42. Madam President, you will
understand better than anyone that, as I come to this
rostrum, my first concern is to associate myself with those
previous speakers who have made a tribute to the memory
of your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Emilio Arenales, who
has been torn from us by an untimely death. You will
understand this all the more because in your native Africa,
in our far-off Africa, it is traditional to associate the dead
with all the affairs of daily life. The tribute that the
Democratic Republic of the Congo pays to this great man
who has left us will be in keeping not only with that
African conviction and belief but also with the admiration
he inspired in those who knew his qualities as an enlightened
diplomat and eminent statesman. In spite of the
differences of opinion which can arise during the debates of
an Assembly such as ours, Mr. Arenales was able, thanks to
his knowledge of men, to rise above controversies. I hope
that, throughout our work at this twenty-fourth session,
the sacrifice which he made for the cause of the United
Nations and for the triumph of peace will serve us as a
model of devotion and abnegation.
43. Madam, your election to the presidency of the
twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly should be a
matter of profound satisfaction for all men and a cause of
legitimate pride for Africa in particular. Indeed, it testifies,
to the extent that such an election can do so, to the
fulfilment of the Charter principles relating to the struggle
being waged by all peoples against every form of discrimination.
The great experience you have acquired in the affairs
of your country, the interest you have shown for years in
the problems of the United Nations, your active collaboration
in the field of decolonization — all this constitutes for
the Congolese delegation and, I may venture to say, for all
delegations in this Assembly, a guarantee of your success in
carrying out your heavy task. My country, which is linked
to your own by ties of friendship and brotherhood, wishes
to assure you immediately of its sincere collaboration.
Following the example of a Mongi Slim and a Quaison-Sackey,
you will preside over the work of this twenty-fourth
session of the General Assembly with competence
and dignity, stamping it with the personality of the African
continent.
44. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, convinced as it is of the need for co-operation
among nations, will participate, as it has done every year, in
the work of the twenty-fourth session of the General
Assembly by making its contribution to the establishment
of world peace and to the preservation of the purposes and
principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. It
will be our task to mobilize all means likely to promote
United Nations action for the maintenance of international
peace and security.
45. The deliberate violation of the principles of the
Charter is the cause of the tensions which are now rending
the world asunder, encouraging the arms race, jeopardizing
every effort to settle disputes peacefully and thereby
seriously endangering international peace and security.
Throughout the world — in Asia, in Africa, in Europe and in
America — our planet is dotted with centres of unrest.
46. In the very heart of Africa a tragedy is dividing a
nation, a great nation, which, with its economic and human
potential, should be considered a hope for our continent.
For reasons of selfish interests, this fratricidal war is being
kept alive by supplies of arms from abroad, thus preventing
the Organization of African Unity from playing its role of
mediation and conciliation.
47. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is’ particular!
sensitive to the sufferings of that people because it, too, has
been a victim of similar situations. It is therefore firmly
resolved to take an active part in the search for a just and
equitable solution which will safeguard first and foremost
the territorial integrity of that great country and then make
it possible to ensure a lasting peace for all the peoples of
Nigeria.
48. One cannot deny the sufferings and misery which this
war, like any other war, has brought in its wake. There is
obviously a need for humanitarian action. But it would be
unfortunate if, under the cover of such a noble objective,
certain institutions were to pursue political aims which are
opposed to the legitimate demands of the Nigerian people.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo, therefore, refuses
to encourage any national sincerity which would seek a
solution to its problem in secession. While it declines to
recognize the situation resulting from secession in Nigeria,
my country remains in favour of any action that would
ensure a lasting peace safeguarding the legitimate aspirations
of the Nigerian people as a whole. Our attitude, which
is dictated by both principle and reason, thus remains
invariably the same.
49. With regard to the Middle East, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo endorses the views expressed by the
Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report
[A/7601/Add.1]. In that part of the world, the resurgence
of violence and the increase in tension are further reducing
the prospects of peace. We favour negotiations among the
four great Powers affected by the conflict in the Middle
East in so far as such negotiations may lead to a solution of
lasting peace among the belligerents. However, we ask these
great Powers to be honest with themselves and to stop
encouraging the parties to the conflict by supplying them
with arms and munitions. The delegation of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo firmly believes that an objective
application of the Security Council resolution of 22
November 1967 [242 (1967)] would undoubtedly lead to
the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East.
50. In the Far East, it will soon be twenty-five years that
the Viet-Namese people have been involved in civil war, a
war which will have lasted for as many years as our
Organization. Here again, we are faced with the inability of
the United Nations to put an end to that tragedy, because
certain countries whose function in the Security Council is
to safeguard world peace have shirked their responsibilities
in order to preserve their own hegemony. The Paris
negotiations, which had appeared to offer a glimmer of
hope, are proving more and more of a disappointment. The
Democratic Republic of the Congo, at the risk of repeating
itself, reiterates the positions which it has always upheld,
namely, the right of peoples to self-determination and, in
the case of Viet-Nam, a return to the application of the
Geneva Agreements of 1954.
51. Moreover, it is impossible to refer to the problems of
the Far East without linking them with the influence of
China. No lasting peace can be established in South-East
Asia without the participation of the world’s most populous
country, a country with a considerable economic
potential. Moreover, mainland China, whether one likes it
or not, has become a nuclear Power. Truth compels us to
admit this fact. The universality towards which our
Organization aspires would be advanced if the People’s
Republic of China were associated in its work.
52. Unfortunately, however, it must be admitted that the
People’s Republic of China offers us little encouragement in
this respect. By setting up violence as the golden rule of its
foreign policy, by proclaiming armed struggle as a means of
ensuring its control over the Asian continent, the People’s
Republic of China is pursuing objectives which are far from
consonant with the ideals of peace contained in the Charter
of our Organization.
53. Furthermore, in the opinion of my delegation, if
mainland China should enter the United Nations, this
should not lead to the exclusion of Nationalist China. It
does indeed appear paradoxical to us that the very people
who wish to compel the international community to
recognize the eastern part of Germany as an independent
political entity refuse to admit that Nationalist China, a
Member of the United Nations, undeniably constitutes an
independent and sovereign political entity.
54. These factors will determine the attitude of the
Congolese delegation to the question of the presence of
Communist China in the United Nations.
55. The upheavals which are now taking place in the world
have not spared the European continent. Last year that
continent was the scene of events which quite rightly
aroused the indignation of the international community.
Our delegation cannot support a conception of regional
security which, in defiance of the principles of the Charter,
authorizes one State to interfere in the domestic affairs of
another, and which violates its sovereignty and its people’s
right to self-determination. Is it not tragic that, almost
twenty-five years after the establishment of our Organization,
a Member State has been unable to obtain from it any
effective protection of its rights and has been forced to seek
the ultimate explanation of its submission in the memory
of the tragic betrayal of Munich?
56. In keeping with this approach, we are prepared to
participate in good faith in the discussion of the item
entitled “The strengthening of international security“
[A/7654], which has been included in the agenda as a
result of the happy initiative taken by the Soviet delegation.
We venture to hope that a fruitful discussion of this
item will make it possible to attain the desired goals and so
contribute effectively to guaranteeing peace in the world.
57. If we wish to safeguard the peace and security of
nations, present world trends call for the elimination of the
fear of atomic warfare through the halting of the arms race,
both by prohibiting the production of nuclear weapons and
by destroying those weapons. It must be recognized that
the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] was an obvious
manifestation of the willingness of all the signatory
countries to put an end to the danger that the arms race
represents. It is discouraging to note that the countries
directly affected by the arms race are at present content to
make mere declarations of intention. However, endorsing
the concern expressed by the Secretary-General in the
introduction to his annual report, we associate ourselves
with the appeal he addressed to the United States and the
Soviet Union “... to begin immediately their bilateral talks
to limit and reduce offensive and defensive strategic nuclear
weapons” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 30].
58. The atomic bomb contains in itself the elements for its
own limitation; but the same is not true of conventional
weapons, which, quietly but surely, continue to inflict
increasingly heavy losses of life on the human race.
59. We roundly condemn the use of all chemical and
bacteriological weapons and call upon all States to comply
scrupulously with the 1925 Protocol. Moreover, we
believe that the initiative taken by the delegations of the
Union of Soviet Socialist: Republics and eight other
countries in proposing the inclusion of this question in the
agenda of the twenty-fourth session of the General
Assembly [A/7655] deserves our support.
60. One highly topical question in which my delegation is
keenly interested is that of the reservation exclusively for
peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and
the subsoil thereof, and the use of their resources in the
interests of mankind. The delegation of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo will argue in favour of setting up
international machinery to administer the marine environment
and of establishing uniform legislation in this field.
61. We cannot speak of peace in the world, and even less
of peace in Africa, as long as millions of human beings still
remain subject to colonial exploitation and deprived of
their rights. While we may congratulate ourselves on the
results achieved by the United Nations in regard to
decolonization, as exemplified by the large number of
States which have acceded to independence since its
foundation, we cannot but stress the impasse created by the
cavalier attitude of Lisbon, Salisbury and Pretoria.
62. My country, which has frontiers in common with
Angola, intends to spare no effort in helping that people to
recover its full rights. It condemns Portugal’s anachronistic
attitude and urges it to apply, without further delay, the
relevant resolutions adopted in this matter by the United
Nations.
63. Where Rhodesia is concerned, it must be noted that
this question highlights two types of responsibility: the
individual responsibility of the administering Power and the
collective responsibility of the States Members of the
United Nations.
64. The individual responsibility of the administering
Power requires it, in accordance with the Charter, to
guarantee and assure to the people of Zimbabwe the full
enjoyment of its right to self-determination and independence.
Unfortunately, despite the formal and solemn
declarations of the administering Power, the people of
Zimbabwe have seen their rights betrayed for the benefit of
a white and racist minority. The United Kingdom Government,
which has described the attitude of Ian Smith as one
of rebellion, stubbornly refuses to take the appropriate
measures and is content to resort to the most fallacious
pretexts, which, furthermore, ill conceal its breach of faith
to 4 million Africans. On the one hand, the United
Kingdom advocates the strengthening of economic sanctions
against Rhodesia, while on the other, it refuses to
endorse the only course which can ensure such strengthening,
namely, that of inducing South Africa and Portugal to
co-operate loyally and fully in respect of those sanctions.
Given the bankruptcy of the policy of sanctions, which,
moreover, has been recognized by the United Kingdom,
what other solution does that country propose apart from
the use of force, a solution which it has not hesitated for a
Moment to adopt in similar circumstances?
65. It is not only the United Kingdom’s responsibility that
is at stake in this Rhodesian affair; that of our Organization
is equally involved. Unfortunately, we note that the United
Nations seems to acquiesce, because this is the easier
course, in the ineffective measures taken by the United
Kingdom, even at the risk of being charged with complicity
in the betrayal of 4 million Africans. It is regrettable to find
that the very ones who bear the main responsibility for the
maintenance of peace take refuge behind the specific
responsibility of the United Kingdom, a responsibility
assumed by the latter, oddly enough, in order to evade its
duty of effectively guaranteeing peace in that part of Africa.
66. It is true that up to now, Africa, confronted as it is
with intransigence, lack of understanding, not to mention
the attitude of defiance paraded by South Africa, Portugal
and the rebel authorities of Rhodesia, has always advocated
the use of force as a solution to the problems of
decolonization and apartheid. It is no less true that, in view
of the hypocrisy of certain Powers which are more inclined
to safeguard their economic interests than to permit
millions of Africans to preserve their dignity as human
beings, all of Africa, in its concern for understanding and
peace, has made a place in its struggle for liberation not
only for the use of force but also for peaceful negotiation.
67. Unanimously and as one man, the Heads of State and
Government of the Organization of African Unity, meeting
recently at Addis Ababa, adopted, at the sixth session of
the summit conference, a solution enshrining the Manifesto
on Southern Africa, from which I shall read an extract:
“Thus the liberation of Africa for which we are
struggling does not mean a reverse racialism. Nor is it an
aspect of African imperialism. As far as we are concerned
the present boundaries of the States of southern Africa
are the boundaries of what will be free and independent
African States. There is no question of our seeking or
accepting any alterations to our own boundaries at the
expense of these future free African nations.
“On the objectives of liberation as thus defined, we can
neither surrender nor compromise. We have always
preferred, and we still prefer, to achieve it without
physical violence. We would prefer to negotiate rather
than destroy, to talk rather than kill. We do not advocate
violence, we advocate an end to the violence against
human dignity which is now being perpetrated by the
oppressors of Africa. If peaceful progress to emancipation
were possible, or if changed circumstances were to make
it possible in the future, we would urge our brothers in
the resistance movements to use peaceful methods of
struggle even at the cost of some compromise on the
timing of change, But while peaceful progress is blocked
by actions of those at present in power in the states of
southern Africa, we have no choice but to give the
peoples of those territories all the support of which we
are capable in their struggle against their oppressors.”
[A/7754, paras. 11 and 12.]
68. Consequently, Africa has the right to require that
Pretoria, Salisbury and Lisbon should make an equitable
return for the attitude of conciliation which it has adopted.
So far, however, no worthwhile reaction has been noted.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo strongly denounces,
from this rostrum, the hypocrisy of those great Powers and
calls on them to co-operate with the United Nations to
wipe out the scourge which the policy of apartheid in
South Africa and that of racism in Rhodesia constitute for
the world.
69. I now take up one of the most challenging issues of
our time. It is that of the economic and social situation.
Several speakers from this rostrum, in fact, have repeatedly
expressed their concern at the increasing disparities
between the economy of the so-called developed countries
and that of the countries of the Third World, the so-called
developing countries, in order to bring out the gap that
divides them. In certain circles it is maintained that the
development of Member States is a matter of concern to
those States alone, and that it is for the developing
countries to make the necessary effort to improve the living
conditions of their peoples. This theory, which flows from
the sovereignty of States, is correct, but it should not
prevent the establishment of genuine co-operation in the
world between all countries, so as to facilitate the development
of the countries of the Third World. It is indeed a fact
that if such co-operation were completely lacking, the
balance of peace would be in jeopardy. Our Organization
has met this need by setting up various specialized agencies
whose purpose is to promote international co-operation in
every field.
70. Belonging as I do to a country which is classified
among the under-developed, I can assess the efforts which
the young countries are called upon to make and, above all,
the difficulties of every kind which they must overcome in
order to achieve their full development. I cannot, therefore,
associate myself with a certain view of world public opinion
which, without qualification, lays the responsibility for the
backwardness of developing countries at the door of those
countries alone. Poverty, hunger and ignorance — in a word
the under-development of which we are all aware — are in
fact primarily due to an egoistic conception of economic
relations among nations. And the solution today lies in an
equitable distribution of wealth, technical assistance and
co-operation among Member States.
71. It seems to us that the so-called “developed” world
should give proof of its goodwill by trying to understand
the obstacles which the developing countries have to face,
and above all by inspiring confidence in those countries by
giving them, without political ties, the aid they need to
improve their economic and social situation. Given this
approach, there is hope of achieving real co-operation and
harmonious development in the world.
72. The developing countries must cease to be mere
suppliers of raw materials. Consideration must resolutely be
given to replacing the assistance which they expect from
the developed countries by the establishment, in their own
countries, of processing industries which can ensure great
well-being for the peoples concerned.
73. We in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are
convinced that the problems confronting us today can be
solved if we make a sincere effort, without, of course,
losing sight of the principle of the interdependence of
nations.
74. For its part, the Democratic Republic of the Congo
has spared no effort for its economic development, with a
view to increasing the income of its population and bringing
it greater prosperity. My country has not hesitated to make
the necessary sacrifices. Thus, following up the domestic
monetary reform of 1967, it resolutely embarked on the
path of economic expansion by liberalizing its exchange
and making its legislation on the transfer of income more
flexible. Recently, it has also adopted a new investments
code, which is extremely favourable to foreign capital. We
hope that all these efforts will be followed by increased
assistance.
75. In this Assembly, we express in strong and positive
terms our desire for peace and co-operation with all
peoples, with a view to the economic and social progress of
our own peoples and of the world as a whole. Quite
recently, the Democratic Republic of the Congo gave proof
of its open-minded attitude to world co-operation by
organizing its first International Fair at Kinshasa, which was
attended by a number of countries from all continents and
belonging to different social and political systems.
76. The First United Nations Development Decade is
drawing to a close, and the developing countries unanimously
recognize that their hopes have been flatly betrayed.
At the twenty-third session of the General
Assembly, we heard voices full of bitterness and disappointment.
What could be the reason for this acknowledged
failure? The programme for this First Decade contained no
real policy to meet the desire for development and
co-operation. We should like to believe that, on the eve of
the Second Development Decade, all States Members of the
United Nations and the international organizations will
devote their efforts to evolving a more concrete and more
effective development policy.
77. It is a deplorable fact that since the accession of the
African countries to independence, their economies, like
those of other countries of the Third World, are still
suffering the consequences of the colonial system, the
economy of most of the developing countries being
primarily dependent on international trade.
78. The establishment of the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development [resolution 1995 (XIX)]
aroused great hopes and was greeted with enthusiasm by
the developing countries. This institution was considered an
appropriate forum where the problems of the economic
imbalance in the world could be discussed in the best
possible conditions and where means for remedying them
could be found. Unfortunately, when faced with the facts,
the Third World has had to revise its opinion. The New
Delhi Conference, in fact, showed that the developed
countries are not prepared to give up the system of
privileges they enjoy but, on the contrary, are determined
to maintain the status quo in international economic
relations.
79. Here again, disappointment may jeopardize the relations
of confidence which should be established between
the two economic blocs, that of the disinherited countries,
on the one hand, and that of the rich countries on the
other. It is well known that the end of confidence means
the birth of suspicion, with all the consequences which that
involves for the maintenance of peace.
80. We believe that, during the Second Development
Decade, it would be more profitable to undertake the
preparation of specific economic agreements similar to
those which already exist for coffee, tin and other
commodities of the same kind than to confine ourselves to
more or less theoretical discussions about development. It is
urgently necessary to reach a general agreement on commodities
and to look forward to the elimination of the
artificial obstacles imposed by the developed countries on
the pretext of protecting their markets against products
originating in the developing countries. To this end, it
would be sufficient for the developed countries to show a
real political willingness to give a genuine meaning to this
Decade, since otherwise it will suffer the same: fate, the
same failure, as the current Decade, and it will thereafter be
difficult for the parties in question to undertake a
constructive dialogue.
81. To discuss the problems of economic development
without considering the part played by technology in
contemporary society would be to ignore one of the key
factors in any fruitful international co-operation: The
inability of countries to use the knowledge offered to us by
modern technology is one of the factors impeding our
efforts to close the gap between the industrialized and the
developing countries, a gap so wide that it jeopardizes
world peace. That is why, in various international forums,
we have emphasized the necessity of training technical
personnel in our countries.
82. In this connexion, it is fitting to draw attention here
to the work done by United Nations organs that are active
in the field of technical assistance and pre-investment. In
particular, I should like to express our gratitude to those
responsible for the United Nations Development Programme
for the work they have accomplished so far, and I
invite them, together with the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization, to increase their activities in
this field, where the needs of the developing countries are
still enormous.
83. In the course of its existence, the United Nations has
lived through some difficult and sometimes even critical
periods. It has had to face problems which have led to
fundamental divergencies between Member States. There is
every likelihood that it will be faced with perhaps even
more controversial problems in the future. I consider that,
despite the imperfections inherent in any human endeavour,
our Organization has contributed in large measure
to the solution of the major disputes that have divided
some of its Members. I should like to state here, formally
and explicitly, as a testimony of our loyalty and gratitude,
that the Democratic Republic of the Congo — which has had
occasion to appreciate the beneficent work of our
Organization — is still firmly devoted to the fundamental
principles of the Charter.
84. Now that I am about to leave this rostrum, I am very
happy to extend to U Thant, our Secretary-General, the
tribute which my country pays to you personally, Madam
President, as well as to the United Nations. Indeed, at tragic
moments in my country’s history, I have personally had
occasion to recognize the full extent of the courage and
devotion he has displayed in order that the cause of justice
and peace might triumph. Taking over a difficult succession,
that of the late Dag Hammarskjöld, whose memory I
once more salute, U Thant has been able, thanks to his
qualities as a conciliator and statesman, to bring the United
Nations Operation in the Congo to a successful conclusion,
an Operation which, in spite of that success, has none the
less continued to concern our Organization because of the
deficit which has resulted from it. I hope that the Member
States which have hitherto refrained from participating in
the financing of this Operation will reconsider their
position in the light of the result achieved.
85. Lastly, whatever difficulties our Organization may still
have to face, it is nevertheless my hope that next year, on
the twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation, the United
Nations will be able to achieve the objectives which it is
pursuing for the greater good of all mankind.