3. Madam President, your election as
President of the twenty-fourth session of the United
Nations General Assembly is an event which invites one to
reflect on the history of your country and the relationship
down the centuries between the races labelled as black and
those labelled as white. Two things stand out after
reflection. The first is that race relations are a sphere in
which the achievements of man fill us all with shame, and
the second is that in your election we may take comfort
and hope that mankind is making progress, even in this
sphere so full of the sad records of man’s inhumanity to
man, too shameful to recall on an occasion such as this.
4. It is in the light of this sober reflection of history,
Madam President, that I wish you toe accept the warmest
greetings, good wishes and felicitations from the Government
and people of Ghana: first, because your election
gives happy evidence of the notable advance that mankind
has made in the twentieth century in the important task of
learning how to live together as members of the same
family, and secondly, because in your own personal
qualities and in your achievements you bring honour to all
Africa, particularly to the womanhood of Africa. You have
given yet one more proof that man is not superior to
woman, not one race superior to another. Madam President,
please accept our sincerest congratulations.
5. Permit me now to refer to my own country, and to an
event which has recently taken place there. It deserves to be
noted as it is of historic and global significance. On 24
February 1966, the armed forces of my country, in
co-operation with the police, overthrew the government in
a coup d’état. The joyous and spontaneous general approval
and acclaim, accorded to the armed forces and the police
throughout the country, clearly demonstrated the people’s
endorsement of their action. It was the people of Ghana,
not those elsewhere, who were best qualified to judge their
own Government and those who overthrew it. They were
the ones who had borne the suffering, degradation and
deprivation inflicted by a tyrannical, corrupt and inefficient
Government. They were the ones who had paid for the
extravagances, ostantation and inordinate ambition that
had dazzled those outside, who only watched from afar
without seeking to probe beneath the glittering surface.
6. When, after assuming power, the National Liberation
Council of soldiers and policemen declared that they would
hand over power to elected representatives of the people as
soon as possible, many both within and outside Ghana,
were sceptical; they had cause to be doubtful for were we
not familiar with military juntas, both in Africa and
elsewhere, making similar declarations and promises, and
repeatedly failing to fulfil them?
7. In Acora sixteen days ago, on 1 October 1969, in the
presence of distinguished guests and representatives from all
over the world, I was handed our new Constitution as a
symbol of the transfer of power from a military to a civilian
Government. I should like to quote a few words from what
I said on that occasion:
“It is a unique and noteworthy event that men who
have seized power, and who have the means and the
ability to continue to wield it, should not only voluntarily
decide to surrender it but should also supervise
orderly free and scrupulously fair elections for the people
to choose those to whom the power should be transferred.
By any standard, this is an example of dignity
and nobility at its best, and we are proud to be able to
show the world that we have fellow citizens who can rise
to such heights of grandeur.
“You have handed to me, as a symbol of the transfer of
power from you to a democratically-elected civilian
Government, our new Constitution. It is a Constitution
which seeks to place the exercise of power under
restraint. It is the fruit of our recent experience. It bears
the marks of our scars, our fears and our aspirations. Its
underlying philosophy is that no man, or group of men, is
virtuous enough to hold power without checks. My
colleagues and I to whom the nation has freely entrusted
that power accept the philosophy which underlies our
Constitution. We are conscious of our fallibility as human
beings, and we recognize the need to establish and
develop institutions which help to tame the unbridled
exercise of power. We shall endeavour to uphold the
ideals of freedom and justice enshrined in our
Constitution.”
8. I am proud and thankful to be addressing this Assembly
this afternoon as the Prime Minister of the Second Republic
of Ghana; proud because my country has demonstrated
what I am sure the rest of the world will note, that it is
possible to return from military to civilian rule by peaceful
democratic processes, and I am thankful that I am alive and
privileged to tell the world of this unique achievement.
9. At the time of the military coup in Ghana, relations
between Ghana and her neighbours had been strained by
the imperialist ambitions of the former régime, and they
were far from being cordial. One of the principal tasks
which the National Liberation Council set itself was to
improve relations with our neighbours and to lay a
foundation for beneficial co-operation. In this the Council
was highly successful, and my Government intends to
continue to pursue the same policy.
10. Our international policy will be based on the ideal of
the brotherhood of all nations and peoples. That ideal
derives inspiration from the faith that all nations and
peoples, in spite of cultural and historical differences,
belong to the same species of man, share a common
humanity, and can dwell together in brotherly amity. We
believe that human life cannot reach its highest level except
in a world in which the barriers to friendship and
brotherhood have been broken down. We take note of the
fact that the scientific and technological advances of our
contemporary world do not only increase the inter-
dependence of the nations of the world, but also compel
and make possible closer co-operation among the nations. A
rational reflection on the possibilities, both for good and
evil, opened to mankind by the knowledge and power at
present available, make the efforts to build a world
community based on brotherhood and responsibility, one
for the other, the only alternative to destruction and
annihilation. So we share the beliefs and hopes which
motivated the founding of the United Nations and which
provide the basis for its existence as an instrument for
human understanding, co-operation and world peace.
11. Brotherhood implies the acceptance of all members of
the human family as equals. There can be no inequality in
our common humanity. Fundamental to our concept of
brotherhood, and to our foreign policy is the firm
conviction that international relations must be based on the
acceptance of two established facts; first, that all races are
equally human, and second, that human cultures do not
and cannot divide men, because all men are capable of
learning and mastering any culture if they are given
sufficient exposure to it and the opportunity to learn. The
cultural achievements of all men of all ages and of all
countries constitute the common heritage of man from
which all can and may draw. Our approach to the specific
problems of racial and international relations that afflict
our world will be based on the implications of the basic
ideas I have tried to state.
12. When our foreign policy is described as one of
non-alignment, it has meaning only in the historical context
of our contemporary world where two power blocs,
championing two conflicting ideologies, have faced each
other. Non-alignment does not mean for us non-involvement,
for, whether we like it or not, all mankind is
inextricably bound together, and our lives are becoming
increasingly intertwined. Our interpretation is that we
reserve the right to make our own judgements and take our
own decisions on international issues on the basis of two
considerations. The first and primary consideration must be
the interests of our own country within the context of our
international obligations, interests which, as its Government,
we must put above all others. The second consideration
is for the welfare and peace of the world on which our
progress and prosperity ultimately depend.
13. We will not be tied to the apron strings of any
country, whether East or West. But we freely acknowledge
what is obvious and what realism compels us to recognize as
the facts of history. Our own historical contacts and
experiences have brought it about that we share more
common interests with some countries at this point than
with others. They compel us to endeavour to forge the
closest links with our brothers in Africa, particularly our
neighbours with whom we share common boundaries. We
also recognize that we need to establish friendly relations
with all countries seeking world peace and brotherhood. It
is a necessity for cur economic development and progress.
As we see it, the task facing our nation, and indeed all
nations, is to widen and increase our areas of mutual
interests and deepen our relations with other nations and
peoples, so that we can build a world community of
nations, bound together by our common interests and
objectives. This task is made possible through our contacts
and associations at the United Nations and numerous
international groups.
14. Therefore, doctrines that are based on maintaining
divisions among peoples are not acceptable to us. We
consider policies based on racial or cultural discrimination
or segregation to be wrong in their philosophic assumptions,
as well as threats to world peace. It is in that light
that we view the policies of South Africa, Rhodesia and
Portugal. They are based on doctrines which we consider to
be false and pernicious.
15. The existence of the United Nations General Assembly
is based on the assumption, explicit and implied, that all
men are capable of being persuaded by rational argument,
and also that there is a moral language of principles of right
and wrong which all men share, whatever their race, colour
or tongue. If we did not accept these assumptions, the
existence of this august body and all the efforts and money
expended on it would be futile and pointless. However the
achievements which the Assembly has to its credit leave no
doubt about the soundness of the assumptions I have enunciated.
16. Consequently, I do not wish to take time by referring
in detail to the problems posed by the policies of South
Africa, Rhodesia and Portugal. They are well known at this
Assembly. The main question is what to do to resolve them.
When rational persuasion fails, then what? The answer
which appears to have been accepted and applied in the
African context is to apply half-hearted sanctions which
some countries responsibly accept, and others flout. That,
of course, was doomed to failure. When decisions of the
Assembly and the principles and objectives of the Charter
of the United Nations are defiantly flouted, as in the case
of Southern Rhodesia, or as in the case of Namibia, what is
to be done? Such incidents demand a fresh examination as
to the effectiveness of the United Nations.
17. An Organization such as this will inevitably be faced
with situations which do not offer easy solutions but which
call for painful and courageous decisions if we are to leap
forward toward the goals we seek. Since half-hearted
sanctions have not worked, dare we consider applying more
stringent sanctions in addition to those contained in
Security Council resolution 253 (1968) of 29 May 1968?
Imposing more effective sanctions would place the general
welfare of humanity above narrow selfish interests. The
lesson seems to be that where rational persuasion fails and
other measures are resorted to, those measures must be
such as will be effective. Otherwise, more harm is done
since it brings into question the effectiveness of the United
Nations itself, and even its future as an institution capable
of fulfilling its objective and justifying the hopes centred on it.
18. A survey of the problems which are dealt with in the
Secretary-General’s reports poses one inescapable challenge,
which is to make the United Nations itself an effective
instrument for peace by developing effective sanctions and
procedures, and by harnessing the collective action of its
Members to deal with thorny problems. Like all human
institutions, the United Nations must be capable of
adaptation and growth to meet new needs and situations or
stagnate and become an anachronism.
19. There are various subjects of topical interest and
concern which, in accordance with the established custom
here, every speech should deal. Among them are Africa, the
Middle East, South-East Asia, disarmament, the representation
of the People’s Republic of China, and the work of the
preparatory committees. As I have nothing new to add to
the statements that have been made by the Government we
have succeeded, I do not propose to indulge in tiresome repetition.
20. However, I wish to betray my simplicity and naivete,
for which I claim the indulgence of the Assembly since I am
a novice, by saying a few homely and commonplace things
which I hope will reflect what is in the minds of some of
the millions of simple ordinary men and women around the
world whom this Organization seeks to serve.
21. Now that I have the opportunity I will publicly admit
that I have often wondered whether the display by all
concerned of some real sincerity and goodwill in the
handling of problems like the Middle East, South-East Asia
or disarmament, going beyond the facade of make-believe
diplomacy, behind which eminent representatives and
diplomats hide their real faces and selfish aims from one
another, would not produce solutions to some of these
apparently insoluble problems.
22. I have talked of a common moral language which
binds mankind and makes an international organization like
the United Nations rational and meaningful. But why is
that language so rarely spoken when we have to deal with
difficult international problems that require the
reconciliation of different sectional interests?
23. Take for example the arms race, which in 1968 cost
$280,000 million. Why this accumulation of armaments
which everyone knows poses a grave danger to world peace
and security? Yet the work of the Conference of the
Committee on Disarmament is prolonged by incomprehensible
discussions of technicalities while the arms race
continues, and the fears and feeling of insecurity of the
nations mount ominously. Is it not that, behind many of
the technicalities, lie what the ordinary man and woman
understand to be distrust and lack of confidence in one
another? When the diplomats meet, they wine and dine
together and talk interminably and impressively about the
many complex questions they pose to one another, but all
the time they are haunted, one and the other, by the moral
issue of trust. There is no mutual trust, only suspicion and
fear. We are all afraid of one another and distrustful of one
another, and we have become experts at raising screens to
hide our true goals and interests from one another. A great
deal of the disillusionment and frustration creeping over the
world’s hopes for the United Nations comes from the
ordinary man’s discernment that the Organization is becoming
a place where men are engaged in hiding truth from
one another, instead of tearing down their masks and facing
truth together in a joint effort to build a peaceful,
harmonious world.
24. It is in the areas where the common moral language
has been truthfully spoken and there has been no hiding
behind masks that the United Nations has achieved success
and has been a powerful instrument. I remember how very
deeply impressed I was, some fifteen years ago, at an
international conference in Milan, when the leader of the
delegation of one of the four big Powers declared, during a
discussion of the question of aid to developing countries,
that it was the moral duty and responsibility of the rich
countries of the world to help the poor ones. It came as a
startling novelty, and yet those of us who come from poor
countries can justifiably make claims on the rich countries
only on the basis of mankind’s common moral language,
that everyone should be his brother’s keeper and that the
poor, the hungry, the thirsty, the handicapped and the
disabled have claims upon those who are not so afflicted.
25. In our view, the greatest and most creditable advance
the United Nations has made in the twentieth century is to
have accepted and based the activities of its agencies on the
moral responsibility of the nations and peoples of the world
to help one another.
26. That is why we may venture to talk about economic
aid and international co-operation to raise the living
standards of the poorer areas of the world. We are in the
closing period of the First United Nations Development
Decade and on the threshold of the next. During the last
ten years, experience has proved that it is possible for poor
countries to make a quite rapid transition to the status of
industrialized countries. In the most recent years it has
been shown that the problem of feeding large and rapidly
increasing populations can be solved by the application of
modern science and technology. Thirty of the developing
countries are likely to have achieved the growth target of
the First United Nations Development Decade by the time it
ends, and it has been proved that the systematic provisions
of international assistance towards the national development
efforts of the developing countries can yield results in
terms of economic and social development.
27. It seems to me a reasonable judgement that if
international economic co-operation had not flagged so
disastrously during the past ten years the targets set for the
decade could have been achieved by the majority of
developing countries.
28. The fact that only three of the industrialized countries
have so far achieved the target of aid which was
internationally adopted, and the difficulties which were experienced
in the recent replenishment of the resources of the
International Development Association show that there is a
most urgent need for responding more faithfully to the
moral obligations which were accepted. More strenous
efforts need to be made for strengthening international
economic co-operation. The world community has still not
made any progress in facilitating the trade of the developing
countries in order to help them help themselves. An
imperfect sugar agreement and the international coffee
agreement stand as lonely exceptions to a general failure to
reorganize the international trade in primary commodities
which is of such overriding importance to the Third World.
In the case of cocoa, which is of vital interest to Ghana, we
have had many resolutions expressing support of the
principle and declaring the intention to co-operate in
working out an international agreement. After more than
ten years of negotiation there is still no international cocoa
agreement. My Government hopes that, through the practical
co-operation of all the parties concerned, this statement
will no longer be true a year from now.
29. It seems clear to us that the international strategy for
development, which is being so carefully worked out for
the coming decade, should be backed by firm undertakings
in the area of international co-operation in trade and
finance; otherwise it will lose most of its meaning. The
Government of Ghana and those of other developing
countries, I am sure, will commit themselves to the task of
mobilizing our internal resources for our own development:
As Governments responsible to the people of the developing
countries, we cannot escape that commitment. We
should also accept any measures that seem to be required to
make the machinery for the implementation of international
economic policy more effective. We must then look
to the developed countries to commit themselves to the
level of effort that is required, in order to fulfil their part in
this joint venture for the advancement of the peoples of the world.
30. This commitment should include, in particular, the
assurance of sufficient funds to the multilateral agencies so
that they can play an increasing part in the planning and
financing of national and regional development. The multi-
lateral organization and co-ordination of aid has established
its merits beyond doubt, and it is our hope that this will be
reflected in the aid policies of the donor countries. We, in
Africa, must emphasize multinational co-operation as an
essential part of development strategy during the years
ahead. The Government of Ghana has participated vigorously
in all the attempts that have been made at regional
and sub-regional co-operation in Africa. We call on the
world to support these programmes and, in particular, to
supplement the self-help of the African countries which has
been demonstrated in the establishment of the African
Development Bank.
31. Together with other developing countries, Ghana will
be carrying into the next decade a load of debits, the
servicing of which will constitute a grave impediment to our
prospects of national development. We cannot bear it unless
we are prepared to deny essential commodities to our
people, accept a condition of steady inflation and random
scarcities of the most elementary necessities, be indifferent
to massive unemployment among adults, and abdicate
responsibility for the employment of the youth who are
daily coming forward prepared to earn an honest livelihood.
These are conditions which a democratically elected government
cannot afford to accept. National development in
Ghana has been virtually at a standstill for about five years
now. It seems that, under the existing practices, our
Government, which has been expressly elected by the
people of Ghana to end these difficulties, might be required
to continue servicing these past debts and to forsake our
mandate. I hope our creditors, who have shown a willingness
earlier on to recognize the need for dealing with this
debt problem through negotiation and concerted action,
will be equally willing to listen to the aspirations of our
people and co-operate in arrangements for debt repayment
which make it possible for our new Government to respond
to their needs.
31. In conclusion, I would like to say that my Government
regards the United Nations as a symbol of hope for
the world. Despite its imperfections and failures, it has
achieved successes which have justified its existence as a
forum for the exchange of ideas and information, for the
creation of avenues for international understanding and
co-operation, and for the collective building of an international
community of all races and all peoples who have
learnt to respect and regard one another as equal members
of the human family, and have accepted the responsibility
for being each his brother’s keeper. We value our member-
ship of this Assembly and we, on our part, will do all in our
power to help it grow to fulfil the world’s hopes and
aspirations placed in it as an instrument of peace and progress.
33. Madam President, may the General Assembly, under
your able and engaging guidance at this session, move a step
nearer the realization of the vision to which it owes its
existence! May God help it progressively fulfil its mission!