130. Madam President, I
should like, first of all, to convey the greetings and good
wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Mahendra, for
the success of this session of the General Assembly. While
we mourn the untimely death of your predecessor, the late
Mr. Emilio Arenales, Foreign Minister of Guatemala, we are
very happy to see you elected President of the twenty-fourth
session of the General Assembly. Your country has
been in the forefront of the fight for the freedom and
independence of peoples everywhere. We have great admiration
for your personal qualities and, above all, for your
refreshing candour. Those qualities, together with your vast
experience with the work of the United Nations, will serve
you in good stead in your high office. My delegation wishes
you success, and pledges its whole-hearted co-operation in
your task.
131. I would also take this opportunity to express our
deep appreciation of the sincere and honest efforts of the
Secretary-General, who has striven to realize the ideal of
peace and justice in the relations among the nations of the
world. His response to different challenging situations has
always reflected the basic principles of this Organization,
and that is a very difficult role to play.
132. We can well recall today the wide and varied nature
of the world problems which have tested the strength of
this Organization. Some of the problems have appeared
dangerous enough to create a panic all over the world.
Despite all the achievements to the credit of this Organization,
such problems have stressed the need for it to play a
more effective role. Every problem that the United Nations
has not been able to solve admonishes all of us to
contribute our maximum understanding and co-operation
to it. All of us know that the world was compelled to have
a United Nations Organization for safeguarding certain
international values so as to ensure a peace based on justice.
We were determined then not to allow another calamitous
war to shatter all the dreams of civilized man. Whether it be
on the question of disarmament or the Middle East crisis,
this Organization demands the co-operation of its Members
to implement the principles inherent in its Charter and its
commitment to peace. It requires more from those who are
more advantageously placed in terms of strength and resources.
133. Our faith in the United Nations is very strong,
because, in the words of His Majesty King Mahendra, we
believe that: “The only real alternative to the United
Nations is an ever more powerful United Nations”. We feel
that this is the only body which can bring peace and
harmony to our world of nations; big and small, strong and
weak, developed and developing. Each nation should be
allowed to follow its own path of development, without
any political or economic interference from outside.
Land-locked as we are between two populous and big neighbours,
we have evolved our own Panchayat system of Government
under the able leadership of our King. Peaceful co-existence
among nations, big and small — or among developed and
developing nations — is as essential to us as to any other
small country in our situation.
134. It is in the necessity for peaceful coexistence among
nations and the necessity to maintain the diversity of paths
followed by different nations, and, above all, to ensure a
stable and peaceful development in the world, that the
United Nations has to be more creative and effective. We
have a deep-rooted faith in the United Nations, for which
my country has worked and will continue to work honestly
to implement the noble principles of the Charter.
135. The world today is witnessing many changes. Emerging
nations are striving hard to stand on their own; they are
yearning for world peace in order to achieve sufficient and
uninterrupted economic development. Developments in
science and technology are bringing all of us closer every
day. The improvement in relations between the United
States and the Soviet Union is very promising, as it helps to
relax the tension of the so-called cold war. But there are
yet problems which await solutions. The situation in
Viet-Nam still remains a source of serious concern to all of
us, Of course, the cessation of the bombing of North
Viet-Nam and the recent withdrawal of some American
troops from South Viet-Nam are commendable steps
towards a peaceful settlement. We sincerely hope that other
similar and adequate measures will follow. It is gratifying to
note that the parties concerned are more anxious for a
political solution of the problem than for a military one.
136. My delegation wants to reiterate that the people of
Viet-Nam should be allowed to exercise their legitimate
right of shaping their own future without any interference
from outside. Our appeal to all parties concerned is to settle
the conflict in the spirit of the Geneva Agreement of 1954,
which, we feel, provides an appropriate basis for the
solution. As we see it, the unnecessary interference by
outside Powers has resulted only in an inhuman massacre of
the Viet-Namese people, who have long suffered with
courage and dignity. Peace should be restored to their land
as early as possible. My delegation hopes that the participants
in the Paris peace talks will display the necessary
foresight and statesmanship in their efforts at finding a
solution acceptable to all concerned.
137. My delegation realizes the highly inflammable nature
of the confrontation in the Middle East. We have always
stood for a peaceful solution of the problem, and have
always opposed the escalation of the conflict by the
supplying of arms by the big Powers. We fully realize the
danger of changing the territorial status of the area by force
of arms, which cannot be justified even under the pretext
of the self-preservation of a country. Such pretexts can
only bring chaos to international relations.
138. We stand committed to Security Council resolution
242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, which, I am sure,
provides a sound basis for the establishment of peace in the
region. It is a pity that that resolution could not be
enforced even after a lapse of nearly two years. We feel it is
vital for peace in the Middle East that Israel should
withdraw from the Arab lands it has occupied, as it is
essential for the Arab States to be reconciled to the
existence of Israel; that, we understand, is the meaning of
the Security Council resolution.
139. Any permanent solution of the problem should be
aimed at creating an atmosphere in which all the countries
of that region may live peacefully without apprehension of
aggression from any quarter. The Arab-Israel dispute, as all
of us are aware, has been fanned by a mutual suspicion and
hatred of more than two decades. A lasting peace requires
elimination of such fears and suspicions, and recognition of
the right of each State to live within secure and recognized
boundaries. This right has been guaranteed by the Charter
of the United Nations.
140. Despite several consultations among the four Powers,
there has been no improvement in the situation which has
not only remained as explosive as ever but also, in the
words of the Secretary-General, the past year has seen the
highest level of armed conflict in the area since June 1967.
It is a matter of the deepest concern to all of us, who
earnestly feel that the situation should not be allowed to
get out of control. My delegation sincerely hopes that the
consultations among the four Powers, within and outside
the United Nations, will lead to the implementation of
Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November
1967. The four Powers, as permanent members of the
Security Council, have a special responsibility for the
establishment of peace in that region. In the meantime, we
fervently appeal to all the parties to the conflict to exercise
the utmost restraint in order not to engage in violent
activities that may reduce the possibility of reaching a
satisfactory settlement.
141. The November resolution provides a sound basis, and
the most acceptable, for a just and lasting peace in the area.
The Secretary-General’s Special Representative is engaged
in seeking a common agreement with the parties to the
dispute regarding the implementation of the provisions of
the Security Council resolution. While the importance of
the task entrusted to the Special Representative cannot be
underemphasized, we realize, and hope that the parties have
realized, that his role is necessarily limited to assisting the
peace efforts of the parties themselves and that, therefore,
it is up to them and them alone to bring about a political
settlement by peaceful means.
142. A very disheartening feature in the Middle East has
been the danger to the lives and security of the United
Nations military observers posted there. The Secretary-General
has rightly observed that they had become defenceless
targets in a shooting gallery and had even hinted at the
possibility of withdrawing them. My delegation hopes that
the parties to the dispute will realize the importance of the
role of the United Nations observers and take sufficient
precautions against risking their lives and security.
143. The peace-keeping role of the United Nations has
always been useful as it has contributed, in so many
previous instances, to stopping further escalation of the
conflict, if not its total elimination. It is but natural that we
cannot expect the peace-keeping forces of the United
Nations to achieve complete success if the parties themselves
will not permit it. Nevertheless, their usefulness in
supervising a cease-fire or maintaining the status quo,
pending a satisfactory solution, cannot be underrated. This
peace-keeping role of the United Nations has assumed great
importance, specially for the smaller nations. My delegation
hopes that the constitutional and financial crises confronting
the United Nations will be resolved in this spirit.
144. The past year has also been unproductive in the field
of disarmament. A matter of regret in this connexion is the
failure of the major nuclear Powers to enter into bilateral
discussions on the limitation and reduction of offensive
strategic nuclear-weapons delivery systems and systems of
defence against ballistic missiles, which were promised at
the time of the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons on 1 July 1968 [see resolution 2373 (XXII)].
145. The present decade has witnessed significant measures
of non-armament such as the Treaty Banning Nuclear
Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under
Water, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons, the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities
of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space,
including the Moon and other Celestial Bodies [see resolution
2222(XXI)] and the Treaty for the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons in Latin America [see resolution
2286 (XXII)]. Each of these measures has provided a good
Start. Nevertheless, a long journey is still before us and we
will reach our final objective only when we have general
and complete disarmament. Only after that will we be able
to use Our great asset, nuclear energy, for creative and
peaceful purposes.
146. However, despite all this progress, the spectre of a
nuclear holocaust is ever present, haunting us with the
threat of the complete destruction of civilization. At the
beginning of this decade, the total expenditure for military
purposes amounted to about 100 thousand million dollars;
today, it is estimated at about 200 thousand million dollars.
147. It is self-evident that the balance between the two
largest military Powers, the United States and the Soviet
Union, is a stabilizing factor in the world today. This
balance provides the most effective deterrent against
temptation for attack against each other. In this situation,
we would have thought that the best course of action for
these Powers would be to freeze the balance and then
reduce it gradually to a lower level, instead of acquiring
more and more sophisticated offensive and defensive
weapons systems, out of an unreal sense of fear and
insecurity. It is up to these two Powers to ease the situation
by halting the mad armaments race thus releasing the vast
resources that are now spent on armaments and using them
instead for the Security and economic and social progress
and the well-being of the entire world, in particular, the
developing parts of it. It is up to the nuclear Powers to take
the load. In this connexion, my delegation supports the
proposal made by the Secretary-General [A/7601/Add. 1,
para. 42] to designate the decade of the 1970s as the
Disarmament Decade, a decade which has already been
named the Second United Nations Development Decade.
148. All the measures that have already been adopted in
the field of disarmament will not mean much if they are
not followed by other similar measures. A comprehensive
nuclear test-ban treaty will indeed be a great step towards
our cherished goal. Only a lack of will on the part of the
nuclear Powers Stands in the way of this treaty.
149. The Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States has
made several deliberations on the subject of disarmament.
It has gone a long way towards enlightening world public
Opinion on the question of disarmament. The various
opinions expressed in the Conference as well as its
resolutions are worth serious consideration. My delegation
strongly holds that a world disarmament conference,
consisting of both the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers,
would prove extremely useful and would be a constructive
step towards our goal. There are countries which are fully
capable of manufacturing nuclear weapons and there are
those which neither possess nor are likely to possess such
weapons. Such a conference, attended by all the countries
of the world, would provide a forum for comprehensive
deliberations on different aspects of the problem. We hope
that the subject will receive serious consideration from the
big Powers. Mankind today is looking to the big Powers in
the hope that they will engage not in the nuclear arms race
but in the more constructive purpose of improving the
economic situation of those who are in need of it.
150. The question of universal and total disarmament and
Other relevant questions can never be effectively settled
without the participation of the People’s Republic of
China, which is a nuclear Power in its own right. The
restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic
of China in this world body is absolutely essential for world
peace, and, in fact, the application of the principle of the
Charter demands it. This world body will always be lacking
in the universal character of its membership if the most
populous country on earth is left out of it. We cannot
ignore the reality that the People’s Republic of China has
exercised its authority effectively for a long time and has
made remarkable economic progress. It is entitled to be
properly represented in this world body as the only
legitimate Government of China.
151. It is obvious that without its participation any
measure to promote international co-operation and
strengthen international security will be incomplete and the
role of the United Nations as an effective instrument of
peace, as conceived by its founders, will continue to be
severely limited. Especially, the maintenance of peace and
stability in the world, and in Asia in particular, demands
that the People’s Republic of China should be allowed to
participate in this Organization without any delay. My
delegation once again appeals to all delegations to consider
this question most objectively.
152. During the past year, the chronic problems of
colonialism and racialism, particularly in southern Africa,
have persisted as stubbornly as before. In the words of the
Secretary-General, this year has been mainly one of
continuing disappointment and frustration. The struggle for
independence by the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and
the so-called Portuguese Guinea continues to meet the most
ruthless suppression at the hands of the colonial rulers. The
colonial rulers have ignored the realities of today’s world
and forgotten the lesson from history that the spirit of
freedom cannot be suppressed forever by brutal force.
153. The racist or apartheid policy followed by South
Africa has been a constant challenge to the ideals enshrined
in the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The policy of segregation based on colour, to which
South Africa clings, is an anachronism in the modern world
and is against the dignity of man everywhere. Unfortunately,
a concerted action by all the countries of the world,
particularly in co-operation with some big Powers, is yet
lacking. Our ideals have been sacrificed to the interest of
trade by some countries, and this has helped the South
African Government to remain adamant. We hope that such
wrongs will be corrected by complete implementation of
United Nations resolutions for a boycott of trade with that
country. The international trading community should have
no dealing with that régime as long as it does not give up its
inhuman policy of apartheid and racism.
154. The South African regime with its continued defiance
of the United Nations has been occupying South
West Africa. This retrograde action should not be allowed
to continue any longer. We welcome the Security Council
resolution [269 (1969)] warning South Africa that the
Security Council will have to take further strong measures
in case it does not vacate South West Africa. We hope that
the big Powers which have been entrusted with special
responsibility by the Charter will take every possible step to
ensure that the expressed wish of the United Nations is respected.
155. Encouraged by the failure of the United Nations to
eliminate racism, the white rulers of Southern Rhodesia
have proved themselves as adamant in defying civilized
human values as their South African counterparts. By
openly challenging the administering Authority and by
defying the United Nations, they are trying to present a fait
accompli to the world. Sanctions have failed so far to
persuade them to adopt a sensible policy in the interest of
the people. It is the primary responsibility of the British
Government to see that all Rhodesians are allowed to
participate freely in the administration of their country on
the basis of the well known democratic principle of one
man, one vote.
156. Nepal has always stood against colonialism and racial
discrimination, whatever their forms. In this spirit we have
supported measures by the Security Council and by the
General Assembly which are directed against those, who
not only seek to degrade human values through colonial
exploitation or other similar means, but also adopt a policy
of active hostility against the United Nations.
157. The most alarming feature of the modern world is
the continuing economic disparity between the developed
and the developing countries. The first and second sessions
of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
have examined this problem in its proper dimension
and have suggested measures to be undertaken by the
developed and the developing countries. Unfortunately,
co-operation has been found wanting in various fields of
trade and development. The manufactured or semi-manufactured
articles of the developing countries have not
found their way to the markets of developed countries. In a
situation like this, the less developed of the developing
countries have been confronted with even greater difficulties.
The traditional pattern of exporting raw materials
and importing manufactured items on very unfavourable
terms is still a fact of life in a developing country like
Nepal, and it cannot be oriented otherwise unless liberal
measures are pursued by the developed countries for the
import of finished or semi-finished goods from the developing
countries.
158. As a developing country, Nepal is very much concerned
with the prevailing situation. A land-locked country,
its difficulties are far greater than is commonly understood.
In the last few years we have been striving, to the best of
our ability, to diversify our trade; we are trying to create an
economic infrastructure and we have begun a modest
venture in the field of industrialization. In these circumstances,
the task before us is to arrive at a sustained
economic development by gradually changing the pattern
of trade with our neighbours in particular and with other
countries of the world in general.
159. The Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked
States has already come into force. We welcomed it as a
positive step towards increasing international collaboration
in so far as it tried to facilitate the trade and transit of the
land-locked countries. Unfortunately, some of the coastal
and transit countries have not yet found it possible to
accede to the convention. Nepal feels that the convention
should serve as a basis for any sort of bilateral agreement
designed to improve the present position. It is, in our view,
of utmost importance that the developing countries should
establish an increasing measure of goodwill and co-operation
among themselves if they aspire to greater understanding
and goodwill from the developed countries.
160. The First United Nations Development Decade is
nearly over. The average rate of growth in the developing
countries could not attain the modest target of 5 per cent,
which is very disappointing. The strategy of the Second
United Nations Development Decade will, it is hoped, take
into account the causes of the failure of the first one and
will focus on concrete measures to facilitate the commitments
of the developed countries in this respect. Nonetheless,
a positive response on the part of the developed
countries is highly necessary to make a success of the
Second United Nations Development Decade.
161. The social and economic inequalities among developed
and developing nations, as well as within both
categories of these nations, portend dangerous consequences
for all of us. Prompt action in the way of removing
such inequalities is extremely necessary to ensure a smooth
and orderly evolution towards a fuller and richer life.
162. In this age, when man has landed on the moon,
highlighting the tremendous progress in science and technology
and turning into reality the long cherished dream of
mankind, it is all the more necessary for us to be more and
more concerned about the growing inequalities in the
standards of living of peoples on this earth. Efforts
undertaken by both developed and developing countries
towards the achievement of a minimum living standard in
the developing world, which comprises two thirds of the
global population, have proved utterly inadequate during
the First United Nations Development Decade. A most
disheartening feature in this connexion has been the
weakening of public support for international aid by the
aid-giving countries, particularly the richest ones.
163. The Secretary-General has repeatedly drawn our
attention to the widening development gap and appealed
for a sincere willingness on our part, particularly on the
part of the developed countries, to tackle the problem with
a sufficient sense of urgency. In his address of 9 May 1969
at the opening session of the Conference on the Second
United Nations Development Decade: “A Challenge for
Rich and Poor Countries“, U Thant said:
“Members of the United Nations have perhaps ten years
left in which to subordinate their ancient quarrels and
launch a global partnership to curb the arms race, to
improve the human environment, to defuse the
population explosion, and to supply the required
momentum to world development efforts”
164. In our efforts to save world peace and build a happier
and fuller society on earth, time is not on our side. It is
running out. The Secretary-General’s introduction to his
annual report depicts a very sombre picture of the world
situation and the state of affairs of the United Nations.
Whether in regard to the situation in the Middle East, the
financial state of the Organization, the field of disarmament,
decolonization or the field of social and economic
development—in other words, in every conceivable field of
important activities of the United Nations—the Secretary-General
has been constrained to report little or no progress at all.
165. Next year we shall be celebrating the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the United Nations. This anniversary
coincides with the beginning of the Second United Nations
Development Decade and, if the Assembly so decides, the
beginning of the Disarmament Decade as well. There will be
no better way to celebrate these momentous events than by
rising above narrow selfish interests and dedicating
ourselves anew to the purposes of the United Nations — to
maintain world peace and security, to develop friendly
relations among nations and to achieve international
co-operation in the solution of international problems of an
economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character.