May I first of all perform a most pleasant task, that of offering Sir Leslie Munro my congratulations, thus joining in the tribute which our Assembly could not fail to pay to the distinguished personage whom it has elected to the Presidency of its twelfth session. In selecting to fill an international position of grave responsibility, the Assembly has given real proof of the confidence which he has won and which is commensurate with his outstanding qualifications.
96. I am particularly happy that our Assembly, by its re-election of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, has recognized the effective part which the Secretary-General continues to play in the maintenance of peace with so much perspicacity and dedication,
97. I should like too, on behalf of my country, to welcome the delegations of Ghana and the Federation of Malaya, whose admission as States Members of our Organization gives cause for hope to all those who believe that the attainment of independence is the final stage in a natural and inevitable evolution from colonial status.
98. This general debate is a healthy discipline in the process of solving our problems by stages, in so far as it helps in the working out, from divergent positions and points of view, of a common approach in conformity with the spirit of the Charter. Hence, no effort must be spared in comparing even mutually antagonistic attitudes as fully and explicitly as possible, provided the guiding principles of the Charter are not infringed.
99. It is in this spirit that my Government is determined to work to strengthen our Organization and to secure the enforcement of its decisions and the steady development of its activities in the maintenance of peace and good relations between nations.
100. No Member of the United Nations formally repudiates the obligation to comply with and strive for the universal application of the aims and principles of the Charter, but the will to carry out this obligation is not equally strong among all States.
101. Furthermore, although our Assembly has resolutely and correctly decided that all important issues should be debated, despite the opposition of certain Member States which adhere to a one-sided and, in the view of my delegation, erroneous interpretation of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, it is sometimes reluctant to fulfil its obligations satisfactorily, and at other times its recommendations are set at naught by certain Members, when their interests or prestige are affected. Thus the number of violations of the United Nations Charter is unfortunately increasing, and conflicts sometimes degenerate into unequal and deadly wars.
102. Let us not underestimate the resentment felt by peoples and nations who have suffered in consequence of that attitude. As violations of the spirit and even of the letter of the Charter multiply, and as it proves impossible to stop the trend by appropriate measures, the confidence of peoples in the United Nations decreases and individual groups, or even whole nations, reluctantly turn away from the use of peaceful measures and, in order to defend their legitimate rights and their lives which are endangered, resort to the desperate measure of active resistance. This resistance in its turn is used by certain Powers as an excuse for engaging in military operations which inevitably fail, since although force can partially destroy a people, it certainly cannot induce them to renounce the right to live in freedom and dignity.
103. These remarks relate primarily to ore of the main problems of our times, that of the fate of nations and peoples living under various forms of foreign rule, which has not changed in nature or effects. The lust for domination of certain Powers has been amply demonstrated and is universally deplored. But it is not as generally condemned, perhaps because of the monstrous notion of the "inequality of man”, even where merit is equal. I shall not dwell on the serious danger to international peace and security constituted by the continuance of an international order based solely on disparity in strength.
104. This problem has now reached a critical stage. In its various aspects and manifestations, it tends to monopolize the time of most branches of our Organization. A serious and sustained effort will be required to remove its causes. It is our bounden duty to try to reach an early settlement of existing conflicts and to prevent them from spreading.
105. It is against this background that I should like to recall the increasingly serious developments in Algeria. Because of the proportions of this conflict — the scale of military operations, the considerable increase in loss of human life and destruction — and its duration, it cannot be dismissed as a temporary difficulty, or regarded as a domestic dispute in connexion with which the United Nations has no responsibilities. The ravages of the war in Algeria affect two peoples, unequal in power but equally proud of their past and their traditions, who throughout all the vicissitudes of a colonial status based on the fortunes of war have nevertheless learned to know and respect one another. In a sense, the French attempt to assimilate Algeria was bound to result in the development of a national consciousness, strongly imbued with the liberal and democratic spirit which characterizes the radiant humanism of France.
106. The bloodshed which has now been going on in Algeria for three years is one of the most poignant tragedies of contemporary history, and certainly the gravest in its implications, after the wars in Korea and Indo-China. The horrors of a so-called war of "pacification", the unspeakable condition of the civilian population doomed to annihilation, the extensive losses which a Great Power is itself suffering in the lives of its young men and in its economic potential, without any corresponding gain either in political prestige or moral influence, and the fact that the war in Algeria appears to be an unending struggle which may well spread over a larger area, are all urgent considerations underlining the necessity of a settlement.
107. In my delegation’s view, the idea of Algeria as an integral part of the French Republic comes from an extraordinary misunderstanding not only of the true state of affairs in Algeria but also of the long-term interests of France. It is impossible not to be bitterly disappointed at the sight of a great nation, which has already guided several Members of this Assembly to independence, persisting in this dangerous course and thus turning back the historical tide which has brought it the gratitude of liberated peoples and the esteem of other countries everywhere. How can we agree that a policy of integration is still conceivable, that at the very gates of Europe, situated between two similar countries both of which are independent, Algeria can be regarded as a French province? Any scheme for partition of the country would run counter to the interests of the European population themselves and would create a permanent state of friction and conflict. In certain circles in France, the existence of this European population is the chief argument in favour of continuing the war. But what are we to think of this argument, when we compare the frightful cost of the war with the total volume of French investment in Algeria over several generations? As to the difficulties which a free Algeria, left to work out its own destiny, would encounter, war is a very strange method of averting them.
108. I cannot refrain from mentioning the growing tension which is affecting the relations between my country and France because of the continuation of the war in Algeria and its gradual infiltration into Tunisian territory. All the problems pending between France and Tunisia are affected, including military questions. Tunisia, which is an independent and sovereign State, is partly occupied by French troops. The reductions which had been agreed upon are being carried out very slowly, and have too often been haltered by frontier incidents caused by the almost permanent flow of Algerian refugees, among them a large number of women and children. The arrival in Tunisia of these refugees is made the pretext for continual incursions by French troops from Algeria and bombing of Tunisian territory by French aircraft. Not a day goes by without casualties. On the French side, much has been made of the "right of pursuit" and the "right of reply". The Tunisian Government has displayed and will continue to display great self-control in order to prevent these constant violations of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Tunisia from degenerating into a general conflict, but the French military authorities persist in acting as though they wished to provoke us into some violent reaction which would justify their invading Tunisian territory in force.
109. Despite hostile diplomatic activities seeking to persuade certain allies of France to refuse to supply Tunisia with the armaments or the munitions which it needs for its new army, and despite the ever-worsening situation, my Government is determined to try every means of conciliation in order to settle its differences with France and to use force only in strict self-defence. Similarly, my Government will spare no effort to help to find a solution of the Algerian problem and will do its utmost to promote a favourable climate for a joint examination by the parties concerned of ways and means of reaching a satisfactory settlement.
110. We are more than ever convinced that the Algerian problem will not be solved by force or by the institution of reforms, and that negotiations, conducted in an atmosphere of freedom, justice and mutual respect, are absolutely essential.
111. After the idea of a North African conference was bruited, Mr. Bourguiba, President of the Tunisian Republic, said that, from the Tunisian point of view, it would constitute a new opportunity "of mastering fate and reaching peace by negotiation". He continued: "We must grasp this opportunity and do all that we can to ensure its success". Thus my Government is ready, in this context, to act and, if the various parties are agreed, to enter into the joint consideration of any scheme which is likely to improve and strengthen the bonds of friendship and free co-operation between France and the three countries of North Africa, whose potential wealth is only just beginning to be revealed. Such a realistic approach would have been inconceivable a year ago. Today, the idea is apparently being seriously considered by responsible statesmen and by a large body of public opinion in North Africa. By encouraging a constructive settlement along these lines, all States Members will be contributing to the solution of one of the thorniest problems of our time and will render great service to the cause of peace.
112. My Governments attitude in this matter is in accordance with the spirit of universality and the principles of the Charter. It was those same imperatives which inspired and will continue to inspire its stand in regard to similar problems, such as Hungary, Cyprus and others.
113. My Government is moved by the same spirit of co-operation and the same desire to promote peaceful settlements in all matters relating to world peace and security. Thus it shares the anxiety of all States Members in regard to the threat which hangs over mankind of the possible outbreak of atomic war. All nations, large and small, whether or not they produce nuclear substances, are now living in a state of uncertainty and apprehension.
114. In order to end this obsession, which is at once alarming and degrading to mankind, we shall associate ourselves with any plan to divert the destructive power of nuclear weapons to peaceful uses, to suspend tests of nuclear weapons and to control existing stocks.
115. The recent advances made in the disarmament discussions are an encouraging sign. However, in order to lead to a successful conclusion, the discussions should have been conducted and ought to be resumed on a basis of mutual trust, free from all suspicion.
116. My delegation believes that one of the essential conditions for the maintenance of peace and security is the improvement of the social and economic position of peoples.
117. My Government is also convinced that peace must be uncertain as long as nations have not attained the stage of economic development and the social level at which they will be free from want, one of the causes of subversion and turmoil. In our opinion the interdependence of economic and social matters, which was stressed in the report of the Economic and Social Council, makes the establishment of the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development a matter of indisputable urgency.
118. I cannot, in this general debate, go into all the important and complicated questions which the General Assembly will have to discuss at its twelfth session. Upon examination of each one separately, my delegation will have to make known the position of my Government, which will always be imbued with the principles of the Charter and its universality.
119. Nevertheless, I must say that in the patient search for appropriate solutions to all the most important problems of our time, the decisive role of the United Nations should, in my delegation's view, be regarded as a continuing creation. My Government accordingly noted with satisfaction the action of the eleventh session in connexion with the United Nations Emergency Force and the Special Committee on the Question of Hungary. It is greatly to be desired, in order to expand the international role and the salutary effectiveness of the United Nations, that action o£ this kind should develop to a point at which the Organization will increasingly be able, through respect for right and justice, to ensure the victory of that international morality of which it remains the best incarnation.