138. Madam President, it is
with particular pleasure that I extend to you our warm
congratulations and greetings on your election to the high
office of the Presidency of the twenty-fourth session of the
General Assembly. My delegation is naturally proud that an
African is presiding over this important session of the
Assembly. That this African should be an illustrious
daughter of Africa marks this event as indeed historic. My
delegation is confident that under your able and experienced
leadership the twenty-fourth session of the Assembly
will make significant progress towards the realization of the
ideals of the United Nations Charter.
139. I should also like to express my delegation’s deep
regret at the passing away of our last President, His
Excellency Mr. Emilio Arenales. He served his country,
Guatemala, well and as President of the twenty-third
session of the Assembly he received the admiration of all
delegations for the tireless manner in which he conducted
the proceedings of the General Assembly. Guatemala in
particular and the international community in general have
lost a man of wide experience and ability. His absence in
our midst leaves a gap which will be felt for a long time.
140. I should like to thank you, Madam President, for
your kind words of sympathy to the Government and
people of Kenya regarding the recent tragic death of our
late Minister for Economic Planning and Development,
Mr. Tom Mboya. We also thank all those delegations that
have expressed similar sentiments, both in this forum and
outside.
141. As we start this new session of the Assembly, we
have no cause for rejoicing. The perennial problems that
beset us last year are still with us today; some of those
questions have actually become worse. It is to African
questions that I should like to turn first.
142. In Rhodesia, South Africa, Angola, Mozambique,
Guinea (Bissau) and Namibia, the totalitarian and fascist
régimes are tightening their stranglehold over the defenceless
majority of Africans. We are in fact witnesses to a
tragedy of rare dimensions being played out before our very eyes.
143. The Government of Kenya has consistently condemned
all forms of discrimination and exploitation,
whether on grounds of religion, colour, class or creed. We
believe that this is an era of interdependence and international
co-operation and goodwill. We regard racialism as the
antithesis to those ideals, and prejudicial to international
peace and security. The régimes that foster and nourish the
concept of racial superiority will live to regret their action,
because the world is moving towards integration, not
segregation, towards non-racialism, not racialism, towards
understanding and co-operation, not intolerance and isolation.
The régimes in southern Africa are unwittingly doing
themselves a great disservice. Rather than defending
time-honoured values of civilization, they are snuffing them out
and dangerously generating racial wars in southern Africa.
144. By the illegal extension of its régime to the Territory
of Namibia in defiance of the General Assembly’s resolution
of 27 October 1966 [2145 (XXI)], terminating its
Mandate over that Territory, South Africa is guilty of a
betrayal of trust. Its continued violation of the resolution
therefore constitutes an act of illegal occupation. So far,
Security Council resolution 269 (1969), of 12 August
1969, calling on South Africa to withdraw its administration
by 4 October 1969, has not been implemented. The
Security Council must therefore take effective measures to
meet that challenge.
145. The illegal annexation of Namibia by the Pretoria
fascist régime is an open challenge to this august body. It
must therefore be faced and eradicated at all costs. When
once fascism under Hitler and Mussolini threatened Europe,
the major Powers set aside all their ideological differences
and fought against it to victory. Today, fascist régimes in
South Africa, Angola, Mozambique and Namibia are preventing
any wind of change. My delegation, therefore,
appeals to this Organization to rise in unity and set Africa
free. It is thus imperative that Security Council resolution
269 (1969) of 12 August 1969 is implemented, not only to
eliminate fascism from Namibia, but also to prevent its
expansion to neighbouring countries.
146. Meanwhile, the racist régime of Pretoria continues to
pursue its policy of apartheid against all the 15,170,000
non-Europeans, in defiance of the conscience of mankind.
That policy is being implemented with increased ruthlessness
and impunity. The United Nations has constantly
condemned this atrocious practice as a flagrant disregard of
the principles of the United Nations Charter and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We should no
longer take comfort in resolutions and verbal condemnations.
We believe that now is the time for all of us to throw
our weight behind the forces of freedom and justice.
147. My Government has been profoundly disturbed by
the recent events in Zimbabwe. We have ceaselessly
condemned the illegal and terrorist régime of Ian Smith
since his unilateral declaration of independence in November
1965. Kenya neither recognizes the referendum nor any
Other device to which that régime might resort in its Vain
and desperate bid to legitimize itself. It is our contention
that no constitutional trickery by a certain European
minority in Rhodesia can erase the stamp of illegality that
has been imprinted on it by the entire world.
148. As regards the selective mandatory sanctions against
Rhodesia, the whole world has been doubtful about their
efficacy. The international community was led to believe
that it would be a matter of weeks before the rebels were
brought to their knees. Today the weeks have run into
months and months into years.
149. The scheme of sanctions was sabotaged by the
collusion of South Africa and Portugal, which decided to
help the rebel régime on condition that they should have
strategic military bases, be guaranteed an outlet for
European population and unlimited use of all potential
resources in that area. The United Kingdom has issued a
guarantee to Ian Smith that Britain will never lift a finger
against the Europeans out there. It is evident that the
sanctions can be effective only if they are applied to both
South Africa and Portugal and are scrupulously observed by
all Members of this august body.
150. The situation in Rhodesia has reached a crucial point.
Smith is on the threshold of declaring the colony of
Rhodesia a republic for the 400,000 Europeans, and will
soon start lobbying for a seat for the representation of
those Europeans in this very Assembly. My Government
insists that the principle of “No independence before
majority rule” should be adhered to and implemented. We
continue to hold Britain legally, morally and politically
responsible for the fate of the 4,410,000 African people in
Zimbabwe. We believe that there is still an opportunity for
Britain, as the administering colonial Power, to take the
necessary action and to translate its de jure authority into a
living reality. It has done that in other parts of Africa; why
not in Rhodesia?
151. Portugal, through its outmoded colonialism, stubbornly
persists in calling the territories of Angola, Mozambique
and Guinea (Bissau) its overseas provinces. This is a
fiction to hoodwink the world by pretentious claims to
what is, and will always remain, an integral part of Africa.
Portugal on its own has proved unable to maintain peace in
those territories, let alone develop them. After all, why is it
that the 13 million inhabitants of Angola, Mozambique and
Guinea (Bissau) are not here with us today as Members of
this Organization? The obvious answer is that the NATO
countries are in collusion with Portugal to barter African
freedom and the right of self-determination for short-lived
economic benefits.
152. We appeal to Portugal and its NATO allies to cease
suppressing and frustrating the African struggle for independence
in human dignity and to set Angola, Mozambique
and Guinea (Bissau) free.
153. In this regard, and as a manifestation of the goodwill
of the African States, the Organization of African Unity, at
its sixth session, recently adopted the Lusaka Manifesto
on Southern Africa, to promote liberation and co-operation
in southern Africa. It is our ardent hope therefore that that
historic manifesto will inspire Portugal, South Africa and
their allies to work for freedom and dignity not only in
southern Africa but throughout the world.
154. I should like to turn to the Middle East, an area
which is currently trapped in a cycle of human conflict and
suffering. Our contacts with this area date from ancient
times. It is therefore out of a sense of deep sadness that we
see the spectacle of great fierce fighting engulfing our
friends there.
155. Commendable peace efforts have been initiated since
the war of June 1967. The Security Council adopted the
resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)], which was
intended to be actually a basis of settlement. It is most
disappointing that the resolution has not been implemented.
The Jarring mission, which was entrusted to bring
a dialogue, peace and conciliation to the Middle East, has
not achieved any concrete results. The talks between the
“big four” Powers in New York, and all the other efforts,
though covering important ground, have not been successful.
The policy of the Government of Kenya remains
unchanged: the achievement of a peaceful settlement on
the basis of the Security Council resolution of 22 November
1967. Kenya welcomes any constructive effort intended.
to bring about immediate peace and stability in the Middle East.
156. As regards Viet-Nam, my Government’s policy
equally remains one of negotiated political settlement
under which, without external interference, the people of
Viet-Nam as a whole would determine their destiny.
Although there are some hopeful developments, like the
Paris peace talks and the phased withdrawal of troops from
the theatre of war, heavy fighting and human suffering
continue. My delegation believes that this withdrawal of
troops is a constructive effort towards peace and it hopes
that such efforts will be pursued and continued until lasting
peace is restored to Viet-Nam.
157. It is indeed disturbing to realize that although this
international body is just about to celebrate its twenty-fifth
anniversary, we have not even begun to disarm. All the
measures that have so far been taken appear to be designed
to freeze an existing situation—that is, to maintain the
status quo in the level of armaments. An important aspect
of this “freezing” stage of disarmament is the cessation of
underground nuclear tests. This would be a major step in
slowing the arms race. In this regard my delegation would
like to pay special tribute to the determined and sustained
efforts of the Government of Sweden in seeking an
honourable and acceptable formula that would permit the
cessation of underground testing. The indication of
co-operation by the Governments of the United States, the
Soviet Union and the United Kingdom in the exchange of
seismic data is a significant step forward. We appeal to the
big Powers to re-examine their attitude so that a comprehensive
test-ban treaty may be concluded during the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations.
158. Needless to say, the United Nations Development
Programme has been an important channel of international
co-operation. We in Kenya should like to register our
appreciation of the assistance we have received and are still
receiving under this Programme; and in response to the
Secretary-General’s appeal, the Kenya Government has
decided to increase its annual contribution to the United
Nations Development Programme.
159. On the question of relationships between some
United Nations bodies concerned with economic development,
I should like to say that when the Economic
Commission for Africa was established in 1958, the
majority of African: countries were still colonial and thus
could not contribute substantially concerning decisions
which affected their economic destiny. Today, the majority
of African States are free and would like to feel that the
Economic Commission for Africa is given the respect and
recognition it deserves. Since the whole United Nations
family of organizations is working towards the same goal,
the highest premium should be attached to consultation
and co-operation within the family.
160. The Economic Commission for Africa has now come
of age. It possesses an accumulation of specialized knowledge
of the material and human problems of the African
region which should, we feel, be fully utilized. The scope of
its activity, as presently constituted, is indeed limited.
Kenya therefore supports the proposal for the designation
of the Commission as a participating and executing agency
for certain UNDP activities.
161. Like other Governments, we recognize that the
development of our country is primarily the responsibility
of our people. We shall be the principal beneficiaries and, in
the long run, we must expect to bear the greater part of the
burden. Hence our heavy reliance on self-help schemes. In
order to close the gap between ourselves and the rich
countries, we shall need more than words from the
developed countries, whose response has been slow in
coming.
162. In spite of the recommendations of the second
session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development, the flow of financial resources from the
rich countries has not increased. The minimum target of
1 per cent of gross national product to be transferred to the
poor countries remains largely a mirage, in spite of
increased gross national product in developed countries. Of
equal importance is the question of better terms and
conditions for the transfer of finance, for unfavourable
terms could very easily cancel out any apparent increase in
the volume of finance transferred. Unless we all change our
attitude, the outlook for the transfer of financial resources
is anything but encouraging.
163. “Trade not aid” has been a popular slogan for quite a
while, and we from the developing countries have placed
maximum emphasis on better trading opportunities since
the first session of UNCTAD. We have in the main pleaded
for easier access of primary commodities to markets of the
developed countries and, as assistance to our very young
industries, the granting of preferences, for imports of our
manufactured goods and processed agricultural products.
Actually, my delegation feels strongly that what the
developing countries need is both trade and aid.
164. With this in view, the question of synthetic substitutes
which have seriously affected the economy of
developing countries as producers of primary agricultural
commodities must be re-examined. Synthetics have been
growing in both number and quality and have become a
dangerous threat to producers of primary products, for
example synthetic cocoa, rubber, fibres, pyrethruim, etc.
For us in Kenya, the most immediate threat concerns sisal
and pyrethrum. We know that a wide range of products are
subject to extensive research in the sophisticated laboratories
of industrial countries. While not wishing to put a
brake on the march of science and technology, we feel that
it is incumbent upon us to call into question the great
extent of synthetic production. They not only hurt us; they
are beginning to strangle us and are gradually removing our
economic interdependence. My delegation, therefore,
appeals for a programme of international co-operation to be
instituted in order to accelerate the diversification of the
economies of the developing countries.
165. The time is now long overdue for reviewing the
structure, powers and procedures of the United Nations.
After 24 years, during which the membership of the United
Nations has more than doubled, it is necessary to review the
machinery and procedures for implementing the purposes
and principles of the Charter. Article 109 of the Charter in
fact provided for a general conference to review the Charter
after 10 years, but unfortunately this was never held. It
would indeed be fitting, as we celebrate the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the United Nations, that such a review
should be undertaken to see how the Charter could better
meet the hopes and aspirations of humanity in a rapidly
changing world. In this connexion, it is necessary that the
Statute of the International Court of Justice should also be
reviewed, particularly with a view to affording a fair and
equitable distribution of seats on the Court, if the Court is
to reflect correctly an over-all juridical point of view.
166. I wish to reiterate the faith of the Government and
people of Kenya in the United Nations. Though admittedly
not perfect, it does represent mankind’s only hope and
opportunity to evolve an international order based on
peace, co-operation and justice. As we prepare to enter the
twenty-fifth year, let us all rededicate ourselves to true
allegiance to the United Nations Charter and all that it
symbolizes for mankind.
167. I should like to conclude by saying that we should
collectively appeal to the Governments of South Africa and
Portugal, as we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the
United Nations, to come with us as trusted Members and
not as enemies of the very justice that we are fighting for.