74. Madam President, please accept our warmest and most
sincere congratulations on your election as President of the
General Assembly. It is a just recognition of your personal
qualities and of your long and distinguished career in the
United Nations. It is also a well-deserved tribute to
womanhood and motherhood, and to a continent which
played an important part in forming the people and
national character of Venezuela. We have already had
occasion to appreciate the intelligence, tact and firmness
with which you direct our discussions, thus ensuring that
the work of the session will be orderly and fruitful.
75. We should be failing to pay a well-deserved tribute if
at this time, we were not to recall your predecessor,
Mr. Emilio Arenales. Mr. Arenales afforded us an unforgettable
example of dignity and strength of spirit in the
way in which he directed the work of the past session while
afflicted with great physical suffering.
76. I have the honour to address the General Assembly for
the first time as the representative of the Government
presided over by Mr. Rafael Caldera who, in keeping with
the constitutional and democratic tradition of Venezuela,
has been entrusted by the people of Venezuela with the
difficult task of leading the country along the path of
progress. On his behalf, I reaffirm Venezuela’s support for
the United Nations and for the principles of the Charter
which provide a basis for its activities.
77. The Government of Venezuela is determined to
remain faithful to the principles on which international
peace and co-operation are based. We do not, however,
consider it sufficient to adopt a purely static approach,
since the problems facing the international community, far
from remaining static, are increasing in gravity and complexity
faster than means can be found to solve them. The
Venezuelan Government wishes to make a determined
effort to join in the concerted and dynamic action that the
times demand.
78. However, efforts do not always produce the desired
results unless they are carried out as part of a coherent plan
laying down the goals towards which they should be
directed. These goals are, in our view, international social
justice and universal well-being.
79. As we all know, the early stages of the industrial
revolution produced the most inhuman conditions of
poverty for large masses of the population within each
country. As the differences between the haves and the
have-nots became more accentuated, an event occurred
which was to have far-reaching consequences: the have-nots
became aware of their own poverty and rebelled against it.
Fatalistic resignation to subhuman living conditions gave
way to a belief in collective responsibility for the well-being
of every member of the community, a responsibility
directly proportional to the capacity and wealth of each
individual.
80. There thus emerged a new view of the ideal of justice,
namely, social justice, justice as a regulating principle
restoring the balance between the haves and the have-nots,
between the strong and the weak, between the rich and the
poor and between employers and workers. In its name a
fight was waged to counter the abuses of the powerful, to
change the concept of society and its structures. As it was
considered that those who have more should contribute
more, the weight of the tax burden began to fall on the
wealthy. As employers and workers, too, were not in the
same situation, social legislation to protect workers was
evolved in order to put an end to the domination of the
socially weak by the socially strong. But this is something
that is so well known that there is no need to dwell on it
further. This process took place within each nation, at
different times but along the same general lines. The poor
became aware of their own poverty.
81. Today it has taken on a new dimension: it has become
international in character. The under-privileged peoples of
the world have become aware of their state. They are
realizing the extent of their under-development, which
cannot be concealed by such euphemisms as “developing
countries” or “relatively less developed countries”.
82. The spread of literacy, the press, radio, cinema,
television, easier and increasing communication between
peoples, and the very attitude of the developed countries in
their relations with the developing countries have led the
developing countries to realize that there is a section of
mankind which is over-endowed. The resignation of former
years has given way to the desire to work for an end to this
unjust situation in international relations. And today,
nations, as individuals did in the past, look to international
social justice as an ideal to inspire and guide their activities.
83. At the national level, marked economic, social and
cultural inequalities give rise to tensions and disturbances of
various kinds, and, at the international level, make peace an
illusion.
84. The exploitation of man by man undoubtedly generates
violence. How then can the exploitation of one
country by another engender peace on earth? How, I also
ask, could we describe the exploitation of one country by
another as anything but a situation of domination and
subjection? How indeed can we describe the relations
between the developed nations — whatever banner they
fly — and the developing nations except in terms of domination
and subjection?
85. The policy of blocs and the concentration of world
power around two great Powers have caused serious defects
in international assistance.
86. Under one system, economic domination inevitably
leads to political and cultural penetration. Under another,
political and ideological domination also implies economic
control and exploitation. Both systems, though their
emphasis and methods differ, result in what can only be
called an objective situation of subjection.
87. Development financing is, in fact, subject to many
conditions. Disinterested donations are the exception. In
one case, the “beneficiary” country is a victim of the
developed country’s desire for profit and has to repay what
it has received with interest and to compromise its
economic freedom. In the other case, the so-called beneficiary
country is a victim of the developed country’s desire
for ideological penetration and sees its structures invaded
and its political freedom removed. The actual words used
convey the underlying ideas. Reference is made to “aid” to
the under-developed countries, thus apparently attributing
generosity to the donor. In point of fact, generally
speaking, the provision of resources either represents a
straightforward commercial transaction or pursues ideological
or political goals; in neither case does it warrant the
connotation of the word “aid“.
88. What is more, in the developed countries the tax
systems — whatever form they take — generally place the
burden of taxation on those who possess most. These
nations believe this is a logical system where their own
countries are concerned, and this is so, since it is in
accordance with social distributive justice. Why, I ask, is
not this same principle applied to international relations?
Why are there two weights and two measures? Is it not the
same social justice transposed to the level of relations
between countries? Why is a principle operative in national
economies not operative in the world economy? The result
would be radically different, since something which is an
obligation could scarcely be described as “aid”. The wealth
of the developed countries has its roots in the poverty of
the developing countries. Thus, on the international plane,
the developed countries have — in all justice — certain duties
towards the developing countries. It is therefore a matter
not of concessions, but of obligations.
89. This might seem somewhat exaggerated. Let us remember,
however, in this respect the serious problem of the
constant deterioration in terms of trade and its important
sole in the “vicious circle of poverty”.
90. In his Introduction to this year’s annual report, the
Secretary-General states that “development is the long slow
road to peace” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 84]. The distance we
have travelled along this road is frankly unsatisfactory, and
it will continue to be unsatisfactory so long as no effective
efforts are made by the more developed countries to
support the efforts of the United Nations. The praiseworthy
efforts of UNCTAD and its Secretary-General, our
distinguished compatriot Mr. Manuel Pérez Guerrero, can
achieve nothing concrete so long as the States that have the
resources, far from using them to promote a more
reasonable and just international economic order, continue
by their behaviour to aggravate the present unacceptable.
situation. The deterioration in the terms of trade, the
growing cost of financial resources and the increasingly
difficult access to technological advances are daily widening
the gap separating the developed countries — which are a
true international oligarchy — from the rest, which in increasingly
difficult situations are struggling to ensure
genuinely human conditions of life for their peoples.
91. I have one further observation to make. The lack of
any criterion of social justice in the policy of development
aid frequently has the effect of strengthening inequitable
structures in the developing countries.
92. Moreover, man’s landing on the moon opens up new
horizons for human existence. The earth is no longer the
only sphere of man’s activities. Man has reached outer
space, and thus gives a vital new dimension to life. This
fact, which has still not been sufficiently assimilated, sheds
a new light on the concept of “mankind”. As the earth
grows smaller and smaller, men feel closer and closer to
each other. It is easier to understand, or rather to feel, the
solidarity that is needed among nations.
93. It is obvious that participation in the international
community cannot be based on the selfish and negative idea
of the benefits to be derived from the political domination
and economic exploitation of other countries. This is so
obvious, that, as can clearly be seen, the peoples of the
developing countries feel the need to unite against an unjust
international order, just as the under-privileged within each
State feel the need to unite against those who are
responsible for their deprivation.
94. Thus there has emerged—although still in an imprecise
form — the idea of a universal common good that demands
the support of all the peoples of the world. International
structures must be adapted for the purpose of achieving this
universal common good, and to this end the mistaken and
harmful concept of selfish nationalism must be superseded
by a concept of sovereignty and patriotism based on
solidarity among nations and applied in the light of the
values of international social justice. Consequently, we
must move from an international order based on bilateral
agreements between Governments towards one founded on
multilateral institutions established by the peoples. We
must move from national autarchies to the creation of a
supra-national society through successive processes of integration.
In short, we must work towards an international
order aimed at the universal common good and based on
international social justice.
95. Having described the foundations which, in my
Government’s view, are indispensable for the attainment of
lasting and fruitful peace for the full development of man,
we wish to express our most fervent hope that violence will
be banished from the world. The most obvious form of
violence — war - still persists in Asia, Africa and the Middle
East in all its tragic manifestations: the dead and the
wounded, hunger, destruction, poverty and the shipwreck
of man’s dignity. We are shocked and deeply disturbed that
efforts to achieve peace have ended in failure.
96. But armed struggle is not the only form of violence.
Colonial oppression that prevents nations from choosing
their own destiny is also a form of violence. The historic
tradition of Venezuela, bequeathed by, the Liberator.
Simon Bolivar, compels my country to support all measures
designed to eliminate the detestable colonial system,
whatever form and characteristics it may assume.
97. There is another form of violence in our world which
it is our duty to combat, namely, degrading and cruel
racism. Racial persecution is a serious threat to world peace
and a burden on the conscience of every free man. The
blood of three races which runs intermingled in the veins of
the Venezuelan people makes us particularly sensitive to
this absurd form of hatred among men. When these
practices, instead of being combated by Governments, are
institutionalized by them and proclaimed as official policy,
they constitute an intolerable mockery of the very bases of
the international community.
98. To these forms of violence we should add one other:
religious discrimination. We had thought that it was
something that belonged to the past, but we see with
concern that it is re-emerging in various parts of the world
and that it, too, constitutes a threat to understanding
among men.
99. In this general debate we have refrained from explaining
in detail our position on specific agenda items. Our
delegation will express its views on each item as it is
discussed. We should like, nevertheless, to take this opportunity
to make a few general comments about the Organization.
100. We are concerned at the loss of authority and
prestige suffered by the United Nations, which in our
opinion is still the international community’s best instrument
for achieving peace and justice in the world. There are
complex reasons for this weakening of the United Nations,
which many speakers have described in the course of this
general debate: non-compliance with its resolutions by
certain Member States; the lack of a sense of realism on the
part of delegations that are more interested in adoption of
draft resolutions than in the actual possibilities of action by
the Organization; the unjustified refusal of other delegations
to support specific measures for the implementation
of principles and standards generally accepted by the
international community; the excessive number of meetings,
documents and words; the dispersal of efforts; the
limitations of the Charter, and so on. All these reasons have
undoubtedly affected the state of affairs, but in our view
the root of the problem is the lack of a general political will
to work within the framework of the United Nations and
actively to promote the principles and purposes of the Charter.
101. There is clearly a tendency for the great Powers to
leave the United Nations to one side in considering the
main international issues. We other Member States encourage
this attitude, which is gradually undermining the
very foundations of the Organization, through inactivity
and our inability to work together and make our contribution
to the study of those items.
102. While the policy of a balance of power among
nations, among the great Powers, was incapable of ensuring
peace in the past, the possibilities of creating a just
international order today on-the basis of that same system
are remote indeed. It might be argued that this balance of
power has prevented a world conflict. We cannot forget,
however, that we have been on the brink of the abyss on
more than one occasion. Moreover, the maintenance of this
precarious balance entails the investment of vast sums on
the acquisition of complex and costly systems of attack or
defence. In any event, the balance of power did not prevent
the armed conflicts that have broken out in various parts of
the world since the end of the Second World War.
103. A new international order must be based on
recognition of the unity and indivisibility of mankind’s
destiny and of the inherent dignity of human beings, and
should be aimed at the development of the whole man and
of all mankind.
104. In examining all these problems, we think of the
heavy burden borne by our Secretary-General, U Thant. We
know his devotion to the cause of peace, his spirituality and
his will to serve, all of which constitute a guarantee of
patient and fruitful action. We congratulate the Secretary-General
on his positive efforts and we offer him our
support and our co-operation.
105. Next year the United Nations will have been in
existence for a quarter of a century. That will be a
magnificent opportunity to make a clear and realistic
analysis of its structure and effectiveness and of the role
that it is destined to play in a rapidly changing world.
106. In this analysis we must obviously assess the real
results that have been achieved. But this in itself is not
enough. In a constructive spirit, we must ask ourselves
whether our peoples still believe in the United Nations as an
effective instrument for the maintenance of international
peace and for the promotion of the necessary economic and
social development.
107. Moreover, the post-war generation must receive our
special attention. Animated by praiseworthy concerns and
impelled by a tireless energy, this generation can and must
be a positive and decisive factor in contemporary history.
But we must likewise ask ourselves: will this generation
retain its faith in the United Nations? If we can ensure that
our most precious resource, youth, participates in the
activities of the United Nations, we should be taking a great
step forward towards the future realization of the great
hopes born at San Francisco.