231. Mr. President, I first wish to address myself
through you to Madam President. After so many distinguished
speakers, I am pleased and proud to greet her and
offer her my warmest and most fraternal congratulations on
her election to the presidency of this session of the General
Assembly. Her election to this high office is a great honour
not only to her country, but also to Africa and to the
United Nations, which is the common hope of us all. It is a
well-deserved tribute to her great and noble personal
qualities which she has for so many years generously
devoted to the service of the Organization.
232. I would not wish to embark on the substance of my
speech without also paying a sincere tribute to her
illustrious predecessor, our late lamented colleague,
Mr. Arenales, who guided the work of the last session with
such skill and energy.
233. It is with profound foreboding that we find the
opening of the Assembly once again marked with pessimism
and bitter disillusionment, amid distress and turmoil,
beneath threatening skies, torn by cries of suffering and
weeping from many troubled regions on our unhappy
planet, grappling with the forces of systematic destruction
and injustice. And to impart an even darker hue to this
sombre picture of stark, harsh reality, let us add that,
confronted with this painful situation which impedes the
forward march of mankind, the United Nations, the
cynosure of so many hopes, is still at the stage of groping
for solutions.
234. This melancholy situation, which is the characteristic
feature of the international community, is the more
overwhelming now that baleful and basely selfish interests,
often steeped in the most ignoble hypocrisy and betrayal,
the most abject criminality and cynicism, seem to be the
determining factors in the complex problems of our era.
235. The forces of evil, the vampires of reaction, imperialism,
colonialism and neo-colonialism are bent on maintaining
their yoke and their cowardly opposition to the
forces of revolution, stalwarts of liberty and justice. It is no
longer a secret for anyone that the conflicts which arise,
grow and spread over our globe, have their roots in the
existence of a mighty hidden force whose primary aim is to
undermine, sabotage and wreck the just causes, the efforts
and the strivings for freedom of the masses of the people of
all countries.
236. Since the revolution of 13, 14 and 15 August 1963,
modified by the movement of 31 July 1968 under the
authentic and exclusive revolutionary leadership of the
National Council of the Revolution, its directorate and its
great leader, Comrade Major Marien Ngouabi, President of
the National Council of the Revolution and Head of State,
my country, Congo (Brazzaville) has set out freely, resolutely
and inexorably on the road to socialism, along with
the rest of the revolutionary world, convinced that the
wheel of human history is turning ever more swiftly
towards the liberation of all enslaved peoples, in spite of
obstacles, in spite of the redoubled efforts of the forces of
opposition, and against world reaction, against the tottering
monster of imperialism, against moribund colonialism, and
against neo-colonialism now thrown into confusion by the
rising wave of the forces of the vanguard of world
revolution.
237. Congo (Brazzaville) has done its utmost in the past,
and will do its utmost in the future, to give substantial help
to the defence of oppressed peoples. It will do everything in
its power to hamper the efforts of the forces of domination
and enslavement, and to serve the interests of proletarian
internationalism and universal peace. In pursuance of this
policy, Congo (Brazzaville) has always whole-heartedly
condemned all attempts to despoil or persecute any of the
world’s peoples.
238. Thus, in the tragic Middle Eastern conflict between
the State of Israel and the Arab States, our position has
never been in doubt. My country demands the withdrawal
of Israeli forces from occupied Arab territories, in accordance
with Security Council resolution 22 (1967) of 22
November 1967. This resolution, which alas was not
respected by Israel, was followed by other resolutions
which have also remained dead letters, namely, resolution
248 (1968) of 24 March 1968, resolution 256 (1968) of 16
August 1968, and resolution 265 (1969) of 1 April 1969.
239. Such conspicuous failure justifies us in asking
whether the United Nations has not become a mere factory
for the production of resolutions. That was not the goal
that we set ourselves on joining this Organization, and
Congo (Brazzaville) feels compelled to draw the attention
of world opinion to the danger to which we are exposing
the whole of mankind by our passivity.
240. The position of Congo (Brazzaville) is clear beyond
all doubt. We hope that peace may speedily be restored in
that part of the world, but we condemn Israel’s annexationist
ambitions, believing that this unjust conflict is a
grave threat to world peace. The United Nations is in duty
bound to apply the obvious solution, which is, and it
cannot be repeated too often, the withdrawal of Israeli
forces from occupied Arab territories.
241. No solution can be deemed adequate and lasting if it
disregards the legitimate aspirations and rights of the people
of Palestine; one cannot cure a disease unless one attacks it
at the root. In order to be able to do this, the search for a
solution to this conflict, whose bloody episodes have
caused consternation the world over, must be undertaken in
a climate free from intrigue. Certain Powers, which have
already sufficiently distinguished themselves by their interference
in the affairs of other countries, must cease their
encouragement and support of the expansionist views of
one of the parties to the conflict. My country is accordingly
following with interest the discussions between the four
great Powers for the purpose of finding a solution to the
conflict in the Middle East.
242. Not far from that danger point, another tragedy of
human and material losses is the incredibly bitter struggle
between Nigeria and secessionist Biafra. This gangrene in
the heart of Africa, which is causing untold suffering to
innocent peoples, could have been quickly healed without
harm to Nigeria’s interests, had it not been for foreign
interference. But, sad to say, the fire which is devastating
that rich and beautiful country was lit and is being fanned
by foreign hands, groping for “black gold“, for it is quite
certain that if Nigeria’s subsoil did not conceal oil deposits,
the conflict ravaging that country today would never have
reached its present proportions. The great Powers must
therefore cease their interference in this part of the African
continent, whose peoples have suffered severely in the civil
war and wish for nothing but a return to normal life.
243. The problem of Nigeria is an African problem to
which an African solution must be found, a solution within
the framework of the Organization of African Unity and in
accordance with the resolution adopted by that body at the
recent “summit” conference in Addis Ababa. Congo (Brazzaville)
is against balkanization and the continuation of the war in Nigeria.
244. The list of scourges ravaging the African continent, a
large part of which emerged exhausted from the era of
colonialism, is unfortunately not yet ended.
245. Many African peoples remain cowed beneath the
colonialist yoke of Portugal, a small, under-developed,
half-primitive country, with one of the highest illiteracy
rates in the world, a country which, without the barbarous
imperialist forces of NATO, would not have lasted a single
day against the upsurge of the revolutionary masses of
Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau) and the Cape Verde
Islands.
246. Thus, by the unconditional support which they lend
to Portugal’s outdated policies and colonial military expeditions,
which they strengthen and equip in defiance of every
moral law and of the sacred right of peoples to decide their
own destiny, the forces of NATO are guilty of abominable
crimes which will remain for ever graven in the memory of
mankind.
247. The African populations under the Portuguese colonial
yoke have been basely oppressed and dishonoured. The
policy and conduct of the Portuguese administration in the
occupied African territories is the most reprehensible and
revolting imaginable. It is the brutal application of a policy
of systematic suppression of all rights. In these African
territories, under the oppressive rule of Portuguese colonialists,
the best land belongs to the Portuguese masters.
Trade and all other activities enabling man to take part in
the life of the community in which he lives are beyond the
reach of the indigenous population. The petty officials in
the interior are veritable executioners, both for the Lisbon
Government and on their own account; they assassinate
African citizens and every day set out to spread terror and
anguish with the assistance of a political police force
modelled on the Gestapo.
248. That, in a few words, is what the so-called humanitarian
countries of NATO are supporting and maintaining
through their partner, Portugal. That is why my country, in
face of Portugal’s colonial policy, which is a disgrace to
mankind, feels it its duty to assist unconditionally all
liberation movements of the peoples under its domination.
249. The implacable struggle of the peoples of Guinea
(Bissau), the Cape Verde Islands, Mozambique and Angola,
leads us naturally to another unjust situation which arouses
the anger and reproach of the world—that of the Zimbabwe
people and the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, in the
southern part of the African continent.
250. The segregationist policy of the South African
Government and its extremely insolent attitude towards the
United Nations are inadmissible, and have already grievously
undermined the prestige of the Organization. Congo
(Brazzaville) whole-heartedly denounces and condemns this
policy, based on racial discrimination, and demands that
the United Nations take strong measures to discourage once
and for all the racists of South Africa.
251. With regard to Namibia, the position of my country
is the same as that of the majority of the great United
Nations family. South Africa has no right whatsoever to
Namibia, since the United Nations has formally terminated
South Africa’s Mandate for South West Africa. Namibia
both juridically and lawfully belongs to its inhabitants, the
Namibians.
252. South Africa’s attitude towards this problem reeks of
pure villainy and its inveterate love of anachronism. At the
same time, were it not for the forces of imperialism, the
international monopolies, and the assistance of some
Members of this very Organization who practise a hideous
two-faced policy with regard to the segregationist forces of
South Africa, the Government of South Africa would
already have yielded to the repeated injunctions of the
United Nations.
253. And as might have been expected, under the influence
of apartheid, another focus of racial segregation has
been established where a small minority refuses to grant to
an overwhelming majority the right to participate in the
administration of its own country, thus trampling underfoot
the most elementary principles of democracy. Only
recently, parody was carried to extremes when the racist
rebel regime of Ian Smith organized a ridiculous referendum,
the results of which have made it the laughing stock
of the world.
254. As we have always said in regard to the situation in
Rhodesia, my country holds the Wilson Government
responsible, for despite the protests of peoples in all parts
of the world, including the British people, against the
policy of Ian Smith, the Wilson Government, whether
intentionally or unintentionally, showed itself strangely
complacent.
255. Thus, as a result of its equivocations, the United
Nations is confronted with a fait accompli and to challenge
such a fait accompli demands even greater energy and
stronger action. We are confronted by a dark conspiracy of
base interests whose members are South Africa, Portugal
and Rhodesia, aided and abetted by another equally shady
bunch of sympathizers and honorary presidents, the members
of NATO. That is another regrettable fact.
256. From one regrettable fact to another, mankind is
moving towards the abyss, and may well be engulfed in it
unless strong hands take up the challenge flung down
before the human race.
257. So long as no serious attack is launched against the
forces of international monopoly and the imperialist
interests which sustain the slow, subtle, implacable and
many-sided war known as the “cold war“, the forces of
liberation will never feel secure, and the peoples of the
world will never be able to achieve free expression, the
management of their own affairs or the guidance of the
destinies of their countries in accordance with their own
wishes and deepest aspirations. Glaring examples of this
abound.
258. We are living through a most deplorable tragedy: the
courageous struggle of the brave Viet-Namese people,
standing up on its own soil to one of the greatest Powers of
our time.
259. In regard to this painful problem, Congo (Brazzaville)
has always adopted an unequivocal position, unequivocal
because it is in defence of a just cause, the cause of
Viet-Namese patriots fighting for freedom and for the unity
of their country. The victories of the Viet-Namese forces
have always been enthusiastically applauded by our people.
My country was one of the first to recognize the Provisional
Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam, the establishment
of which marked a decisive turning-point in the
history of the Viet-Namese people in their struggle against
aggression, an aggression characterized by indescribable
atrocities and the most demoralizing barbarity.
260. This aggression must cease, and the South Viet-Namese
people left free to decide its own destiny. The Paris
Conference, from which the peoples of the world are
hoping so much, must stop marking time and move forward
to the stage of frank and realistic negotiations.
261. Unfortunately, the United States has refused to give
a serious reply to the ten-point package proposal put
forward by the National Liberation Front and the Revolutionary
Government of the Republic of South Viet-Nam,
notably to the two fundamental points of that proposal,
namely unconditional withdrawal of all United States and
satellite troops stationed in South Viet-Nam, and formulation
of a coalition government.
262. The withdrawal of 60,000 United States troops out
of a total of 600,000 in South Viet-Nam appears to the rest
of the world as an utterly insignificant gesture and the
Agence France Presse was quite right when it said on 16
September last that: “The White House was indulging in
arithmetical acrobatics which only added to the general
confusion” of the withdrawal. As that great American
newspaper, The New York Times, observed on 15 September,
these 60,000 United States troops, announced with a
great fanfare by the President of the United States from
this rostrum, will not affect the United States war effort in
any way.
263. The people of Congo (Brazzaville), like all peoples
who love peace and justice, once again condemns these
Machiavellian designs whose object is to prolong the United
States military presence in South Viet-Nam, and to gain
time to reinforce the army and bolster up the puppet
administration in Saigon. This object was clearly revealed in
the statement by Mr. Melvin Laird, the United States
secretary of Defense, published in Time magazine, that
even if there were a partial withdrawal, the United States
would still keep 250,000 United States troops in South
Viet-Nam for an indefinite period.
264. It is no accident that the United States, while
publicizing this withdrawal, continues to keep up military
pressure against the South Viet-Namese population. According
to the Agence France Presse of 14 September last,
the United States Tactical Air Force alone carried out 369
raids, and during the nights of 14, 15 and 16 September its
B-52s made twenty-four raids over South Viet-Nam. Since
12 September, the United States Navy and artillery have
attacked the demilitarized zone on numerous occasions,
and on 14 September, the United States artillery even
shelled the northern part of the zone.
265. How, in these conditions and in the face of such acts
of piracy, can anyone dare to talk of a genuine contribution
to peace and of a desire to put an end to the war, while at
the same time opposing the setting up of a coalition
government which alone could achieve national harmony, a
broad union of the various sectors of the population and
political parties, establish democratic freedom, and organize
free general elections in the whole of South Viet-Nam?
266. From this rostrum, the President of the United States
urged us, representatives of the 126 States Members of the
United Nations, to use our “best diplomatic efforts to
persuade Hanoi to move seriously into the negotiations
which could end this war” [1755th meeting, para. 60]. The
people of Congo (Brazzaville) are ready to do this, but they
would urge the Government of the United States, on the
basis of the Monroe Doctrine, to let the Viet-Namese settle
their own affairs without foreign interference. Congo
(Brazzaville) believes that the ending of hostilities now lies
entirely in the hands of the United States. After the failure
of the Democratic Government of President Johnson, we
fear that, with the obstinate determination of the Republican
Government to continue the war, the American
people may take to the streets and demand an end to this
ghastly tragedy, for, as The New York Times wrote on 29
August 1969, there can be no solution to the problem so
long as President Nixon continues to undertake to support
the Thieu regime.
267. Not far from Viet-Nam is another region where the
forces of evil have taken root—Korea, a true by-product of
the cold war. Congo (Brazzaville), true to its socialist
philosophy and to the immutable principle that all peoples
have certain inalienable rights, supports and will continue
whole-heartedly to support the Korean people. The need
for the presence of United Nations forces in this part of
Asia should be reviewed; we do not believe that it is likely
to improve the situation in this arbitrarily divided country;
and we fear in fact that it may be no more than a sham.
The Korean dispute must be settled in a climate free from
foreign interference, and our community, whose aim is to
promote and safeguard universal peace, must do its utmost
to ensure that this area lives and prospers in renewed
tranquillity and brotherhood. The problem of the unification
of Korea is a domestic problem for the Korean people
It must be settled by the Koreans themselves in conformity
with the provisions of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter
of the United Nations, which states that the United Nations
is not authorized to intervene in matters which are
essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State.
268. But to list all the manifestations of the cold war and
trace all the outbreaks of violence in the world would take
too long. The highly respectable United Nations has more
than once fallen into the trap of refusing to admit as a
Member the greatest nation on earth, refusing to allow it to
play its part in guiding our community. This is an absurd
paradox, and this great family of nations, which needs to be
strengthened to be effective, ought to remedy such a
grievous disregard of its own principles. My country
demands that, in the course of this session, the People’s
Republic of China should be reinstated in its rights as the
sole representative of the Chinese people.
269. The presence of a certain so-called nationalist China
in this Organization is inadmissible. The United Nations
must restore People’s China to its lawful rights, and at the
same time invite the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek to
surrender the rights they have usurped. The Congolese
people, like all justice-loving peoples, cannot accept that a
quarter of the world’s population should not be represented
in this Organization.
270. It seems to us inconceivable that, without the
People’s Republic of China, a solution can be found to any
of the major problems confronting the world. For example,
disarmament is held up by an obstacle that can only really
be surmounted when a delegation from Peking begins to
take an effective part in discussions. Whatever one may
think of it, China’s power is an established fact, and to keep
China out of the settlement of major world problems is
both absurd and hypocritical.
271. As for the substance of the problem of disarmament,
Congo (Brazzaville) wishes to state emphatically that the
great Powers which possess immense stocks of weapons
must base their decisions on sincerity and impartiality.
Congo (Brazzaville) does not want disarmament policy to
be a mere manoeuvre of the great Powers for the purpose of
establishing their supremacy. Disarmament must be effective
if it is to serve the real interests of peoples everywhere.
The astronomical rise in the great Powers’ expenditure on
armaments is scandalous and outrageous, in view of the
poverty, the ghettoes and the numerous other problems
confronting two thirds of mankind.
272. The startling imbalance in the world economic
situation testifies most eloquently to the dominant selfishness
to the barrier that divides the rich from the poor.
And everyone knows that this barrier, built on the
indifference and selfishness of the wealthy countries, grows
wider and higher every year.
273. As we enter what some call the Second United
Nations Development Decade we find, alas, that for many
of our countries the necessary conditions for embarking on
the process of rapid economic development are far from
having been attained. Not only is the third world economically
backward, to an alarming degree, in comparison
with the industrialized countries, but statistics all show that
this backwardness is increasing dramatically in relation to
population growth. And the facts, unfortunately, only serve
to confirm our pessimism when we consider what steps
have been taken in an endeavour to reverse the trend. The
New Delhi Conference dramatically revealed to the
whole world the underlying selfishness of the developed
countries.
274. The developing countries want to have done with the
sophisticated world of useless theorizing and condescension,
and to get straight into the stimulating and decisive
world of practical realities and genuine international solidarity.
It is for this reason that Congo (Brazzaville) believes
that economic co-operation and development must be given
new forms. This is another regrettable fact.
275. What conclusion can we draw from this brief survey
of the state of the game on the international chess-board?
Personally I decline to draw any conclusion, because the
facts speak for themselves more forcefully and more
spontaneously than anything that human intelligence could
devise.
276. I must, however, emphasize, for the benefit of the
people who have appointed you, honourable representatives,
that positive forces must act with redoubled energy
and determination if justice and peace are to prevail for us
and for future generations and if we are ever to see a more
worthy and more active international community.