reopening negotiations between Indonesia and the Netherlands so that this territory could be united with the rest of Indonesia. 63. These are the chief points to which my delegation thought it desirable to draw the Assembly's attention during this general debate. I have tried to make an impartial survey of the real situation in the Middle East and more particularly in Syria. I am particularly interested in clearing up doubts which have been artificially created regarding this situation. If I have spoken at such length, and I wish to apologize for having done so, it was because I wished to contribute to that spirit of good understanding which must reign between peoples. I believe that ambiguous situations may sometimes prove dangerous obstacles to the maintenance of good international relations and peace in general. 64. Syria is firmly attached to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and no less attached to its own independence. In conformity with the very principles of the Charter, Syria is resisting and will continue to resist by all means in its power foreign intervention in its internal affairs, in the same way that it is resolutely determined not to intervene in the internal affairs of other countries. 65. In accordance with this policy we are happy to welcome the fleet of any Power which may come to pay us a friendly visit. We do not however like to be threatened by a Sixth Fleet which patrols our coasts, nor do we appreciate troop concentrations on our northern or our southern frontiers in. order to intimidate us. We are neither a threat nor a danger to anybody, and those who claim the contrary are trying to justify hostile and threatening actions which they are at present definitely taking against us. 66. I repeat that the Syrian people wish above all to live in peace and to be left in peace to continue their economic, social and cultural development. It is not long since we became free, but we have in that time made much progress in the field of development. During the last decade we have doubled our industrial production, increased our agricultural output by about 60 per cent and augmented our national income by about 8 per cent per year. During this period our educational services have quadrupled while our social and health services have more than doubled. 67. All we seek is to be sure of conditions allowing of the free development of our country so that we may pursue both internally and internationally a policy which is truly our own and which is moreover consistent with the Charter and our international commitments.