85. First of all, I should like
to express to you, Madam President, the cordial and sincere
congratulations of the delegation of the Kingdom of
Swaziland and of myself, on your election as President of
this twenty-fourth session of the United Nations General
Assembly. Your election to this high office in the community
of nations is not only a tribute to your person and
to your country, but also an accolade to the women of the
world in general, and to those of Africa in particular. We, of
Swaziland, particularly rejoice over this recognition of the
status of womenfolk, a tradition that has existed from time
immemorial in Swaziland and is enshrined in our Constitution.
86. We are confident that with your wide experience in
the field of international diplomacy, your long association
with the work of the United Nations in a number of
capacities, your wise counsel, able guidance and charm in
discharging your duties, you will be able to deal
constructively with the very important issues which we are
faced with at this time when, it seems to me, the United
Nations must prove its worth in the face of the many
challenges that face it. On this note, I should like to express
the hope that our deliberations will be blessed with a
satisfactory realization of the objectives of this twenty-fourth
session of the United Nations General Assembly.
87. Let me, at this early stage of my address, express,
along with those colleagues who have preceded me, my
profound grief and that of my delegation and my country,
over the death of the former President of the General.
Assembly, Mr. Emilio Arenales, Minister for Foreign Affairs
of Guatemala. We were all very happy when we saw him
resume his office, after his sudden illness during the
twenty-third session of the General Assembly last year, and
we sincerely hoped that he had completely recovered, but,
alas, death took him away before he had accomplished his
important task.
88. He was a man of rare ability, with a dedicated and
devoted enthusiasm for the affairs of his country and those
of the international world. Alas, “Whom the Gods love die
young.” Despite the pain he suffered, Mr. Arenales led the
deliberations of the General Assembly with such skill and
consideration that he successfully brought a somewhat
difficult session to a happy close. We shared the sorrow of
the Secretary-General and those Members of the General
Assembly who had worked closely with him and had to
accomplish their task without their leader. Our condolences
go to the Government of the Republic of Guatemala. My
delegation feels grateful that, while Mr. Arenales lived he
discharged his responsibility for the betterment of all mankind.
89. I would not fulfil my obligation and the wishes of my
delegation if I failed at this point, to join the other
numerous delegations in congratulating the United States of
America on the epic journey and the landing on the moon
of the two astronauts on 20 July of this year. All over the
world, it was a supreme historical moment that transcended
all differences when men from Earth went out into hitherto
unfathomed parts of space. Indeed, all men exult in the
glorious success of these American astronauts. It has been
said that their success was the result of scientific progress
throughout the world for over a century. We believe,
therefore, that this act was accomplished for the benefit of
all mankind and in the name of humanity. We hail the three
men for their courage, we hail the United States of America
for its stamina, and we hail the world.
90. We are happy to say of the three men, in the beautiful
words of an English poet:
“Born of the sun they travelled a short while towards
the sun, And left the vivid air signed with their honour.“
91. My delegation is aware that the Soviet Union also
contributed positively towards that scientific feat. Our
tribute goes to them as well.
92. Since last year, when my Prime Minister addressed this
Assembly [1674th meeting] and my country had the
pleasure of a unanimous welcome from this community of
sovereign nations and took its place, as an equal partner, in
this world Organization, new attitudes, new interests, new
ambitions and priorities, new hopes and aspirations, as well
as new goals have been revealed to us, and a new
determination was born with each of them.
93. Since we emerged from the chains of colonialism,
events have taken on a more realistic dimension to us. Time
is a great leveller, and through time’s correcting lens, what
was born of independence will, we are convinced, one day
bear wholesome fruit. To this end we cherish our political
independence, and in the name of peace and justice we will
not permit any departure from the noble principles that we
uphold: a non-racial democratic State, governed under a
constitution which recognizes fundamental human rights
and guarantees maximum freedom for the individual,
irrespective of race, colour or creed. We reiterate our
unswerving belief in, and our uncompromising attitude
towards these principles.
94. It has been rightly asserted that political independence
without economic independence is meaningless. Our struggle
for economic independence began when we regained our
political freedom and national sovereignty. My delegation
notes, however, that no country can be economically
independent in the modern world. It is true that some
countries, by their strategic position and geographical
situation, are better able to regulate their terms of trade
and gain tremendously compared to others, but all countries
are, as they must be, interdependent.
95. Ours is a land-locked country with all the limitations
which such a situation naturally imposes on trade. On this
issue I can say no more than quote my Prime Minister when
he addressed this Assembly last year:
“Of necessity we co-operate economically with these
neighbours, for, apart from our local arrangements, we
reach the outside world through them. Consequently, we
feel that if economic sanctions were applied by the
United Nations against our two neighbouring countries,
they would adversely affect our economic development.
“This does not, however, mean, that we subscribe to
these countries’ political beliefs, as we are totally opposed
to racial discrimination...” [1674th meeting, para. 124.]
May I add that we are equally opposed to any form of
perpetuation of colonialism and minority rule in any part
of the world.
96. On the question of land-locked developing countries,
my delegation is encouraged by the initial steps taken at the
resumed eighth session of the Trade and Development
Board held in Geneva from 5 to 20 May 1969 in
accordance with resolution 11 (II) adopted by the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development at its
second session, and resolution 50 (VIII) by the Trade and
Development Board at its eighth session. My delegation
hopes that this problem will be given a prominent place in
the priority list of urgent United Nations undertakings, and
that those Member States of the United Nations which are
neighbours of land-locked countries will find it possible to
accede, as Swaziland has acceded, to the International
Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States. This
should be done, if, only by so doing, a sense of security, so
essential for trade and stability in developing countries, can
be generated and maintained.
97. Earlier in my statement I referred to the majestic
adventure of man’s epic journey to the moon, a dream that
came true within a decade of its inception. The then
President of the United States of America, the late John F.
Kennedy, on 25 May 1961 said:
“I believe this nation should commit itself to achieving
the goal of landing a man on the moon and returning him
safely to earth.”
98. By a combination of scientific knowledge, courage,
dedication, genius and ingenuity, the human spirit, as
indefinable as faith or love, has, in the incredibly short time
of man’s progress, achieved an apparently impossible task.
Indeed, a giant step for man, in the words of the first man
on the moon. While my delegation applauds this successful
venture, as indeed does the rest of the world, some concern
is felt, by the fact that this achievement itself relates to
man’s daily needs here on earth. It has political, moral,
social and philosophical implications, We ask most humbly:
will this achievement increase technological progress or help
desperate social needs? Will it help to bring about closer
co-operation between technologically advanced countries or
will it simply spur them on to work in competitive secrecy
for world domination? Will it form a base for a joint
venture by all nations for the exploration of outer space for
peaceful uses by all mankind or will a great deal more
expenditure go towards duplicating the efforts of power-bloc
leadership? These are questions that my delegation
puts to this august Assembly and indeed before the rest of
mankind. How very encouraging it would be to see answers
to these questions provided in deeds and not merely in words.
99. In the year 196] another programme was initiated:
the first United Nations Development Decade. When the
General Assembly designated the decade [resolution
1710 (XVI)], it noted that “in spite of the efforts made in
recent years the gap... between the economically developed
and the less developed countries has increased ...”
Here again, my delegation does not wish to draw
unnecessary analogies from the success of the Apollo
programme except in so far as both the Apollo and the first
United Nations Development Decade were initiated in the
same year. One has been successful and the other has failed.
In spite of all efforts and in spite of minimal achievements
registered here and there, we recognize that the Development
Decade has so far failed in its principal objectives,
namely, that of raising, to an appreciable degree, the
standard of living in less developed countries and narrowing
the gap between the “haves” and “have-nots”. My delegation
can only suggest that the failure of the first United
Nations Development Decade programme was mainly
caused by the lack of political will on the part of some of
those nations which could have invested capital in this programme.
100. I now turn to the troubled spots of the world. We
live in a divided world which has political and ideological
divisions and these are a source of danger in the affairs of
man. Regrettably, they have not been lessened, even after
24 years of United Nations activities. There is division in
Europe and there is division in Asia, Yes, there is also
division in Africa and Central America. My delegation
would be happy if all the Member States of the United
Nations began, right here and now, a combined deliberate
effort to give momentum to a détente, and also co-operate
more to consolidate universal peace. It appears to us that
the pledges made, some 24 years ago, to promote the cause
of peace and harmony among nations, have not taken.man
much further from the miseries of war than he was then. If
anything, the road to peace is being made more difficult by
those nations which say one thing at the United Nations
here and do just the exact opposite of what they have said
in the practical execution of their home policy towards
their neighbouring or other States. Without a rule of law,
justice and respect for one another’s sovereignty, we remain
far from the objective which we have pledged ourselves to
achieve; realization of world peace, guided by the principle
of mutual respect and sovereign equality.
101. However, my delegation is nevertheless encouraged
by the efforts of those concerned to end the war in
Viet-Nam, although the Paris peace talks have not gained
ground as effectively as one had expected to save human
lives that are being lost daily.
102. The Middle East situation remains a source of grave
concern to us and to all other peace-loving nations. My
country has faith in the role of the United Nations as an
effective means for bringing about peace and happiness in
that troubled area, as well as among other nations. We also
hold the view that all nations, big or small, have a
God-given right to exist and that the sovereignty of each
State is indivisible. Consequently, in all our international
operations we have to be guided by the principle of respect
for the dignity, independence and sovereignty of all States
of the globe.
103. We do not regard the Nigerian tragedy lightly.
Indeed, it weighs heavily on Africa. It is an ominous cloud
of evil over our cherished and hard-won freedom. Because
we realize that many innocent lives have been and are being
lost, and because we hate to see that situation continuing to
undermine African independence, we urge all men of
goodwill to support the Organization of African Unity in its
endeavour to find a negotiated peace.
104. The intolerable situation in Rhodesia continues to
haunt the conscience of free Africa. That situation has been
brought about by the puzzling failure of the British
Government to assert its ultimate legal authority over
Rhodesia, and these circumstances have been ruthlessly
exploited by a dominant white minority against the
legitimate interests of the African majority. It is indeed sad
that Britain’s past record of decolonization should now be
marred by this final eclipse of its power to further the cause
of freedom. We cannot rest under this inertia but will take
up the cause of the United Nations in its efforts to bring
down the illegal Smith regime and to restore justice to Rhodesia.
105. We have been very distressed by the Portuguese
Angola-Zambia border disturbances. We sincerely hope that
the facilities of the United Nations will enable a peaceful
solution to be effected before further incidents occur.
106. We, in the Kingdom of Swaziland, are now engaged,
as I said earlier, in a serious economic struggle. We truly
hope that, with the help and co-operation of Member States
of the United Nations, our economy may, before long, take
proper shape. We have, of course, serious problems and
set-backs which beset us, but these are not insurmountable.
Already, with the encouragement and tangible participation
of the United Nations in Swaziland, at least some ground of
our development programme is being covered, and I should
like to record my country’s appreciation and gratification
to the United Nations for the assistance already made available.
107. In conclusion, allow me to repeat my delegation’s
conviction regarding the United Nations. We regard it as a
collective instrument for international peace, and not
merely as a platform where we can air our grievances and
our differences in complete disregard of the provisions of
the Charter and its objectives. We believe, as is stated in the
Charter of this family of sovereign nations, that force has
no place in modern society, that this generation and the
generations to come should suffer war no more, but that
they should learn to love, and to eliminate ignorance,
poverty, hunger, disease and discrimination.